Explorations in the Phonological Reconstruction of Proto-Qiandong-Hmongic Onsets
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De Sousa Sinitic MSEA
THE FAR SOUTHERN SINITIC LANGUAGES AS PART OF MAINLAND SOUTHEAST ASIA (DRAFT: for MPI MSEA workshop. 21st November 2012 version.) Hilário de Sousa ERC project SINOTYPE — École des hautes études en sciences sociales [email protected]; [email protected] Within the Mainland Southeast Asian (MSEA) linguistic area (e.g. Matisoff 2003; Bisang 2006; Enfield 2005, 2011), some languages are said to be in the core of the language area, while others are said to be periphery. In the core are Mon-Khmer languages like Vietnamese and Khmer, and Kra-Dai languages like Lao and Thai. The core languages generally have: – Lexical tonal and/or phonational contrasts (except that most Khmer dialects lost their phonational contrasts; languages which are primarily tonal often have five or more tonemes); – Analytic morphological profile with many sesquisyllabic or monosyllabic words; – Strong left-headedness, including prepositions and SVO word order. The Sino-Tibetan languages, like Burmese and Mandarin, are said to be periphery to the MSEA linguistic area. The periphery languages have fewer traits that are typical to MSEA. For instance, Burmese is SOV and right-headed in general, but it has some left-headed traits like post-nominal adjectives (‘stative verbs’) and numerals. Mandarin is SVO and has prepositions, but it is otherwise strongly right-headed. These two languages also have fewer lexical tones. This paper aims at discussing some of the phonological and word order typological traits amongst the Sinitic languages, and comparing them with the MSEA typological canon. While none of the Sinitic languages could be considered to be in the core of the MSEA language area, the Far Southern Sinitic languages, namely Yuè, Pínghuà, the Sinitic dialects of Hǎinán and Léizhōu, and perhaps also Hakka in Guǎngdōng (largely corresponding to Chappell (2012, in press)’s ‘Southern Zone’) are less ‘fringe’ than the other Sinitic languages from the point of view of the MSEA linguistic area. -
An Examination of Oral Articulation of Vowel Nasality in the Light of the Independent Effects of Nasalization on Vowel Quality
DOI: 10.17469/O2104AISV000002 CHRISTOPHER CARIGNAN An examination of oral articulation of vowel nasality in the light of the independent effects of nasalization on vowel quality In this paper, a summary is given of an experimental technique to address a known issue in research on the independent effects of nasalization on vowel acoustics: given that the separate transfer functions associated with the oral and nasal cavities are merged in the acoustic signal, the task of teasing apart the respective effects of the two cavities seems to be an intractable problem. The results obtained from the method reveal that the independent effects of nasal- ization on the acoustic vowel space are: F1-raising for high vowels, F1-lowering for non-high vowels, and F2-lowering for non-front vowels. The results from previous articulatory research performed by the author on the production of vowel nasality in French, Hindi, and English are discussed in the light of these independent effects of nasalization on vowel quality. Keywords: vowel nasality, vowel quality, articulation, acoustics, sound change. 1. Introduction A traditional characterization of vowel nasality adopts a seemingly binary classification of vowel sounds based on the relative height of the velum: nasal vowels are produced with a low velum position (and, thus, air radiation from both the oral and nasal cavities), where- as oral vowels are produced with a high velum position (and, thus, air radiation from the oral cavity alone). While it is unquestionably true that nasal vowels are produced with a lowered velum, this traditional characterization carries an implicit assumption about the state of the oral cavity for the production of a nasal vowel, i.e., that the nasal vowel maintains the same articulatory characteristics as its non-nasal counterpart in all aspects except for the height of the velum. -
On the Anatomy of a Chain Shift1 DANIEL A
J. Linguistics, Page 1 of 25. f Cambridge University Press 2010 doi:10.1017/S0022226710000368 On the anatomy of a chain shift1 DANIEL A. DINNSEN, CHRISTOPHER R. GREEN, JUDITH A. GIERUT & MICHELE L. MORRISETTE Indiana University (Received 4 September 2009; revised 28 April 2010) Phonological chain shifts have been the focus of many theoretical, developmental, and clinical concerns. This paper considers an overlooked property of the problem by focusing on the typological properties of the widely attested ‘s>h>f’ chain shift involving the processes of Labialization and Dentalization in early phonological development. Findings are reported from a cross-sectional study of 234 children (ages 3 years; 0 months–7;9) with functional (nonorganic) phonological delays. The results reveal some unexpected gaps in the predicted interactions of these processes and are brought to bear on the evaluation of recent optimality theoretic proposals for the characterization of phonological interactions. A developmental modification to the theory is proposed that has the desired effect of precluding certain early-stage grammars. The proposal is further evaluated against the facts of another widely cited developmental chain shift known as the ‘puzzle>puddle>pickle’ problem (Smith 1973). 1. I NTRODUCTION A common phenomenon in both first- and second-language acquisition and in fully-developed languages is for phonological processes to participate in a chain shift (e.g. Moreton & Smolensky 2002, Jesney 2005, Dinnsen 2008b). Chain shifts typically involve two phonological processes that interact in such a way that they result in an opaque generalization (i.e. one that is not surface-true). This phenomenon has generated much discussion and contro- versy in the theoretical, developmental, and clinical literature over the years and has raised questions about the very nature of chain shifts. -
Hmong-Mien Languages - Linguistics - Oxford Bibliographies
Hmong-Mien Languages - Linguistics - Oxford Bibliographies http://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-97801997... Hmong-Mien Languages David Mortensen LAST MODIFIED: 13 JANUARY 2014 DOI: 10.1093/OBO/9780199772810-0173 Introduction Hmong-Mien is a compact language family of East and Southeast Asia. Its speakers are found primarily in southern China and the northern highlands of Vietnam, Thailand, Laos, and Myanmar (Burma). Most speakers of Hmong-Mien languages belong to the so-called Miao and Yao ethnicities (or nationalities). Due to geopolitical circumstances, many speakers of two Hmong-Mien languages from Laos—Hmong and Iu Mien—emigrated to Western countries (the United States, Canada, Australia, Argentina, France, French Guyana, and Germany) between 1970 and 1998, leading to the current worldwide distribution of this language family. Hmong-Mien has two primary branches: Hmongic and Mienic. Hmongic is larger (in terms of number of speakers) and has greater internal diversity. It has also been the focus of more efforts at documentation. As a result, more literature is available on Hmongic languages than Mienic languages. This bibliography represents an attempt to include as many resources on Mienic as possible but nevertheless reflects this fundamental imbalance in sources. General Overviews There are several useful overviews of Hmong-Mien languages, all of which are either lamentably brief or not available in English. An early overview that still may be useful is given in Strecker 1987. Hmong-Mien studies have developed considerably since this article was published, particularly with regard to the classification of Ho Ne (Ho Nte or She), but Strecker 1987 still provides a useful guide to the terminology used for major language varieties in Hmong-Mien. -
Chain Shifts in First Language Acquisition
CHAIN SHIFTS IN FIRST LANGUAGE ACQUISITION MASTER’S THESIS BY FRANSIEN WALTON MASTER’S PROGRAMME TAAL, MENS EN MAATSCHAPPIJ TAALWETENSCHAP UNIVERSITY OF UTRECHT STUDENT NUMBER 0419273 SUPERVISOR PROF. DR. RENÉ KAGER SECOND READER PROF. DR. WIM ZONNEVELD 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE PREFACE 5 1. INTRODUCTION 7 2. PREVIOUS RESEARCH 14 2.1 EARLY GENERATIVE GRAMMAR 15 2.1.1 SMITH (1973) 17 2.1.2 MACKEN (1980) 19 2.2 OPTIMALITY THEORY 21 2.2.1 INTRODUCTION TO OPTIMALITY THEORY 21 2.2.2 CHAIN SHIFTS IN OPTIMALITY THEORY 26 2.2.3 LOCAL CONSTRAINT CONJUNCTION 28 2.2.4 FAITHFULNESS TO INPUT PROMINENCE 39 2.2.5 OPTIMALITY THEORY WITH CANDIDATE CHAINS 52 2.2.6 UNDERSPECIFIED UNDERLYING REPRESENTATIONS 58 2.3 CONCLUSION 62 3. A NEW PROPOSAL 65 3.1 INDEPENDENT PROCESSES 68 3.2 ARTICULATORY DIFFICULTIES 70 3.3 UNDERLYING REPRESENTATIONS 74 3.4 MISPERCEPTION 79 3.5 PREDICTIONS REVISITED 83 3.6 CONCLUSION 86 4. DISCUSSION 88 5. CONCLUSION 103 REFERENCES 105 3 4 PREFACE The idea for this thesis originated in the course Phonological Acquisition taught by René Kager. I read the article On the characterization of a chain shift in normal and delayed phonological acquisition by Daniel Dinnsen and Jessica Barlow (1998) and was intrigued by the phenomenon. After I started reading more on the subject, I became increasingly unhappy with the proposed analyses in the literature and decided to dive deeper into the matter. The result is this thesis. I would like to thank René for his useful comments, critical questions and positive feedback. -
Toward a Unified Theory of Chain Shifting
OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF – FIRST-PROOF, 04/29/12, NEWGEN !"#$%&' () TOWARD A UNIFIED THEORY OF CHAIN SHIFTING *#'+, -. ./,0/, !. I"#$%&'(#)%" Chain shifts play a major role in understanding the phonological history of English—from the prehistoric chain shift of Grimm’s Law that separates the Germanic languages from the rest of Indo-European, to the Great Vowel Shift that is often taken to define the boundary between Middle English and Early Modern English, to the ongoing chain shifts in Present-Day English that are used to estab- lish the geographical boundaries between dialect regions. A chain shift may be defined as a set of phonetic changes affecting a group of phonemes so that as one phoneme moves in phonetic space, another phoneme moves toward the phonetic position the first is abandoning; a third may move toward the original position of the second, and (perhaps) so on. Martinet (12(3) introduced the argument that chain shifts are caused by a need for phonemes to maintain margins of security between each other—so if a phoneme has more phonetic space on one side of it than on others, random phonetic variation will cause it to move toward the free space but not back toward the margins of security of phonemes on the other side. Labov (3414: chapter 5) gives a lucid exposition of the cognitive and phonetic argu- ments underlying this account of chain shifting. Despite their value as a descriptive device for the history of English, however, the ontological status of chain shifts themselves is a matter of some doubt. Is a 559_Nevalainen_Ch58.indd9_Nevalainen_Ch58.indd -
Introduction: Constraints in Phonological Acquisition
1 Introduction: constraints in phonological acquisition René Kager, Joe Paten and Wim Zonneveld This volume presents ten studies in phonological first languageacquisition, an area of research that has become one of fast-growing importance in recent years. The reason for this is not just the fruitfulness and linguistic interest of this type of study per se: it is also thecase that the more we come to know about phonological development, by the analysis of growingnumbers of data collections and increasingly sophisticated experiments, themore the field has complied with the notion that acquisition research liesat the heart of the modern study of language. One of the aims of this introductionis to illustrate and discuss these developments. In line with them, thepast decade in phonology in particular has witnessed an upswell of productiveinteraction between empirical acquisition research and theory development. With thearrival and rise of constraint-based models, in particular Prince and Smolensky's(1993) Optimality Theory, phonological theory now providesa framework that meets the desiderata expressed more than two decadesago by Lise Menn (1980: 35-36), who is also a contributor to this volume: () ... The child'slonguetiedness',that overwhelming reality which Stampe and Jakobson both tried to capture with their respective formal structures, could be handled more felicitously if one represented the heavy articulatory limitations of the child by the formal device of output constraints I...1The child's gradual mastery of articulation then is formalized as a relaxation of those constraints. The rapid emergence of acquisition studies within OptimalityTheory reflects the general suitability of constraints for the formalisation ofdevelopmental limitations, as well as the usefulness of constraint ranking for expressingthe relaxation of these limitations. -
The Development of the Finish Morphemes in the Yue-Chinese and the Zhuang Languages in the Guangxi Region
Copyright Warning Use of this thesis/dissertation/project is for the purpose of private study or scholarly research only. Users must comply with the Copyright Ordinance. Anyone who consults this thesis/dissertation/project is understood to recognise that its copyright rests with its author and that no part of it may be reproduced without the author’s prior written consent. SYNCHRONIC VARIATION, GRAMMATICALIZATION AND LANGUAGE CONTACT: THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE FINISH MORPHEMES IN THE YUE-CHINESE AND THE ZHUANG LANGUAGES IN THE GUANGXI REGION HUANG YANG DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY CITY UNIVERSITY OF HONG KONG AUGUST 2014 CITY UNIVERSITY OF HONG KONG 香港城市大學 Synchronic Variation, Grammaticalization and Language Contact: the Development of the FINISH Morphemes in the Yue-Chinese and the Zhuang Languages in the Guangxi Region 共時變異、語法化和語言接觸: 論南寧粵語及壯語中「完畢」語素的演變 Submitted to Department of Chinese and History 中文及歷史學系 in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 哲學博士學位 by Huang Yang 黃陽 August 2014 二零一四年八月 Abstract Language change is simply a fact of life; it cannot be prevented or avoided (Campbell 2013: 3). When asked to identify the causes of language change, historical linguists usually give us internal explanations (Lass 1997: 209), while contact linguists specifically focus on external factors such as borrowing, interference, metatypy and others (Weinreich 1963, Ross 1999, Thomason 2001). Among these external factors, the contact-induced grammaticalization theory pioneered by Heine & Kuteva (2003, 2005) is particularly well-suited to explain the grammatical changes undergone by the languages in South China (F. Wu 2009a, Kwok 2010, D. Qin 2012, Y. Huang & Kwok 2013, Kwok et al. -
SEAP Hmong-Mien Language Classification Strecker
LINGUISTICS OF THE TIBETO-BURMAN AREA VOWME 10:2 - FALL 1987 The Hmong-Mien Languages David strecker The Hmong-Mien family, which is also called the Miao-Yao family, is one of the major language stocks of Southeast Asia. Most of the languages of the family are spoken in southwestern China, but several languages are spoken in the northern por tions of Vietnam, Laos, Thailand, and Burma. A detailed understanding of the family first became available to linguists as a result of the dialect surveys and descriptive linguistic work undertaken in China after the Liberation. More recently, the Indochinese war forced thousands of speakers of Hmong-Mien languages from Laos to resettle in Australia, Europe, and the Americas, so that a number of linguists outside of China and Southeast Asia have now become active Hmong-Mienists. The present collection includes the work of several of these scholars. Even today some linguists who are not specialists in these languages tend to think of Hmong-Mien as a small and obscure group, comprising just two languages. "Miao" and "Yao". In fact, Hmong-Mien comprises some two dozen major subgroups which are sufficiently different from one another to be mutually unintelligible. Within several of these sub groups there exist further subdivisions showing marked dif ferences in vocabulary and" phonology and considered by their speakers to be separate languages, despite some degree of mutual intellibibility. It is probably closer to the mark to say that there are between )0 and 40 Hmong-Mien languages. The various subgroups of Hmong-Mien can be grouped in three major branches: Hmongic Ho Nte Mienic Mienic, also called Yao, is a fairly close-knit group comprising six languages as shown in figure 2. -
Complete Paper
The Scope of Stop Weakening in Argentine Spanish Laura Colantoni and Irina Marinescu University of Toronto 1. Approaches to weakening or lenition Recent experimental studies have documented the weakening of both voiceless (e.g. Lewis, 2000: 2001) and voiced Spanish stops in intervocalic position (e.g. Cole, Hualde & Iskarous, 1999; Ortega- Llebaria, 2004). In addition, synchronic and diachronic studies have repeatedly proposed the existence of a correlation between weakening of voiced and voiceless stops (e.g. Lloyd, 1993). However, very few studies have systematically analyzed both weakening processes in the same variety (Lavoie, 2001), and even fewer have presented experimental evidence demonstrating the existence of such a correlation. In this paper, we analyze the status of both processes in Argentine Spanish in order to motivate hypotheses that would account for diachronic changes in Spanish as well as in other Romance languages. In particular, we evaluate three competing approaches to lenition. The first approach, henceforth Hypothesis A, predicts a positive correlation between an increasing rate of approximantization and deletion of voiced stops and increasing voicing of voiceless stops across places of articulation (e.g. Martinet, 1952; Lloyd, 1993; Wireback, 1997). This approach, which is basically diachronic in nature, sees lenition as a stage towards deletion. The second approach, or the effort-based hypothesis – Hypothesis B -, (Kirchner, 2004; Blevins, 2004) analyzes lenition as effort reduction. As such lenition involves a decrease in the degree of constriction of a given gesture as well as a decrease in duration. Thus, this approach predicts that more effortful gestures should lenite more than less effortful ones, and that the degree of lenition should be affected by the vocalic context. -
Tonal Chain-Shifts As Anti-Neutralization-Induced Tone Sandhi
University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics Volume 11 Issue 1 Article 9 2005 Tonal chain-shifts as anti-neutralization-induced tone sandhi FENG-FAN HSIEH Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl Recommended Citation HSIEH, FENG-FAN (2005) "Tonal chain-shifts as anti-neutralization-induced tone sandhi," University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: Vol. 11 : Iss. 1 , Article 9. Available at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol11/iss1/9 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol11/iss1/9 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Tonal chain-shifts as anti-neutralization-induced tone sandhi This working paper is available in University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol11/iss1/9 Tonal Chain-Shifts as Anti-Neutralization-Induced Tone Sandhi Feng-fan Hsieh* 1 Introduction This paper proposes that certain attested instances of tone sandhi arc not driven by well-formedness conditions, e.g. tonal chain-shifts found in Southern Min (SM), a language group in the Min branch of Stnitic languages, in particular, Coastal Taiwanese (CT) and Mainstream Taiwanese (MT; the famous "tone circle"). As extensively discussed in the literature, SM tonal chain-shifts arc notorious in that (i) the alternations often have no phonotac- tic motivations, (ii) the alternations are not always predictable, and (iii) the chain-shifts may be circular, e.g. A —♦ B —• A. Circular chain shifts cannot be handled in Classical OT, as Morcton (1999) has convincingly argued. Therefore, there is a general consensus that SM tone sandhi rules are arbi trary and idiosyncratic. -
Trask's Historical Linguistics
Trask’s Historical Linguistics Trask’s Historical Linguistics, Third Edition, is an accessible introduction to historical linguistics – the study of language change over time. This engaging book is illustrated with language examples from all six continents, and covers the fundamental concepts of language change, methods for historical linguistics, linguistic reconstruction, sociolinguistic aspects of language change, language contact, the birth and death of languages, language and prehistory and the issue of very remote relations. This third edition of the renowned Trask’s Historical Linguistics is fully revised and updated and covers the most recent developments in historical linguistics, including: ᭹ more detail on morphological change including cutting-edge discussions of iconization ᭹ coverage of recent developments in sociolinguistic explanations of variation and change ᭹ new case studies focusing on Germanic languages and American and New Zealand English, and updated exercises covering each of the topics within the book ᭹ a brand new companion website featuring material for both professors and students, including discussion questions and exercises as well as discussions of the exercises within the book. Trask’s Historical Linguistics is essential reading for all students of language, linguistics and related disciplines. The accompanying website can be found at www.routledge.com/cw/trask Robert McColl Millar is Professor in Linguistics and Scottish Language at the University of Aberdeen. His most recent books include English Historical Sociolinguistics (2012) and (with William Barras and Lisa Marie Bonnici) Lexical Variation and Attrition in the Scottish Fishing Communities (2014). Larry Trask was Professor of Linguistics at the University of Sussex and an authority on Basque language and historical linguistics.