Unit the Chhattishgarh Struggle

UNIT THE CHHATTISHGARH STRUGGLE Structure 9.0 Aims and Purpose 9.1 Introduction 9.2 The Spread of the Movement 9.3 Women's Role within the Movement 9.3.1 Emergence of Mahila Mukti Morcha (MMM) 9.3.2 Position of Women within the Chhattisgarh Social Structure 9.3.3 Separate Women's Forum 9.3.4 l'he Achievements 9.4 MMM: The Problems 9.5 Concluding Remarks 9.6 Clarification of the Terms Used 9.7 Sonie Useful Readings 9.0 AIMS AND PURPOSE This unit deals with Chhattisgarh Mukti Morcha and the role of women therein. This unit would help you to: examine the nature and spread of the Chhattisgarh Movement; explain the role that women played within the movement; and narrate the emergence of Mahila Mukti Morcha. 9.1 INTRODUCTION This case study examines the role that women have played in the peoples' movement led by the Chhattisgarh Mukti Morcha. The movement itself began under the banner of the Chhattisgarh Mines Shramik Sangh (CMSS), a trade union of manual mine workers that became active in the iron ore mines of southern Durg district after the lifting of the internal emergency in 1977. In order to gain an appreciation of the role that women continue to play in the Chhattisgarh movement, it is necessary to examine the historical perspective for, despite new developments, the foundations laid by the parent struggle continue to influence the shape ofthings today. 1n this unit we have described in briefthe broad context in which the movement was initiated and thereafter explain the role played by women in this movement. Has this movement been a vehicle for women's empowerment? Let us first know the spread of this movement. 9.2 THE SPREAD OF THE MOVEMENT After 1984, and more particularly after 1987, the movement spread rapidly. Newer trade unions came up; the first of these was in the Rajnandgaon based Bengal Nagpur Cotton Mills, one of the oldest industries in the region. The mill was initially owned and operated by the Rajnandgaon Royal family, but changed hands several times before being taken up by the National Textile Corporation. The feudal practice of running the mill and disciplining the workers through 'goondas' continued through all these changes. In 1984, a move was made by the management to introduce a .. -. .. the majority of the workers being dissatisfied with these goondas, left the central trade Chhattishgarh Struggle union that they were members of until then. They came to the Dalli Rajhara mine workers for leadership. Since theirs was a textile industry, they joined the "Lal Hara" (red green) trade union as part of the Rajnandgaon Kapda Mazdoor Sangh. The belt along Durg and Raipur began to emerge as a major industrial belt from the time more or less that the Bhilai Steel Plant was set up. However, post 1985, this area was formerly integrated into the Raipur Industrial Development Area (RIDA) with industrial nodes at Jamul (Bhilai), Urla and Siltara (Raipur), Sarkanda (Bilaspur) and Tedesara (Rajnandgaon). This became a major project of the M.P. Industrial Development Corporation or Audyogik Kendra Vikas Nigam (AKVN). Under the package of incentives given to industry to attract investment to the RIDA (like tax holidays, subsidized electricity and water connections) the area quickly developed and a number of large, medium, and small industries came up in the region. Many of these were ancillary to Bhilai, and based themselves on the Bhilai Steel Plant's (BSP's) production line, like steel rerolling, and fabrication units. However, this spurt in industrialization was almost entirely in the private sector, and unlike the public sector Bhilai Steel Plant, even the bare constitutional and statutory rights were not provided to the workers. The area rapidly became industrialized with maximization profit, and exploiting the resources of the region and the workers. "Lal Hara" unions began to operate here after 1987, and grew rapidly in membership. The workers, the victims of the managements' hire and fire policies, long and ardous working hours, and job insecurity, welcomed the entry of the new organisation, which, although one, operated under various names like the Pragatisheel Engineering Shramik Sangh (PESS), the Chhattisgarh Chemical Mill Mazdoor Sangh, and the Chhattisgarh Shramik Sangh. The CMM (Chhattisgarh Mukti Morcha), an organisational platform that was initially used for the rural struggles, was expanded as an umbrella organisation to encompass all the small and big unions in the "Lal Hara" family. The new unions faced very severe repression from the industrialist and state forces. Many of the workers joining the new unions were victimized and retrenched from their jobs. In 1991, Shankar Guha Niyogi, the leader of the movement since 1977, was killed by an assassin. Many worker leaders were attacked physically, and in 1992, police firing on agitating workers killed 16 people. Today, many of the cases filed by the workers in the labour and industrial courts are still sub judice - the initial favourable verdicts of the district courts having been stayed by the industrialists going on appeal to higher courts. Women's participation has been a very major part of this phase of the movement. The organisational umbrella of the Mukti Morcha Manch (MMM) has been extended to all the new areas. The mass appeal to women remains strong. A very positive gain, and one that is often overlooked, has been the fact that there has been an enormous advancement in the democratic experience of a very large number of women. In Raipur and Bhilai, this has included women from the migrant north Indian communities (Bihar and UP) whose life experiences up to the time of their integration into the CMM fold had been very different. In the Urla industrial area, near Raipur, where there have been conscious attempts to settle Lal Hara worker bastis to recreate the community, this difference is clearly to be seen. Women are members of the mohalla development committees in these settlements, and their confidence and participation in community affairs, where none existed six years ago, is to be seen to be believed. And ultimately, this is the achievement of the MMM banner - the achievement of a socially accepted vision of a democratic society for a large number of people, where women are equal partners, in production, organisation and in social life. Think-It Over 1 Describe the emergence of the Chhattisgarh movement, especially after 1984. 9.3 WOMEN'S ROLE WITHIN THE MOVEMENT Women's involvement has always been a major feature of Chhattishgarh Mine Shramik Sangh (CMSS) activity. In the manual mines of Dalli Rajhara, where CMSS has its base, women constitute roughly half the workforce. This is because of the nature of the work. It is convenient for the workers to work in pairs (with husband and wife as teams). Again, Grass Roots Mobilisrtion among the Chhattisgarhi small and marghal peasant households from among whom the for Women's Empowerment manual mines workers have come, women have always participated fully and equally in agricultural production. This pattern of women's work in the manual mines is in sharp contrast to the pattern in the mechanized mines, where ,he skilled workers are only males. In the existing situation, skill and educational requirements for work in the mechanized mines have debarred women. In CMSS, women have particrpated in all union struggle and activity. They played a major role in the first strike of 1977, as well as ir the 1981 mcvement to secure the release of union leaders arrested mder the National Security Act. Women are elected union office bearers from the mines in equal proportion to their numbers. However, as the panel of union officebearers has representatives also from transport agencies where wornen do not work, their total proportion among office bearers is less than that of men. Wornen played a leading role in the anti-alcoholism campaign. In propagating the philosophy of this campaign, in organising mohalla (residential) committees for the detection and punishment of offenders, women were much more active than men. The former related to this campaign especially because alcoholism was easily seen to be related to wife-beating and the ;hole range of violence against women. In addition, with men drinking away their earnings, the burden of sustaining the household fell on the women. Think It Over 2 What part have women played within the CMSS? 9.3.1 Emergence of Mahila Mukti Morcha (MMM) Though economic discrimination against women is not found in the mines,-certain special areas of women's oppression have, however, been especially noticed in the industrial climate of Dalli Rajhara. One ofthe first areas to be so noticed was the sexual harassment to which women were subjected by lumpen elements. While it is generally true of all women, working class women were particular victims of this. With their newfound strength however, the women were prepared to tackle this strongly. In 1980 when CISF jawans attempted to gang rape a young tribal girl, there was protest demonstrations by the CMSS wornen that led to legal proceedings being initiated against the offenders. Experiences like these led, in 1980-81, to the launching of a women's front known as the Mahila Mukti Morcha. This was designed to campaign for women's issues, act as an intervening body in case of wife beating, marital dispute, abandonment of women, etc. By this time the union had emerged as the most powerful community organisation in the area, so such cases were brought to it by the aggrieved (mostly women, though occasionally men) in hundreds. Since the formal union structure was unable to cope with this fold, and since most of these cases concerned women's rights anyway, they were referred, quite naturally, to the women's organisation.

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