Meet the Chief Judge of the Nation's Most Divisive, Controversial and Conservative Appeals Court
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Angry Judges
Angry Judges Terry A. Maroney* Abstract Judges get angry. Law, however, is of two minds as to whether they should; more importantly, it is of two minds as to whether judges’ anger should influence their behavior and decision making. On the one hand, anger is the quintessentially judicial emotion. It involves appraisal of wrongdoing, attribution of blame, and assignment of punishment—precisely what we ask of judges. On the other, anger is associated with aggression, impulsivity, and irrationality. Aristotle, through his concept of virtue, proposed reconciling this conflict by asking whether a person is angry at the right people, for the right reasons, and in the right way. Modern affective psychology, for its part, offers empirical tools with which to determine whether and when anger conforms to Aristotelian virtue. This Article weaves these strands together to propose a new model of judicial anger: that of the righteously angry judge. The righteously angry judge is angry for good reasons; experiences and expresses that anger in a well-regulated manner; and uses her anger to motivate and carry out the tasks within her delegated authority. Offering not only the first comprehensive descriptive account of judicial anger but also first theoretical model for how such anger ought to be evaluated, the Article demonstrates how judicial behavior and decision making can benefit by harnessing anger—the most common and potent judicial emotion—in service of righteousness. Introduction................................................................................................................................ -
Trump Judges: Even More Extreme Than Reagan and Bush Judges
Trump Judges: Even More Extreme Than Reagan and Bush Judges September 3, 2020 Executive Summary In June, President Donald Trump pledged to release a new short list of potential Supreme Court nominees by September 1, 2020, for his consideration should he be reelected in November. While Trump has not yet released such a list, it likely would include several people he has already picked for powerful lifetime seats on the federal courts of appeals. Trump appointees' records raise alarms about the extremism they would bring to the highest court in the United States – and the people he would put on the appellate bench if he is reelected to a second term. According to People For the American Way’s ongoing research, these judges (including those likely to be on Trump’s short list), have written or joined more than 100 opinions or dissents as of August 31 that are so far to the right that in nearly one out of every four cases we have reviewed, other Republican-appointed judges, including those on Trump’s previous Supreme Court short lists, have disagreed with them.1 Considering that every Republican president since Ronald Reagan has made a considerable effort to pick very conservative judges, the likelihood that Trump could elevate even more of his extreme judicial picks raises serious concerns. On issues including reproductive rights, voting rights, police violence, gun safety, consumer rights against corporations, and the environment, Trump judges have consistently sided with right-wing special interests over the American people – even measured against other Republican-appointed judges. Many of these cases concern majority rulings issued or joined by Trump judges. -
Chief Judges: the Limits of Attitudinal Theory and Possible Paradox of Managerial Judging
Vanderbilt Law Review Volume 61 Issue 1 Issue 1 - January 2008 Article 1 1-2008 Chief Judges: The Limits of Attitudinal Theory and Possible Paradox of Managerial Judging Tracey E. George Albert H. Yoon Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu/vlr Part of the Courts Commons Recommended Citation Tracey E. George and Albert H. Yoon, Chief Judges: The Limits of Attitudinal Theory and Possible Paradox of Managerial Judging, 61 Vanderbilt Law Review 1 (2008) Available at: https://scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu/vlr/vol61/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship@Vanderbilt Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Vanderbilt Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarship@Vanderbilt Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. VANDERBILT LAW REVIEW VOLUME 61 JANUARY 2008 NUMBER 1 Chief Judges: The Limits of Attitudinal Theory and Possible Paradox of Managerial Judging Tracey E. George* & Albert H. Yoon** I. INCENTIVES ON THE U.S. COURTS OF APPEALS .................... 9 A. The Attitudinal Model ............................................ 10 1. The Role of Policy Preferences in Votes on the Merits ...................... 11 2. The Role of Policy Preferences in Non-Merits Decisions .................................. 16 B. The Managerial Judging Model ............................. 19 II. LEADERSHIP ON THE LOWER FEDERAL COURTS ................ 20 A. The Creation and Selection of Chief Judges ............. 23 B. The Real and PotentialPower of Chief Judges ......... 28 1. The Chief Judge on a Panel ........................ 28 2. Formal Authority ........................................ 29 3. Informal Powers ......................................... 33 Professor of Law, Vanderbilt University. Professor of Law, Northwestern University. We presented this paper at the 2006 Law & Society Association Annual Meeting, the Second Annual Conference on Empirical Legal Studies, and at a Marquette University faculty workshop. -
Congressional Record United States Th of America PROCEEDINGS and DEBATES of the 115 CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION
E PL UR UM IB N U U S Congressional Record United States th of America PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 115 CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION Vol. 163 WASHINGTON, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 2, 2017 No. 178 Senate The Senate met at 9:30 a.m. and was firming President Trump’s outstanding GARDNER. When he introduced his called to order by the President pro nominations to the Federal courts. Al- former professor before the Judiciary tempore (Mr. HATCH). ready this week, we have confirmed Committee, Senator GARDNER noted f two strong, smart, and talented women how much she cared about ‘‘robust de- to serve on our Nation’s circuit courts. bates and hearing the views of others.’’ PRAYER Today we will consider two more well- ‘‘Justice Eid,’’ he said, ‘‘was open to The Chaplain, Dr. Barry C. Black, of- qualified nominees: Allison Eid and their views, engaging with them, and fered the following prayer: Stephanos Bibas. [was] never biased against different Let us pray. First, we will confirm Allison Eid, perspectives.’’ Eternal King, You are great and mar- whom the President has nominated to Later, Justice Eid was appointed to velous. Without Your wondrous deeds, serve on the U.S. Court of Appeals for serve as Colorado’s solicitor general our lawmakers, our Nation, and our the Tenth Circuit. Justice Eid has big and, in 2006, to the Colorado Supreme planet could not survive. Lord, let the shoes to fill in taking that seat—it be- Court. Two years later, 75 percent of nations You have made acknowledge came vacant when Neil Gorsuch as- Coloradans voted to retain her. -
Choosing the Judges Who Choose the President John C
Notre Dame Law School NDLScholarship Journal Articles Publications 2002 Choosing the Judges Who Choose the President John C. Nagle Notre Dame Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.nd.edu/law_faculty_scholarship Part of the Judges Commons Recommended Citation John C. Nagle, Choosing the Judges Who Choose the President, 30 Cap. U. L. Rev. 499 (2002). Available at: https://scholarship.law.nd.edu/law_faculty_scholarship/59 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Publications at NDLScholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of NDLScholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CHOOSING THE JUDGES WHO CHOOSE THE PRESIDENT JOHN COPELAND NAGLE* George W. Bush might not be the forty-third President of the United States but for the United States Supreme Court. Al Gore's own candidacy for the Presidency would have ended two weeks earlier had it not been for two decisions of the Florida Supreme Court. This unprecedented-albeit unsolicited'-judicial involvement in the election of the President provoked unimaginably hostile attacks upon both courts. Bush's supporters accused the Florida court of distorting state election law and ignoring federal statutory and constitutional requirements in an effort to facilitate the election of Gore. When the tables turned a few days later, Gore's supporters voiced the same charges. It was not a happy time to be a judge. These events occurred in the midst of a longstanding debate concerning the best method of choosing the individuals who will serve as judges. -
The Impoverished Idea of Circuit-Splitting, 48 Emory L.J
University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Law Faculty Publications School of Law 1995 The mpI overished Idea of Circuit-Splitting Carl W. Tobias University of Richmond, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/law-faculty-publications Part of the Courts Commons Recommended Citation Carl Tobias, The Impoverished Idea of Circuit-Splitting, 48 Emory L.J. 1357 (1995) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the School of Law at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Law Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE IMPOVERISHED IDEA OF CffiCUIT-SPLITTING Carl Tobias* A half-decade ago, the United States Congress considered and rejected controversial measures that would have split the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit into two courts.1 The proposed Ninth Cir cuit would have included Arizona, California and Nevada, while the new Twelfth Circuit would have encompassed Alaska, Hawaii, Idaho, Mon tana, Oregon, Washington, Guam, and the Northern Mariana Islands. Congress fully aired, particularly in hearings before the Senate Judiciary Committee, all of the issues that were salient to the Ninth Circuit's divi sion. Nevertheless, Congress ultimately refused to split the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals. Senators representing every state in the latest iteration of the projected Twelfth Circuit recently revived the idea by introducing Senate Bill 956, a proposal that closely resembles the measure debated by Congress in 1990.2 The new bill's sponsors contend that certain factors, principally the Ninth Circuit's substantial size and burgeoning docket, have now made division of the court imperative. -
June 30, 2017 the Honorable Charles Grassley, Chairman Committee On
June 30, 2017 The Honorable Charles Grassley, Chairman Committee on the Judiciary United States Senate Washington, DC 20510 The Honorable Dianne Feinstein, Ranking Member Committee on the Judiciary United States Senate Washington, DC 20510 Re: Nomination of Stephanos Bibas to the United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit Dear Chairman Grassley and Ranking Member Feinstein: We write to express our strong support for the nomination of Professor Stephanos Bibas to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit. We are a diverse group of law professors who represent a broad range of perspectives. We do not necessarily agree with the views or policies of the current administration. But we are united in our belief that Professor Bibas is superbly qualified to serve as a federal appellate judge, and we urge the Senate to confirm him. Professor Bibas’ credentials are impeccable. He was educated at Columbia University, Oxford University, and Yale Law School. He clerked for Justice Anthony Kennedy on the U.S. Supreme Court and Judge Patrick Higginbotham on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit. After working as an associate at a law firm and as a federal prosecutor, Professor Bibas began teaching. He has distinguished himself as a professor at the University of Iowa College of Law and at the University of Pennsylvania School of Law. While at the University of Pennsylvania he has also served as the Director of the Law School’s Supreme Court Clinic, and he has litigated a wide range of cases in that role. Professor Bibas is widely respected in academia both as a scholar and as a person. -
Choosing the Next Supreme Court Justice: an Empirical Ranking of Judicial Performance†
Choosing the Next Supreme Court Justice: † An Empirical Ranking of Judicial Performance Stephen Choi* ** Mitu Gulati † © 2004 Stephen Choi and Mitu Gulati. * Roger J. Traynor Professor, U.C. Berkeley Law School (Boalt Hall). ** Professor of Law, Georgetown University. Kindly e-mail comments to [email protected] and [email protected]. Erin Dengan, Édeanna Johnson-Chebbi, Margaret Rodgers, Rishi Sharma, Jennifer Dukart, and Alice Kuo provided research assistance. Kimberly Brickell deserves special thanks for her work. Aspects of this draft benefited from discussions with Alex Aleinikoff, Scott Baker, Lee Epstein, Tracey George, Prea Gulati, Vicki Jackson, Mike Klarman, Kim Krawiec, Kaleb Michaud, Un Kyung Park, Greg Mitchell, Jim Rossi, Ed Kitch, Paul Mahoney, Jim Ryan, Paul Stefan, George Triantis, Mark Seidenfeld, and Eric Talley. For comments on the draft itself, we are grateful to Michael Bailey, Suzette Baker, Bill Bratton, James Brudney, Steve Bundy, Brannon Denning, Phil Frickey, Michael Gerhardt, Steve Goldberg, Pauline Kim, Bill Marshall, Don Langevoort, Judith Resnik, Keith Sharfman, Steve Salop, Michael Seidman, Michael Solimine, Gerry Spann, Mark Tushnet, David Vladeck, Robin West, Arnold Zellner, Kathy Zeiler, Todd Zywicki and participants at workshops at Berkeley, Georgetown, Virginia, FSU, and UNC - Chapel Hill. Given the unusually large number of people who have e-mailed us with comments on this project, it is likely that there are some who we have inadvertently failed to thank. Our sincerest apologies to them. Disclosure: Funding for this project was provided entirely by our respective law schools. One of us was a law clerk to two of the judges in the sample: Samuel Alito of the Third Circuit and Sandra Lynch of the First Circuit. -
2020-2021 Supreme Court Preview: Biographies of 2020 Supreme Court Preview Panelists
William & Mary Law School William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository Supreme Court Preview Conferences, Events, and Lectures 9-11-2020 2020-2021 Supreme Court Preview: Biographies of 2020 Supreme Court Preview Panelists Institute of Bill of Rights Law at The College of William & Mary Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/preview Part of the Supreme Court of the United States Commons Repository Citation Institute of Bill of Rights Law at The College of William & Mary Law School, "2020-2021 Supreme Court Preview: Biographies of 2020 Supreme Court Preview Panelists" (2020). Supreme Court Preview. 295. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/preview/295 Copyright c 2020 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/preview Biographies of 2020 Supreme Court Preview Panelists law.wm.edu/academics/intellectuallife/researchcenters/ibrl/scp/2020/notebook/bios/index.php ROBERT BARNES - Washington Post Robert Barnes has spent most of his career at The Washington Post, as a reporter and editor. He joined the paper to cover politics in 1987, and has covered campaigns at the presidential, congressional and gubernatorial level. He served in various editing positions, including metropolitan editor, deputy national editor in charge of domestic issues and the Supreme Court, and national political editor. He returned to reporting to cover the Supreme Court in November 2006, and has done so since then, with a brief break to cover the conclusion of the 2008 presidential campaign. He covered the Supreme Court nominations of Sonia Sotomayor, Elena Kagan, Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh. -
In the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Louisiana
Case 2:09-cv-06299-WHA-DEK Document 49 Filed 07/08/10 Page 1 of 13 IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF LOUISIANA RHONDA DANOS, ) ) Plaintiff, ) v. ) ) CIVIL ACTION NO. 09-6299 EDITH JONES, Chief Judge, United States ) Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, ) JUDGE W. HAROLD ALBRITTON individually and in her official capacity as ) presiding officer of the Judicial Council of ) the Fifth Circuit, et al., ) ) Defendants. ) MEMORANDUM OPINION AND ORDER I. INTRODUCTION This cause is before the court on a Motion to Dismiss (Doc. #43), filed by the Defendants on May 19, 2010. The Plaintiff was given an opportunity to respond to the Motion and did so, and the Defendants, with the consent of the Plaintiff, sought and obtained permission of the court to file a Reply in support of their Motion. To aid in its understanding of the parties’ positions, the court held oral argument on the Motion to Dismiss on June 24, 2010. The Plaintiff, Rhonda Danos, filed a Complaint for Declaratory Judgment on September 15, 2009. The Defendants are the Judicial Council of the Fifth Circuit, Edith Jones, Carolyn Dineen King, Jerry E. Smith, W. Eugene Davis, Rhesa H. Barksdale, Edith Brown Clement, Priscilla Owen, Jennifer Walker Elrod, Leslie H. Southwick, Sarah Vance, Neal B. Biggers Jr., Louis G. Guirola, Sam R. Cummings, Hayden Head, and Fred Biery, all of whom are judges named individually and in their capacities as members of the Judicial Council of the Fifth Circuit. Case 2:09-cv-06299-WHA-DEK Document 49 Filed 07/08/10 Page 2 of 13 Danos seeks a Declaratory Judgment, reinstatement of her employment, back pay and benefits, and attorneys’ fees and costs. -
Double Agents: an Exploration of the Motivations of Court of Appeals Judges
DOUBLE AGENTS: AN EXPLORATION OF THE MOTIVATIONS OF COURT OF APPEALS JUDGES DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Kevin Matthew Scott, B.A., M.A. ***** The Ohio State University 2002 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Lawrence Baum, Advisor Professor Gregory Caldeira ____________________________ Professor Paul Allen Beck Professor Lawrence Baum, Advisor Department of Political Science UMI Number: 3081963 Copyright 2002 by Scott, Kevin Matthew All rights reserved. ________________________________________________________ UMI Microform 3081963 Copyright 2003 ProQuest Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ____________________________________________________________ ProQuest Information and Learning Company 300 North Zeeb Road PO Box 1346 Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1346 Copyright by Kevin Matthew Scott 2002 ABSTRACT Judges of the United States courts of appeals represent a unique class of American political actors. While their subordinate status to the Supreme Court might be expected to make them faithful agents of the Supreme Court, other components of their environment might be expected to counteract the pressure to execute the wishes of the Supreme Court. The broader question of the motivation of the court of appeals judges lies at the heart of this project. I argue that previous work on court of appeals judges has not devoted sufficient attention to the possible variety of goals of court of appeals judges and the means they use to accomplish those goals. Using reversal of court of appeals decisions by the Supreme Court, I subject to empirical test three competing explanations for the motivations of court of appeals judges. -
The Company They Keep: How Partisan
The Company They Keep: How Partisan Divisions Came to the Supreme Court Neal Devins, College of William and Mary Lawrence Baum, Ohio State University Table of Contents Chapter 1: Summary of Book and Argument 1 Chapter 2: The Supreme Court and Elites 21 Chapter 3: Elites, Ideology, and the Rise of the Modern Court 100 Chapter 4: The Court in a Polarized World 170 Chapter 5: Conclusions 240 Chapter 1 Summary of Book and Argument On September 12, 2005, Chief Justice nominee John Roberts told the Senate Judiciary Committee that “[n]obody ever went to a ball game to see the umpire. I will 1 remember that it’s my job to call balls and strikes and not to pitch or bat.” Notwithstanding Robert’s paean to judicial neutrality, then Senator Barack Obama voted against the Republican nominee. Although noting that Roberts was “absolutely . qualified,” Obama said that what mattered was the “5 percent of hard cases,” cases resolved not by adherence to legal rules but decided by “core concerns, one’s broader perspectives of how the world works, and the depth and breadth of one’s empathy.”2 But with all 55 Republicans backing Roberts, Democratic objections did not matter. Today, the dance between Roberts and Senate Democrats and Republicans seems so predictable that it now seems a given that there will be proclamations of neutrality by Supreme Court nominees and party line voting by Senators. Indeed, Senate Republicans blocked a vote on Obama Supreme Court pick Merrick Garland in 2016 so that (in the words of Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell) “the American people .