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Reinterpreting Serbiaâ•Žs Past TITLE: REINTERPRETING SERBIA'S PAST: THE CHALLENGE OF UNDERSTANDING THE HISTORY OF A CHOSEN PEOPLE AUTHOR: THOMAS A. EMMERT, Gustavus Adolphus College THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR EURASIAN AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARCH TITLE VIII PROGRAM 1755 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20036 LEGAL NOTICE The Government of the District of Columbia has certified an amendment of the Articles of Incorporation of the National Council for Soviet and East European Research changing the name of the Corporation to THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR EURASIAN AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARCH, effective on June 9, 1997. Grants, contracts and all other legal engagements of and with the Corporation made under its former name are unaffected and remain in force unless/until modified in writing by the parties thereto. PROJECT INFORMATION:1 CONTRACTOR: Gustavus Adolphus College PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR: Thomas A. Emmert COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER: 81 1 -26 DATE: February 23, 1998 COPYRIGHT INFORMATION Individual researchers retain the copyright on their work products derived from research funded by contract with the National Council for Eurasian and East European Research. However, the Council and the United States Government have the right to duplicate and disseminate, in written and electronic form, this Report submitted to the Council under this Contract, as follows: Such dissemination may be made by the Council solely (a) for its own internal use, and (b) to the United States Government (1) for its own internal use; (2) for further dissemination to domestic, international and foreign governments, entities and individuals to serve official United States Government purposes; and (3) for dissemination in accordance with the Freedom of Information Act or other law or policy of the United States Government granting the public rights of access to documents held by the United States Government. Neither the Council, nor the United States Government, nor any recipient of this Report by reason of such dissemination, may use this Report for commercial sale. The work leading to this report was supported in part by contract funds provided by the National Council for Eurasian and East European Research, made available by the U. S. Department of State under Title VIII (the Soviet-Eastern European Research and Training Act of 1983, as amended). The analysis and interpretations contained in the report are those of the author(s). Executive Summary For centuries the Serbs have been strengthened and challenged by their sense of history and their belief that they are a chosen people of God. This consciousness has sustained them during long periods of oppression and inspired them to sacrifice both for themselves and for others. Their courage won them the admiration of much of the world, particularly during the world wars of the twentieth century. In recent years, however, Serb leaders have manipulated the nation's myths to lead their people down a very different path. They have asked the people to sacrifice everything for a goal that actually betrays the legacy of their rich past. The result is the destruction of the multinational state of Yugoslavia, the death of tens of thousands, an impoverished Serbia, a tragically demoralized people, and the loss of the world's respect. None of this, however, makes most Serbs accept their responsibility for what has happened in the Balkans in the last six years. They are harmed as much by their own fixed ideas about themselves and their history as they are by unexamined stereotypes trumpeted about them by many on the outside. In order to move beyond the current tragedy and stalemate in the former Yugoslavia everyone-Serbs included-needs to look critically and objectively at the Serbs, their history, and their myths. It is important for policy makers on the outside to understand Serbia's pride in a centuries-long tradition in order to see the current crisis from their perspective and to offer some empathy for what the Serbs are experiencing today. It is equally important for Serbs to move beyond their sense of obligation to the past, their fixation on themselves as victims, and their myopic vision of the world in which Serbian values and historical perspectives are projected as normative for themselves and others. The healing depends on it. The Serbs' view of themselves and their long history is dominated by one myth in particular which emerged in the late medieval period as the Serbian state collapsed and the Serbs fell under the control of the Ottoman Turks. They came to interpret a battle with the Turks on the Serbian plain of Kosovo in 1389 as their nation's Golgotha. It was there that they lost their prince and much of the Serb aristocracy. Eventually falling under complete Turkish control, the Serbs developed a cult of the struggle on Kosovo in which they viewed themselves as a chosen people of God who would now be tested by their own Babylonian captivity. They saw themselves as martyrs and victims and promised from one generation to the next to avenge Kosovo and liberate all Serbs from oppression. This idea sustained them through five centuries of Ottoman rule and inspired them in the nineteenth century to great acts of bravery in the struggle for independence. Having finally achieved an independent Serbian state in 1878, Serbs began to look beyond the narrow confines of Serbia to the liberation of other Serbs in neighboring Ottoman and Austrian lands. Their great sacrifices and success in the nineteenth century and the incredible suffering they experienced in World War I led them to believe again that history had bestowed on them a particular right and responsibility in the Balkans. A Serb-controlled Yugoslavia, created in 1918, was their reward; and they believed that it was only natural to expect the gratitude and cooperation of the other South Slavs. That gratitude never came, however, and it seemed impossible for the Serbs to empathize with the perspectives of other national groups in the state of Yugoslavia. Ultimately, the lack of toleration and cooperation among the Yugoslavs led to a brutal civil war during World War II in which the Serbs suffered an attempt to eliminate them from Croatian and Bosnian territory. Within time the relative successes and prosperity of the second Yugoslavia under Marshall Tito following World War II seemed to help all Yugoslavs put the animosities and difficulties of the first half of the century behind them. Serbs looked forward to a brighter future; and for a few years it appeared that their old myths and perceptions had lost their power. Sadly, however, the decade of the 1980s signaled the revival of Serb nationalism. The death of Tito, economic decline, and the development of serious tensions in the province of Kosovo led increasing numbers of Serb intellectuals and political figures to sound the national alarm and to resurrect old myths as a shield for the defense of Serbian national interests. Serbia found a new leader in Slobodan Milosevic who convinced his people that they were a special people at the dawn of a new history. In the beginning he found plenty of true believers who were certain that they had been given the responsibility to bring a final solution to their long history of oppression and martyrdom. Tragically, by manipulating Serbian history for their own selfish political interests, Milosevic and his circle helped to destroy Yugoslavia. Today Serbia is isolated in the world and its people are disillusioned with what has happened to them. A long campaign last winter to bring democracy to the land and to remove Milosevic has failed. Many of its best educated citizens have fled the homeland, and yet those who remain still believe that their cause was right in spite of the misery it has brought them. Serbia needs help to move forward, to embrace democracy, and to eschew the excesses of their narrow national perspective. It has to face the challenge of freeing itself from the burden of its long past. A clear understanding of that past and a sensitivity to what is most positive in it are needed by those in the international community who work with the Serbs to effect a meaningful peace in the Balkans. We may have to wait for another generation of Serbs to find the real courage to move confidently into the future and integrate themselves into the European community; but stability in the Balkans demands that the first steps be made now. 11 REINTERPRETING SERBIA'S PAST: THE AUDACIOUS CHALLENGE OF UNDERSTANDING THE HISTORY OF A CHOSEN PEOPLE THOMAS A. EMMERT Gustavus Adolphus College July 1997 More than a year after a relative peace has been established in the lands of the former Yugoslavia it would seem a propitious time to take a fresh look at the history of Serbia. Certainly the war in the Balkans stimulated a great interest in the Serbs, although unfortunately it also offered many people their first significant introduction to Serbia and the Serbs. As introductions go it was not a positive experience. The Serbs and their leaders were branded as the aggressors in a conflict that destroyed Yugoslavia, devastated the lives of millions, and exhibited a level of violence that Europe had not seen since the holocaust. In a modern world, which demands quick answers to complex problems, all of the Serbs were painted as pariahs with the same broad brush. Their opponents and some western observers were certain that explanations for the violence were readily apparent in Serbian history and culture, and yet by the end of the war few had done much to advance a broader understanding of Serbia and Serbian history. In the last years of the twentieth century and after years of a brutal civil conflict which inspired an extraordinary number of new publications about the war and the region, it is not clear that the world is markedly less ignorant of the history of the peoples of the troubled Balkans.
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