Green, David S. (1998) The household and military retinue of . PhD thesis, University of .

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For more information, please contact [email protected] The Household and Military Retinue of Edward the Black Prince

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A thesispresented to theUniversity of Nottinghamfor the degreeof Doctorof Philosophy

November1998

Z.OSITY

David S. Green BA (Exeter),MA (Nottingharn) Contents

Abstract iv Acknowledgments V Abbreviations Vi

Introduction I

1. The Military Retinue 24 2. Preparation, Propaganda and Purveyance 27 3. Recruitment 46

4. Administration 83 5. Finance 120 6. Parliament, Politics and Diplomacy 175

7. Religion: Patronage and Belief 211 8. Links within the Retinue 246

Conclusion 279

Bibliography 296

Appendix

Biographies

BiographicalLists

1, Main Section

2. Minor Biographies 158 i. Military ii. Administrative 188 iii. Household 222 iv. Religious 230 V. Lawyers 234 vi. Other 236

Tables NominalTable of Soldierswho foughtwith the Black Prince 243 Annuities i. Serviceto the Princeand Joan 282 ii. Annuity Contractsand Agreements 284 iii. OtherService 285

ii Map and Tables

Map

The Black Prince's Military Campaigns 82

Tables

Indentured Retainers 19 Bachelorswith annuities involved in several campaigns 20 1363 Household,BL Cotton Julius C IV ff 288-91 78-9 1368/9Northampton muster Roll, PRO E101/29/24 80 Members of the Retinue Sitting in Parliament 184-5

Annuities Military Service 162-70 Householdand "Sustenance" 171-4 Legal andFinancial Service 193-4 ReligiousAnnuities and Alms 238

Genealogies 267-70 Courtenay,Cobham, Beauchamp 267 Audley, Stafford,Wingfield 268 Burghersh,Vere 269 Mortimer, Berkeley 270

Graphs RetinueMembers in Parliamentsand Great Councils 187 ConstituencyRepresentation, 1346-76 188

iii Abstract -

The householdand military retinueof Edwardthe Black Prince(1330-1376) was createdin the earlyyears of the HundredYears War. This thesisexamines the role which the retinueplayed in that conflict andhow the administrationof the prince'sestates contributedto that effort throughthe provisionof troops,supplies and finance. It aimsto placethe Black Princeand his retainers,annuitants and servants in a nationalcontext, investigatingtheir role in the HundredYears War andAnglo-Gascon political society, whilst alsohighlighting the individual andcollective roles that they playedin the prince's retinue. It alsodemonstrates something of the atmosphereevident within the household throughthe examplesof the chivalric ethic andreligious attitudes. These elements are also seenin the links that existedbetween members of the retinueand household that werecreated by their commonservice to the Black Princebut alsothrough a varietyof otherassociations, familial, financial,political andgeographical. The particularstatus of the heir-apparentgoverned the natureof his retinueand comparisons are drawn with the othergreat bastard feudal associations of the day, particularlythe royal householdand the highlights Lancastrianaffinity. The thesisconcludes with a biographicalappendix, which Black certaincareers and summarisesthose of otherswith a wide rangeof links to the

Prince.

iv Acknowledgments

MichaelJones suggested the BP asa subjectand then gently guided me around the unnecessarilyconvoluted route that I madeof it. I thankhim for his kindness,scalpel- eyedlove of footnotesand apologise for the scarcityof Bretons.

AlisonMcHardy told me aboutLollards and much besides, usually with the slightly worrying "I'm know but She Tony Goodman preamble sureyou about...... and examinedthis thesis.I shouldlike to thankthem for their perseverance(the original draft wassomewhat longer) and I wish I'd talkedto bothof themmore while I waswriting it.

Thanksare also due to the other membersof the Departmentof History at Nottingham, particularly RossBalzaretti, Julia Barrow and Bernard Hamilton for their generositywith time, books and at the bar. ProfessorHamilton supervisedmy MA and mademe think I could do this.

Kate Greenand Ray Burr put meup in Londonand fed meon a numberof trips funded generously by the RoyalHistorical Society. Tweed occasionally pretended to be interested.

RhiannonLawrence-Francis made me want to write a PhD in'thefirst placeand read muchand heard more about it for quitea long time afterwards.Many of the commasare hers,any subjunctiveswhich remain are, of course,my own.

It took ratherlonger than it shouldto finish this.The denizensof c5OVold andnew, in all their manyguises are entirely responsible for the ratherextended gestation and I thank themfor it andfor coffee,croquet, beer, leeks, courgettes, the flat roof, BadenPowell, an occasionaland much-missed vat o' chips,the BWU, NUJSCand everything else. I wish I coulddo it all again.Many haveread chapters or discussedaspects of it with meand pointedout somethings and made me explainothers and it's all the betterfor it. '

Thanksto Alec Greenfor helpwith the genealogies,some long chats,longer loans of booksand the occasional"fine phrase"(Philippa of Hainault...a broodmareof princelings!)

Partsof what becamethis thesishave been read at meetingsof the International MedievalCongress, the Centrefor MedievalStudies at theUniversity of York, the MedievalInstitute at the Universityof Hull andresearch seminars at Nottingham. Thanksto all who came,questioned and commented, particularly Mark Ormrodand AndrewAyton, who mademe wonder about what knights did in the closeseason.

My motherand father made it possiblefor meto do this despitethe very long time I seemto havebeen at school.I hopethey think it's worth it. It's dedicatedto themboth.

V Abbreviations

ALA Archives departementalesde Loir-Atl antique, Nantes BEC Bibliotheque de PEcole des Chartes BIHR Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research BJRL Bulletin of the John Rylands Library BL British Library BPR Black Prince's Register CInq. Misc. Calendar of Inquisitions Miscellaneous CChR Calendar of Charter Rolls CCR Calendar of Close Rolls CFR Calendar of Fine Rolls CIPM Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem Ches. Recog. Rolls ChesterRecognizance Rolls CPqpR, Letters Calendar of Papal Registers,,Letters MpR, Petitions Calendar of Papal Registers, Petitions CPR Calendar of Patent Rolls CIPM Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem DNB Dictionary of National Biography EcHR Economic History Review EHR English Historical Review GEC G.E. Cockayne, Yhe Complete'Peerage,13 vols, London, 1910-59. Preuves Dom P.H. Morice, Mmoires poUr servir de preuvesa Phistoire ecclisiastiqueet civile de Bretagne,3 vols, Paris, 1742-6. PRO Public RecordOffice Rot. Parl. Rotuli Parliamentorum. Rymer ThomasRymer, Feodera(2 editions, 1704-35; 1816-69.) ýI TRHS Transactionsof the Royal Historical Society VCH Victoria CountyHistory

vi Introduction

Edwardthe Black Princedied on Trinity Sunday(8 June)1376. With hi4 it seemed,died the hopeof the English.The greatprincipality, forged from victoriesin

France,had been all but lost, therewas only a smallcoastal strip left of the duchyof

Gasconyand, in no smallway, the princewas responsible for this. But he wasnot blamed for his diplomatic failures and political narvetd,for this was the man who as a boy of 16 hadfought in the vanguardin the triumphat Cr6cy(1346). His starhad risen to its height ten yearslater Poitiers,he king Francein battle.The when,outside capturedthe of , consequencewas a principalityin Aquitaine,comprising nearly a third of all France,to add to the earldomof ,duchy of Cornwalland principality of Waleswith which he hadearlier been endowed as heir to the throneof England.It wasfrom the court at

Bordeauxand Angouleme that the prince'slast campaignwas launched;to reinstate

Pedrothe Cruelto the throneof Castile.Disaster followed triumph at N ajera; the appeal of the Gasconlords to CharlesV fracturedthe fragiletruce whichhad been in placesince the signingof the treatyof Brdtignyin 1360.The Black Prince,now strickenwith illness, could not hold his bordersagainst the Frenchattacks led by BertrandDu Guesclinand the dukeof Anjou he to Englandin January1371. and retired - At Woodstockin 1330the prospectsof the first chfld of EdwardIII andPhflippa in of Hainaultlooked a little bleak,but by, andas a consequenceof his first campaign

1346they hadblossomed. The foundationsof the prince'smilitary retinuewere laid in the expeditionwl&h led to Cr6cy.By this time alsoMs estateswere being closely administeredand rigorously governed so that he might play a full part in the military careerwhich his father'sPoficies had ensured. That careerreached its apexten years

later.The long-termconsequence of the victory at Poitierswas to greatlyaugment the

prince'sdemesne. 'Vidde devaitvenir natureHementde crderpour lui uneprincipautd,

I That kingdom be the failure peut-8trememe un royaurne...... provedto the productof of

the Reimscampaign and the compromiseof the treatyof Brdtigny(1360). Soon after the

princetook the politicallyinadvisable step of marryingJoan, the Fair Maid OfKent-

Thereis little doubtthat this wasvery muchcontrary to his father'swishes "Mais le

PrinceNoir dtait sousle charmede 1'enchanteresse"2andtogether they createda

dazzling court at Bordeaux.

The conductof the princeand his retinuein Aquitainehad much to do with the

eventualcollapse of the principality.The Gasconrebellion followed the appealto Charles V, his and response,summoning the princeto Paristo answercharges, was made by possible the failureof both partiesto implementcertain clauses of the treatYOf

Brdtignyat Calais.However, the princeand his retinuecannot be heldentirely to blame

althoughthey wereclosely involved with the negotiationsof 1360and were at the centre of unrestin 1368.That unrestwas as much due to local conditionsas to the breakdown of relationsbetween the princeand his vassals."The political behaviourof the Gascon

,, 3 nobility hasoften beendismissed as inconstant, if not downrighttreacherous. The anarchicpolitical enviromnent,intricate family structuresand arcane aflegiances were further complicatedby peculiaritiesof inheritancecustoms and feudal impositions which variedthroughout the region.These melded with a cultureo*f'private war and"traditions

P, Delachenal,Histoire de Charles V, 5 vols, Paris, 1909-31, iv, I 2 ColonelBabinet, "Jeanne de Kent. Princessede Galleset dAquitaine'. Bulletin'de la socIN desandquaires de Vouest,ii (1894), 8. 3 M. G. A. Vale, English Gascony, 1399-1453, Oxfbrdý 1970,155.

2 loyalty Anglo-French of ... whichtranscended the conflict" andwere most evident in the 4 Foix-Armagnacvendetta. To this wasadded the direct involvementof CharlesV andhis

lieutenant,Louis of Anjou in attemptingto fomentrevolt. The princeand his retinue

werenot responsiblefor the failureof the principalitybut neitherwere they free from blame.

A studyof the retinueof the Black Princewill naturallydraw comparisonswith

other similarand contemporary associations. The bastard feudal exemplar has always

beenthe Lancastrianaffinity of the late fourteenthcentury. It hasbeen the objectof a

great deal of study and researchmost recently in the works of Kenneth Fowler, Simon

Walker Anthony Goodman.5 The by' and retinue of Thomas of Lancaster- investigated John Maddicott -'and its developmentunder Henry of Grosmont provided the foundation inheritance of the which fell to John of Gaunt and which he shapedfor his own military

6 and political purposes. The royal affinities of the late middle ageshave also been j sub ected to scrutiny particularly by Chris Given-WilsoW and there are a numberof family,g 10 regional! and national studiessuch as the pioneering work by GeorgeHolmes.

4 ibid, 170. S KennethFowler, TheKing's Lieutenant Henry of Grosmont,First Duke of Lancaster,1310-1361, London, 1969;Simon Walker, 7heLancastrian, 4ffinity, 1361-1399,Oxford, 1990;Anthony Goodman, John of Gaunt: 7he&ercise of Princely Power in FourteenthCentury Europe, Harlow, 1992. 6 J.K Maddicott, Thomasoftancaster, 1307-1322:,l StudyIn the Reign ofEdwardII, Oxfbrd, 1970. 7 Chris Given-Wilson,The Royal Householdand the King's, 4ffinity.- Service,Politics and Financein ýngland, 1360-1413,New Haven,1986. ,8 Carole Rawd i fle, 7heStaffords: Earls of Stafford and Dukesof Buckingham,11 394-1521, Cambridge, 1978. 9 Nigel Saul,Knights and Esquires: TheGloucestershire Gentry in the FourteenthCentury, Oxf)rd, 1981; Nigel Saul,Scenesftom Provincial Life: Knightly Families in Sussex,1280-1400, Oxfbrd, 1986;Philip Morgan, War and Societyin Medieval Cheshire1277-1403, Manchester, 1987; Michael J. Bennett, Community, Class and Careerism: and Lancashire Society in the Ige of "Sir Gawain and the Green Knight", Cambridge, 1983; Christine Carpenter, Locality and Polity: A Study of Landed Society, 1401-1499, Cambridge, 1992. 10 George Holmes, The Estates of the Higher Nobility in Fourteenth Century England, Cambridge, 1957; N. Denholm-Young,The Coun" GentryIn theFourteenth Century. with Special Reference to theHeraldic Bolls

3 All of thesehave furthered our understandingof bastardfeudal associations and are, to

someextent, the legacyof KB. McFarlane.' 1 That legacyhas in recentyears been

broughtinto question.Have we, it hasbeen asked, "followed blindlydown the cul-de-sac 12 of patronagestudiesT Even if this is so, and there are undoubtedlyproblems with such

an approach,no apologyneeds to be madefor an investigationof the Black Prince's

retinue.It wasone of the foremostsuch associations of its day andnumbered among its

memberssome of the mostnotable military figuresof the age.The householdand

administrationcontained, similarly, other figuresof nationalsignificance, judges, bishops,

doctors, lawyers and bureaucrats.

The prince'ssuccesses and failures were largely dependent on his retinuein battle his household and in peacetime.Both were largeinstitutions as befitted the heir apparent

to the thronesof Englandand France, but the natureof anddistinctions between them difficult are to define.The differences,particularly in personnel,between household,

retinueand affinity weresmall. The householdprovided the core of the retinueand the retinuewas the heartof the affinity. The retinueand its householdconnections was comparableto thefamilia regis that, in the yearsbefore the military revolutionof the thirteenthand fourteenth centuries, formed the core of the royal army.The prince's retinuewas created for war andWs extensive landed interests and estates financed that military effort with subsidiesfrom the royal purse.Military menheld many of the offices in the householdand estates and thus the administrationwas, to someextent, a military

ofArms,Oxford, 1969; Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in theLate AriddleAges: the Fourteenth CenturyPolitical Community, Loondon, 1987. II KB. McFarlane,Lancastrian Kings and Lollard Knights, Oxford, 1972; The Nobility oftater Medieval gngland.the Ford Lecturesfor 1953 and Related Studies, Oxford, 1973. 12 ILR Britnelland A. J. Pollard,The McFarlane Legacy. Studies in LateMedieval Politics andSociety, Far Thrupp, 1995,.)di.

4 operation.The martialcharacter of the retinueand household was emphasised by its

chivalricattitudes and the aspirationsof the princehimself. The chivalricdistinction of

I- ,the - retinuewas also marked by the coincidenceof someof its membersbeing founder

ghtsof the Orderof the Garter.Such attitudes reinforced friendships and associations

createdin battleand gave members of the retinuean identitybeyond that of simply

serviceto the sameman. That identitywas further strengthenedby commonforms of

religiousworship and personal ties of a military, financialand familial nature. Yet the

greatmajority of the "military" retinuewas not in serviceto the princefor longerthan a

single campaign.The soldiery who fought with the prince at Poitiers might equally well

servehis father or another great captain in 1359-60.Thus the retinue was an mnorphous;

group,constantly changing to meetthe demandswhich the princeplaced upon it.

Politicaland personal conditions shaped those demands from his infancyto his first actionat Crdcy,to'his first commandat Poitiers,to the role of the sovereignprince in all but name,to the declineafter NAjera, the returnto Englandand then perhaps greater interestin the political machinationsof Westminster.

The appealof serviceto the princewas evidentin all aspectsof his life. He was the heir apparent,a victoriousgeneral, ýthe lord of vastestates, a chivalricicon anda- most generousemployer. The largestproportion of the retinuewas comprised of short commissionsoldiers recruited for a singlecampaign. For manyof these,wages would barelypay expensesand it wasthe offer of booty andpardons which attractedthem.

Pardons,the most commonreward, were only grantedfollowing an acknowledgement from the princeor oneof his seniorcommanders that the individualhad participated in the campaign.The prMiCealso gave other gifts, particularlyafter Poitiers,such as land

(rarely),money, offices, wood for fuel, wine andexemptions from public service.The

5 princemight alsopetition the king on behalfof his men.Maddok Lloyt wasgranted 14 " acresin Flintshireat 3s. 4d. a yearon 6 August 1351after sucha request. This element

of servicewith the princewas significant. He wasa conduitto the court throughhis

influencein the hallsof power andthrough the trust andvalue that the king placedon

him In the final analysis,he wasthe heir-apparentwith accessto the court andthe king,

a title whichhe would haveone day himself. Through such a positionof influence,the

princecould be of helpto his retainersand servants. This couldtake the form of

commissionsof oyer andterminer such as were ordered by the king at his son'srequest

for Sir Thomas Gissing and Sir Thomas Peytevyn.In the latter's casethe commissioners

wereto beNicholas Audley, John Mowbray and Richard de la Bere,14 men with linksto

the princewho werelikely to get the right result.Good serviceto the princemight also

be rewardedindirectly as the princerecommended individuals to his fatherfor service.

An associationwith the princecould alsoresult in, for example,the earlyinheritance of landby minors,particularly if the inheritorwas involved in military servicewith the prince.This wasso in the caseof EdwardDespenser in 1357and John FitzEustace in is 1359. GilbertTalbot, sonof Richard,received his Herefordand Gloucester estates whilst servingwith the princein Gasconyin 1357and John Felton, brother of William receivedhis landsin Northumberlandwhilst servingin Aquitainefollowing Felton's death at Arifiez in 1367.16John, son of Rogerde la Warre,received his

13BPR, iii, 41. 14 CPP, 1370-4,104-5,105.Peytevyn's case may haveinvolved attacks made by John,prior of the houseof fiiars of the Orderof the Holy Cross,near the Towerof Londonand others.Peytevyn was forcedto becomea friar, CCP, 1368-74,242-3. is CCP, 1354-60,348,602. 16 CFP, 1356-68,28-9,358.John Felton received letters of attorneylate in 1368,PRO C61/81/2and againon 16 Nov. 1369,C61/82/2. AM manuscriptreferences hereafter will be to the PRO unlessotherwise stated.

6 " estateswhile servingamong the prince'stroops in Aquitaine. Furthermore,members of

the retinuecould benefit from the grantof royal licencesfollowing a requestby the

princeto his father.These provided various rights and perquisites, it is uncertain,in a

numberof cases,whether these were entirelyfor the benefitof the licence-holderor the

princehimself. For example,in 1352John Mitford, the prince'syeoman, was permitted

to ship 1,000 quarters of corn from Newcastle-upon-Tyneto London." However,there

wouldseem to havebeen little directbenefit to theprince in returnfor hissupport for a, -

licencefor BartholomewBurghersh's minstrel, Concius Piper, and his khIMM to buY100

quartersof wheatin Boston and transportit to Dordrecht.19 Burghersh was an finportant

officialin theprince's administration and a keymember of hismilitary retinue.

Wardshipsand the grantof the keepingof landswhile the heir wasan infantwere alsomade by the king on his son'srecommendation. Richard Punchardoun purchased the keeping of the landsof JohnBensted for LSOa year.The grantwas made in recognition of his good serviceto the princeand his father.The grantwas extended to include

Richard'sheirs and the price reducedto E30annually and later fell by a furtherVO-20 21 Punchardounlater purchased the marriage of Edward,John Bensted's son, for 100MarkS.

Suchacquisitions could serve to increasethe prince's influence to regionsgeographically outsidehis area of authority.Thus, in additionto the very considerablepatronage available to the princethrough his own estates,he might provideaccess to patronagefrom the king himself."If the headof an affinity wasto servehis followerswell, he hadto have

17 CFR, 1369-77,99.John de la Warre becamea significantmember of the prince'sretinue in Aquitaineand he was summonedto a musterof the prince'sretainers in 1369,E 101/29/24. 18 CP9 1350-4,347. 19 ibid., 1358-61,15. 20 ibid, 252. - 21 CFP, 1356-68,330.

7 recourseto that greatestof dispensersof patronage,the king. ,22 The retinuewas significantat both a nationaland local level.Through the associationof publicand regionalconcerns and the motivationof mattersof countryand county, individuals within, andthe retinueitself, werepart of the politicaland military communityat its greatestextent, they wereof consequencein the locafitiesand, in somecases, of noteat court.

Membersof that community,despite their status,have not all receiveda great dealof attentionfrom historians.The princehimself, by contrast,has fared much better than his retinue in terms of investigationand analysis.Numerous biographieshave been written sincehis death,the first beingChandos Herald's, VieA PrinceNoir, written c.13 86 androughly contemporary with JeanFroissart's Chronicles, in whichthe princeis a leadingfigure. Thereafter, Edward has remained a subjectof interest.He hasbeen the 23 centralcharacter in two playsin the middleyears of the 18" and 10 centuries, the latter of which followedrenewed interest in his life. He becamea particularfavourite of

Victorian authors:Pierce Egan, the younger's,Edward the Black Prince; or, a Taleof the Feudal Times,London, c. 1870;M. Jones,The Black Prince.A Bookfor Boys,

Londonand Edinburgh, 1871, and Evelyn Everett Green's, In the Daysof Chivalry.A

Taleof the Timesof the Black Prince,London, 1893all attestto the popularityof the

Black Princeat the endof the last centurywhich alsosaw the publicationof a new editionof ChandosHerald. More recently,the 1970ssaw another flurry of interestin the prince,encouraged by the 60& anniversaryof his death,with notablecontributions, such

22 McFarlane,Nohility, 119. 23 William Shirley,Edward the Black Prince, - or, TheBattle ofPokliers: an HistoricalTragedy [in five acts, in verse],London, 1750; Sir CouttsLindsay, BarL, Edward the Black Prince. A Tragedy[in threeacts and in verse],London, 1846.

8 asBarbara Emerson's, The Black Prince,London, 1976and concluding with Richard

Barber'sextremely comprehensive, Edward, Prince of WalesandAquitaine,

Woodbridge,1978. There seems little to addto the pictureof Edwardthat the latter authorshave produced. As Barbersays:

"Whenall is saidand done, the princeremains ashadowy figure.There are very few reliablepersonal anecdotes about him; thereare very few recordedactions which mark him off asa distinctivecharacter. Much of this difficulty arisesfrom the way in whichhe becamea legendin his own lifetime,a legendwhich was undoubtedly reinforced as men looked back from the domestictroubles of his son'sreign to the halcyon daysof the greatEnglish victories abroad. ""

If this is the casewith the prince,wiU it not be evenmore so with regardto his retinue, his annuitants,servants and retainers? A numberwere figures on the nationalstage such Lacy, asRichard Stafford, the prince'ssteward, who waselevated to the peerage,Peter receiver-,and from 1367keeper of the king's privy seal,and John Chand0s, the king's lieutenantin Normandyand Aquitaine, who he oversawthe transferof lands

24 The RichardBarber, Edward Prince of Walesand. 4quitaine, Woodbridge, 1978,23 8. BarbaraEmerson, The BlackPrince, London, 1976; John Harvey, The Black Prince and hislge, London,1976; Hubert Cole, BlackPrince, London, 1976; Samuel Clarke, The Life andDeath of the ThriceNoble and Illustrious Edward The Surnamedthe Black Prince, Son to our VictoriousKing Edwardthe Third,London, 1673; Arthur Collins, History Life andGlorious, 4ctions ofEdward Prince of ,Commonly cali'd theBlack Prince Alsothe ... A. of hisRoyal Brother John of Gaunt,King of Castileand Leon, Duke oftancaster, 2 pt. London,1740; Bicknell,The History of Edwar4Prince of Wales,Commonly Termed the Black Prince; with a ShortView Of Ord theReigns ofEdwardL, Edwardfl, andEdwardIII,anda SummaryAccounjof theInstitution of the ler of theGarter, London, 1776; T. JohnstonThe Valiant Exploits ofEdware4 the Black Prince, Falkirk, 1815; GeorgePayne Rainsford James, A Historyofthe Life ofEdwardthe Black Prince, and of VariousEvents ConnectedTherewith, 2 vol.,London, 1836; Louise Creighton, Life ofEdwardthe Black Prince, London,

9 followingthe treatyof Br6tigny.Furthermore, John Knyvet, who hadsat on theprince's council,became chancellor in 1372-7and was succeeded by AdamHoghton who hadalso assistedwith thehand-over of territoryafter Brdtigny. After the prince'sdeath, a numberof his formerretainers and servants rose to nationalprominence during the minorityrule of his son.Nigel Saulin his recentbiography of RichardII haswritten of thesemen, stating that: "As the dependentsof oneof the most successfuland charismatic figures of the age

identity Their individual beliefs they enjoyeda collective ... attitudesand are,of course, almostimpossible to establish."" Whilst the paucityof personaldocuments does make this true to an extent,it is possibleto developbiographies of a numberof individuals whichreveal or hint at individualattitudes and especially religious beliefs. However, the focuswill remainon that "collectiveidentity", for therewere many who hadno part to play in the greatbusiness of the state.

A prosopographicalapproach has been adopted and many of the conclusionsthat havebeen drawn have been based on biographicalresearch. This wasforeshadowed by

Barberin his biographywhich aimed"to arriveat an accountof Edward, andAquitaine, and in particularof the group of menwho werehis companions-in- arms..." Barber was constrainedby factors of spaceand time but the following research dependsheavily on that biography Which'showedthe prince "as part of a close-knit,

26 brilliant group of knights... ". In many cases,an individual mentionedin the following chapterswill be the subject of an entry in the biographical appendix.These do not aim to

1876;The Life and Feats ofArms of Edwardthe Black Prince by Chandos Herald A MetricalChronicle with anEnglish Translation andNotes ed. and trans. Francisque-Michel, London and Paris, 1883. 2S Nigel Saul,Richard1l, New Haven and London, 1997,29. 26 Barber,op cit., 9.

10 be comprehensivediscussions of careersbut focuson relationswith the Black Princeand othermembers of the retinueand household. It containsa significantnumber of entries andit is to be hopedthat it wiHbe of interestfor its own sakeas a work of referenceas well asin its role asa companionvolume.

Thereare a numberof methodologicalproblems with this type of approachand, in the caseof the Black Prince,this is compoundedby difficultieswith the source material.The evidenceconcerning the prince'sretinue is by no meansas extensive as for that of Johnof Gaunt's,particularly in termsof extantletters of retainerwhich only 27 numberseven, compared with the dozenswhich remainfor Gaunt. Additionalevidence is availablein the Registerof the Black Prince, which is the mostvaluable source for the prince'scareer, administration and retinue from c. 1345-65.The chronologicalgaps

(1330-45,1365-76)can be filled, in part, by the Close,Patent rolls andothers. However, the lossof the Gasconvolume and most of the north Walesregisters is impossibleto fill.

Welshaccount rolls are scarceafter c. 1345 andin Aquitaine,compared with the precedingyears, "Au tempsde la.principautd, par contre,Londres ne recueilleplus que

du de rarestraces de Pactionmende en Aquitaine,car cefle- ci ne d6pendplus gouvemementqui siegeau bord de la Tamise." Also on le 18juiffet 1362,cesse d'cxistcr la documentationquc nousavons fouill6e jusqu'ici. '48- The only real sourcefor the prince'sadministration in Aquitainelies in a compositeaccount enroUed by Richard

Fiffongley,seneschal of Guienne,when the princereturned to England.It, however, providesmerely a generaloverview of expenditureand gives little informationabout

27 Michael Jonesand SimonWalker, "Private Indenturesfor Life Servicein Peaceand waelt Camden Miscellany,xxxii (1994),734,77-8,80-1,85-6. 28 PierreCapra, 'Vadministration Anglo-Gasconneau tempsde la lieutenancedu PrinceNoir, 1354-62", Unpublishedthesis, Paris, 1972,907.

11 individuals.This lacunais partiallyfilled by documentsfrom elsewhere.In particular,the

Chesterexchequer provides a reasonablyconsistent series of accounts.Many of the

rewards,annuities and retainers granted by the princeduring his rule in Aquitainewere

paidfrom Cheshire revenue. Some of thesehave been published both as Chamberlain's

21 accountsand recognizance rollS. Thereare also records from the duchyof CornwaU

and a number of so-called"foreign manors" east of the Tamar, including CastleRising

whichwas included after the deathof his grandmotherin 1358.

With particularregard to biographicalwork, witnesslists pose a numberof

problems as evidencefor the physical presenceof those named.Charters were dated

whenthey were sealed,not whenthey weredrawn up. Theycould alsobe witnessedover

a periodof time or delayeduntil sufficientmen of statuswere present. However, on the

whole"They tell little lies not big ones".30 It hasnot beenpossible to consultas many

continentalsources as I would havewished, although discussions with RichardBarber

haveindicated that, whilst materialis undoubtedlyavailable which hasnot been

exploited,the valueof that materialis uncertainand the time'involvedin extractingit probablytoo greatas to warrantmajor investigationwhen so manyother sourcesare available.I havebeen fortunate to havebeen given a numberof referencesto material heldin Frenchcollections and transcriptions of someof these.In addition,to try and offsetany Anglo-Welsh bias, reference has been made to extensivesecondary works and calendaredmaterial by continentalauthors, both Spanishand French. Furthermore, the

Gasconrolls (PROC61) havebeen consulted to determinethe natureof the movement

29 R. Stewart-Brown.Cheshire Chamberlains'. 4ccounts, 1301-60 (Record Society of Lancashireand Cheshire),1910; P. ILW. Boothand A. Carr,ed.. 4ccount ofMasterjohn de Brunham the Younger, Chamberlain of Chesterof theRevenues ofthe Counties of ChesterandF7jnt, 1361.62, (Record society of Lancashireand Cheshire),1991; 'ýCalendar ofReoognizance Rolls ofthe Natinate ofchester", Deputy Keeper's Report, 36 (1875).

12 of individualsbetween England and Bordeaux and other links whichwere evident during the time of Black Prince'slieutenancy of the duchyand as prince of Aquitaine.These havealso presented difficulties sirnilar to thoseencountered in the useof witnesslists, especiallywhen being used in associationwith the few documentsstill extantwhich

31 purportto be recordsof the prince'sretinue or household

The focusof the prince'slife andthe bulk of remainingevidence concerns military matters,the role of the retinuein war. The financingof that role, the provisionof equipmentand generalorganisation and administrationwere crucial factors in the prince's military successand, by contrast, were also instrumentalin bringing about the collapseof the principalityof Aquitaineand the resumptionof the HundredYears War in

1369. The nature of the sourceshas influencedthe approachand structure of the following chapters.A numberof aspectsof the prince'slife andthe configurationof the retinueare difficult to quantifyand evaluate. For example,the importanceof the chivalric ethicis not quantifiable,yet its importancecannot be doubted.In this areaof investigation,as in a numberof other aspectsof the prince'slife, his retinuefollowed a broadlynational pattern. However, it is necessaryto stressthat the trendsthat the prince'sretinue "followed" were,in manycases, set by membersof the retinueand those with whomthey were associated.Thus the nationalexample may also be represent ive of specificattitudes and patterns in the prince'sretinue. Through the Registerand variousother accountswe maylearn of the preparationsfor campaigns,of the supplies andsoldiers needed, of the meansof financingthe retinuein war andpeace, of the

30 ChrisGivm-Wilson, "Royal Charter Witness Lists, 1327-1399"Medievalprosopography, 12: 2 (1991),37-40. 31 i. E 101/29/24; B[ritisb] L[ibrary] CottonJulius C IV ff. 288-9

13 preferments,religious and secular, granted by the prince,of the links whichtied the retinue,financial and familial. When it comesto mattersconcerning the ethoswithin the retinue,certain motivations for servicewith the prince,how the retinuefought in battle, indeedany aspect which did not havea price,was not subjectto an orderor left no trace in a bloodline,,reliance must be placedon differentauthorities, chronicles, letters and other contemporarydescriptions. In such aspectsas military tactics and strategy and the presentationof the chivalricethic, the prince'sretinue followed and set national patterns, conformedto successfulmilitary proceduresand formed an importantelement in Edward

III's chivalric programme.Therefore, while these aspectsof the retinue will be discussed, it will be in sucha'way as to highlighttheir nationalrole in the HundredYears War and to demonstratethat the retinuewas subjectto generalforces and provided a national example.

In determiningthe compositionof the prince'shousehold and retinue, I havebeen directedby previousstudies. Simon Walker defined the Lancastrianaffinity asconsisting of householdattendants, indentured retainers and estate officials. As he says,these categoriesare largelyartificial. Household attendants with menialduties, in the strictest senseof the word, were often at the upperlevels of the administration.Estate Offices 32 couldbe largelyhonorific and undertaken by a deputy. Sinfilargroupings have been drawnfor a royal household"and could alsobe madefor a retinue.Indentured retainers were often alsohousehold or estateofficials and there were manyothers without a fonnal letter of retainerwho sawservice with the prince.However, can a direct

32 Walker,Lancastrian Affinity, 8. 33 Given-Wilson,Royal Household,1-2.

14 comparisonbe madeof the retinueand household of the Black Princewith the

LancastrianAffinity? Definitionscan be madeof theseassociations; household, retinue andaffinity, althoughthere will be constantoverlap in form andfunction and movement betweenthe'vanous groups. Every nobleman had a household,but few an affinity.Yet the royal householdin its mostexpanded form, throughits sizeand varied functions, was, to all intents and purposes,an affinity. Retinue, as a word, gives no indication of size,it couldbe a knight's singleesquire or, asin the caseof the Black Princeat Cr6cy, 34 1,344individuals including II bannerets,102 knights and 264 esquires.

While the extendedhousehold and military retinue fulfilled many of the functions of an affinity, the focusof researchhas been on the "inner circlee',those with directlinks to the prince,and little attentionhas been given to his tenants,apart from whenthey are significantpolitically or in the administrationof estates.The changingnature of military recruitmentmeant that lessreliance was placedon manorialtenants for the substanceof annies,'particularly after 1346-7.Many of the sameindividuals might be involvedwith the princeon the battlefieldbut the relationshiphad altered to be oneof "retainor" and retainedrather than overlord and vassal. The relationshipof the princewith his tenants will be addressedwith regardto local andnational politics and estate administration but, unlikemany smaller bastard feudal associations, the princewas not reliantsolely on his estatesto providehim with retainers.

The administrationof the prince'sestates cannot be completelyseparated from the military retinuesince many administrative offices throughout the prince'shousehold

34 M. Champollion-Figeac,Lettres des Rois, Reines et autrespersonnages des cours de France et dAngleterre depuisLouis PY jusqu6 Henri IV, firies des archivesde Londrespar Briquigny, 2 vols, Paris,

15 andestates were undertaken by military men.Sometimes they werediligent and effective

in theseroles but oftenthe officeswere simplyrewards for military serviceand a deputy

did the actualjob. For example,from c. 1351 to c.13 64, JohnDelves served as the

31 lieutenantof BartholomewBurghersh, the younger,justice of Chesterand north Wales.

Burghershheld the office asa sinecureand Delves had virtual autonomy.John Chandos

was stewardof Macclesfieldand the Cheshireforests but hadlittle to do with the daily

administration.Such dual roles blur the distinctionbetween functions that an individual

hadin the prince'sservice. Some members crossed the dividebetween nfilitary,

householdand administrativeservice quite unconsciously.Divisions of servicewere

easily obscuredand had little real significance.Although, on the whole, the prince's

administrationbecame more efficient throughout his tenureof office,the devolutionof

authorityinto the handsof absenteeofficers could present problems. The importanceof

the administrationis highlightedas a consequenceof its role in the politicalfate of

Edward'sprincipalities. It is arguablethat it wasthe prince'sadministrative and financial

policies,designed to increaserevenue and the authorityof the princehimself and his

ministers,which broughtabout the revolt of the Gasconnobility andthe resumptionof

the war in 1369.It mayalso be the casethat manyof the conditionswhich paved the way

for the Glyn D*r revolt originatedin the harshregime over whichthe princepresided in

Wales.The retinuewas bound together in its struggleto sustaina successfulmilitary

effort andwas perhapsunmindful of the political consequences.

The retinuewas not a singlehomogenous group; certainindividuals were of more

1839-47,82. 35 He in lieutenant was office as whennotified of the trucewith Franceon 29 Oct. 135 1, BPR,iii, 45.

16 importancethan others. In somecases this is evidentfrom a title, whetherit is a householddesignation or onegranted outside the retinue.In otherinstances, the significanceof an individualbecomes clear only througha generalreading of the source materialand it is possibleto decidejust who werein that "close-knit,brilliant group of knighte', throughdetermining a numberof criteria,and assessing who fulfils them.In the administration,status is evidentfrom the natureof the office held.The first modemstudy of the prince'scentral administration remains the mostcomprehensive and Margaret

Sharpe'swork in Tout's Chaptersin theAdministrative History ofMediaevalEngland,

36 andelsewhere, has proved extremely useful. Like manyaspects of the prince'slife and careerit is lesscertain about matters in Aquitaineand indeed in onestudy deliberately haltsin 1362.It is a lacunawhich hasnever been satisfactorily filled, althoughresearch

37 on Gasconyhas given attention to the 1360S. Theseare supportedby works concerned with the periodsbefore or after and,in particular,mention must be madeof Pierre

Capra'smagisterial thesis on the administrationof the Black Princeduring his lieutenancy 38 in Gascony. In this sense,the following commentson the prince'sadministration are a synthesisftom a broadrange of topics concernedwith mattersat both the centraland regionallevel. The focushas been on the role of the retinuein the administrationand why certainpolicies were adopted with the retinueand household in mind.

36 The first list of the prince's householdofficers was drawn up by M. Sharpein T.F. Tout, Chaptersin the AdministrativeHistory ofMediaeval England,London, 1930,v, 431-40;see also "The Administrative Chanceryof the Black PrinceBefore 1362",Essays in Medieval History Presentedto TF. Tout, ed.A. G. Little and F.M. Powicke,Manchester, 1925,321-3 3. 37 MagaretWade Labarge, Gascony, England's First Colony, 1204-1453,London, 1980.Eleanor C. Lodge, GasconyUnder English Rule, London, 1926. 38 Capra,'I'administration Anglo-Gascome";M. G.A. Vale, English Gascony,1399-1453: A Studyof War, Vale, Governmentmid Politics During the Later Stagesof theHundred Years'War, Oxford, 1970.M. G.A. TheAngevin Legacy and the Hundred YearsWar, 1250-1340,Oxford, 1990.

17 In the householdand military retinue,status could be lesscertain. It hasoften beenthe casethat the mostsignificant individuals in suchan associationwould be those formallyretained for life service.However, the total numberof extantletters of retainer is only seven,most of whichwere granted by the princein the late 1360sand early

1370s.Evidence from other sourcesincreases the numberto 18. In the mainthey do not appearto have precededor been subsequentto obvious rnilitary encountersand include threeretainers made in 1373.However, in late 1367,after Najera and prior to the resumptionof the war with France,when the political climatein Aquitainewas becoming distinctly hostile, the prince retained six individuals. The lack of evidencefrom the period for the principalitiesof Walesand Aquitaine may have skewed the sourcesto give this impression.Fillongley's account reveals some considerable expenditure on annuitiesbut doesnot indicatewho the recipientswere or for what servicethe grantswere made. The accountsof later constablesof Aquitainereveal the identity of a very few of the individuals,but by no meansall thosewho werein receiptof annuitiesfrom the prince " andthey do not indicateany further life retainers. Consideringthe periodfor which recordsare reasonablyconsistent, it is a paltry numberand seemsstrange in this ageof burgeoninglife retaining:

39 E364115/36;16/48-9, see Timothy Runyan,"The Constabularyof Bordeaux:The Accountsof JohnLudham (1372-73)and Robert de Wyckford(1373-75)", Mediaeval Studies,36 (1974), 215-58;37 (1975),42-84.

18 Indentured Retainers

Henry Earn, retained28 Jam William Greneway and William Wastencys and 1348,Nigel Loryng, 13 Mar. RichardMascy, I Mar. 1365, Thomas Guysing, rctained 5 1349, Edmund Manchester, Geoffrey Warburton, 6 June Oct. 1371, John Mascy and retainedMay 1351, William 1365. Aubrey Vcrc, Gerard Nicholas Vemon, rctaincd Aubigny, retained 31 July Braybrook, William Thorpe, Mar. and May 1373, Ralph 1352,John Sully, retained27 John Golofre, Robert Roos, Davcnport, rctained 8 June Jam 1353, Baldwin Frevill, Baldwin Bereford, Richard 1373. retained8 Aug. 1358. Abberbury, all retained I Oct. -6 Nov. 1367.

Theseare clearlynot all of the chiefmembers of the householdand military retinue.

Indeed, a number do not appearto be very significant at all, certainly in a military context,although it is uncertainwhat their role was in the household.To deternfinewho mayhave been in the "closecircle" a numberof other criteriamay be established.If the individual,despite having no indentureof retainer(or at leastno evidenceof one),fought vAththe princeon severaloccasions and was also in receiptof an annuityfor military service,he wasclearly a sipificant memberof the military retinue.These annuities varied greatlyin valueand may not be a greatindication of long-termservice but ratherreward for a specificcampaign, they areparticularly evident after Poitiers. As recordsare by no meanscomplete for manyof the expeditions,an annuitymay serveto indicatethe likelihoodof later service.Indeed, in a numberof cases,the annuitywas granted "for pastand future good service." Althoughperhaps not so bindinga contractas a life indenture,the grant of an annuitydependent on good serviceto the princein the future waslikely to guaranteethe assistanceof the recipienton the next campaign.To determinewhether this individualalso had somehousehold status can be seenby the designationas "bacheloe,:

19 Bachelors with annuities involved in multiple campaigns

Audley, James (6 Dec. 1356,1400) Chester.Retained by Ric. 11 CampaigM:1355-6; Reims; 1363. Hereford, Thomas (18 Mar. 1362,140) Botetourt, Baldwin (VO, 3 Aug. 1357) Campaigns:1363; 1369retinue (with 2 csqs). Campaigns:Poitiers bodyguard. Pos.retained. Carington, William (28 July 1364) Louches,Adam (11 Nov. 1362; 1 July 1365 Campai : 1355-6,Rcims, 1363,1369 (50 marks)Campaigns: 1355-6; Naiera?; 1369 rctinue(with 10 men-at-arms& 40 archers). (with 2 esqs). Cheyne,Alan (1 Feb. 1357,100marks) Malyns, Reginald (18 Nov. Najera,40 Campaigm:1355-6; Reims; 1363; 1369(with marks)Campaigns: 1355-6; 1363; 1369with 2 csqs)(Constable of Rhuddlan& Beeston) 4 csqs&6 archers). Chandos,John (19 Sept.1353,153 13s.4d. Neville, Robert (20 Sept.1357,100 marks) > 600 gold 6cus)Campaig! is: Cr6cy?;1355-6 Campaigns:1355-6; 1369 (with 3 esqs). (Poitiersbodyguard); Reims?; Naicra; Paveley,Walter (4 May 1361,100marks) rearguard,d. 13 70. Campaigns:1355-6; 1369 (with 3 csqs). Cosington,Stephen (25 Mar. 1350,100 Stafford, Richard (1 Oct. 135 8,200 marks) marks> L140) CampaigM:Calais, 1355-6 Campaigns:Cr6cy andCalais; 1355-6;Reims; (Poitiersbodyguard); Reims; 1363; Najera. 1363.Steward of the prince's lands. Cotesford, Roger (I I Jan. 135 7,40 marks) Trussel, William (pre-18 July 1362, L40), 15 Campaigm:CrC'cy; 1355-6 (Poitiers Dec. 1363,140; 26 Aug. 1366+ 40 marks;I bodyguard).Constable of Llanbadarncastle July 1362, keepingof Beaumaris+ 100 Courtenay, Edward (7 Nov. 136 1,100 marks)Campaigns: Cr6cy?; 1355-6 (Poitiers marks)Campaigns: 1355-6; Reims; 1363. bodyguard);Reims; 1363; 1369. Dale, Tiderik van (I July 1357,1100) Wauncy, Edmund (ransompayment, I Feb. Campaigg: 1355-6;1363. 1357)Campaigm: Cr6cy and Calais; 1355-6; Danyers/Danyel,John (20 Nov. 1363,20 Reims. marks)Campaigm: 1355-6; 1363; 1369(-vvith Zedeles,Bernard van (Dec. 1357;12 Aug. 9,men-at-arm & 40 archers). 13763,100marks) CgMpaigLis: 1355-6; 1363. Felton, Thomas (I July 1357,L40) Retainedby Ric. Il. Campaim: Cr6cy andCalais; 1355-6 (Poitiersbodyguard); 1363; Najcra; rearguard. Seneschalof Aquitaine, Chamberlainof

'Theseare'rather crude groupings, but in additionto the life retainersand in accordancewith a generalreading of the sourcematerial, it is clearthat theseincluded many,although not all, Ofthe most significantmembers of the militaryretinue. There are a numberof importantornissions such as Bartholomew Burghersh, the younger,who foughtat Cr6cyand Poitiers and was justice of Chesterand stewardof Wallingford,and

JohnWingfield, who alsofought at Poitiersand was governorof the prince'sbusiness.

EdwardBerkeley, Nicholas Bonde, Peter Veel, the son,and Thomas Despenser are 20 furtheroversights. There were also others who cameto prominencein the later yearsof the prince'slife andtherefore did not havethe opportunitiesto fight with him but were clearlyof someconsiderable standing, such as the Courtenaybrothers, Peter and Philip, andArnold Savage.In someof thesecases, the evidenceof rewardsmay have been lost or individualsmay have received preferential household wages or conditionsof service.

Theselists do not includeany that were solelyadministrators but they do revealthe differentservices which might be performed.Wingfield and his successor,John Delves markedthe transitionfrom soldier-administratorsto professionalbureaucrats that took place gradually in the prince's estatesfrom c. 1343 and John Henxteworth is another,not mentionedabove, but who was clearlyan importantmember of the householdand retinue.

This doesnot answerthe questionof why thereare not moreindentured retainers.There may be a numberof reasons,not least,fragmentary survival of evidence.

Alternatively,the answermay lie in a differentattitude to retainingand to the grantingof annuities.The majorityof thosereceiving annuities in the Lancastrianaffinity were

40 householdservants and estate officials in receiptof very smallSUMS. Therewere, of course,many such grants given by the Black Prince. They are particularly evident among thoseconfirmed by Richardon his accessionand are notedas being granted in Edward's lastyears and, in manycases, on his death-bed.It would appearthat the Black Prince his madefar moreuse of largeannuities, on averageconsiderably larger than the valueof indentures,than his brother,to providea pool of labour.The conditionsof the timesin whichthey were fonnedalso affected the sizeof the respectiveinstitutions as did the

40 Walker,op cit., 17.

21 prince'sexpectation that his retinue,on his accession,would be augmentedwith membersof the royal household.

Despiteits multi-facetednature and the wide varietyof dutiesthat an individual couldplay in it, the retinuewas a military institution;the atmospherevvithin the householdwas chivalricand the administrationwas undertaken with foreignexpeditions in mind. However, military matters were not the only concern.Religion played an importantpart in the retinue,both in termsof worshipand patronage. The prince'sown religiousattitudes are opento questionbut he maynot havebeen thoroughly orthodox.

41 Saul describeshim as "a man of vaguely puritanical religion.,, This may well be the case andevidence regarding the probablereligious inclinations of certainmembers of his and his wife's retinue,would seemto supportthe claim,although there is little that couldbe calledproof If a furtherunorthodox impulse is sought,it maybe foundin the personof the Fair Maid of Kent. If the princewas sitnilarlyinclined, it did not preventhim for seekingprofitable benefices for his clerks.Many of themwere non-residentand pluralists andthere seems to havebeen regular exchanges of beneficesbetween certain individuals.

In additionto the patronageavailable to the princethrough his estatesand via wardships which fell into his hands,he alsowas in regularcommunication with the popein the searchfor suitableposts for thosewho had servedhim well andwho, he hoped,would servehim evenbetter in the future.

Religiouspatronage rnight serve to increasethe prince'sinfluence outside his area of territorial authorityin the West of Englandand in Wales.Whether this wasa deliberatepolicy, or simpleopportunism is opento question,as is the casein the political

41 Saul,Richard 11,9.

22 aspectof the retinue.A numberof the prince'sservants sat in the Commonswhich, throughoutthe courseof the war, grew in authorityin accordancewith the financial demandsplaced upon the country.Edward's theoretical authority was not markedlyless thanthat of Johnof Gauntat the peakof the LancastrianAffinity, despitethe changing politicalclimate and the importanceplaced on havingretainers in the Commons.It seems that on his returnfrom AquitaineEdward may have become more involved in businessat

Westnýnsterand, if so, this interestwas engenderedby concernsover the succession.

The prince'sstanding in England,Wales and Aquitaine was based on his military successesand it was on the battlefield that all aspectsof the prince's retinue and householdcame together. Estate administration, political authorityin the Commons,

Lords andthroughout his demesne,the chivalricethic, religious belief and patronage, and the moneyon whichthey all depended,were melded together in all the elementsand aspectsof the retinue.But despitethe importanceof eachof these,the themewhich dorninatedthe prince'slife, andthereby his householdand retinue, was war. It wasthe military retinueand the military aspectof the householdthat fashionedthe prince's success,and for which he is best remembered.

23 1

The Military Retinue

The reputationof the Black Princeas a military leaderbelies the smallnumber of

campaignsin which he was involved. He commandedthe chevauchJesof 1355 and 1356

andthe Spanishcampaign in 1367,but in the Reimsexpedition, as at Cr6cy,he was,once

again, merely a leading player. As a consequence,it is -difficult to draw comparisonsand

make conclusions about the military retinue in the field. There was little continuity of

serviceas a resultof varyingdemands on military manpower,the lack of indentured

retainersin the prince'shousehold and the long periodof time betweenmany of the

campaigns.Nonetheless, there were a few individualswho fought alongsidethe princein

eachof his expeditions.It maywell be that, althoughthe princewas himselfa highly

successfulcommander and those that he led very capablesoldiers, the retinuewas not a

coherentmilitary unit but a disparategroup whose members often sawservice together but not alwaysin the samecapacity and not alwaysin the retinueof the Black Prince.

The military aspectof the prince'sretinue, like almostevery other, was both highly individual andalso a reflectionof nationalpractice. This wasparticularly so on campaignwhen the prince'sretinue was one of the centralelements in the national expeditionsof the 1340sand '50s. Therefore,a studyof the prince'sretinue must involve an appreciationof the nationalpicture as well asa detailedexamination of the military personnelunder the commandof Edwardof Woodstock.The Black Prince'sretinue in its recruitment,provisioning, strategy and tactics reflected wider trendsin manyways.

However,since this was the heir-apparentand many of the retinuewere figuresof nationalmilitary importance,the retinuedid not simply follow trendsbut also setthem.

24 Edward'smilitary reputationwas foundedon the Englishvictory at Crecy.

Althoughthe princeplayed a very limited role in the strategicand tactical decision-

making,Edward III attributedthe victory to his son.The campaign was not the first to put

into practicethe developmentsthat havebeen described as the Edwardian military ' revolution. It washowever, the largestsuch expedition to dateand it establishedthe

chevauch6eas the predominantmeans of waging war in France.The military experiencesof

theprince in the victory at Crecyand the subsequentcapture of Calaiswere highly

significant.Many of his futureretinue were involved in the campaign,the mostillustrious of

whom were to be numberedamong the Order of the Garter.The Cr6cy campaign"blooded"

theretinue and provided the foundationsfor it bothin termsof personneland the application

of strategyand tactics.

The 1355'chevauchee,was a classicexample of a strategyused throughout the

war to greatpsychological and financialeffect though, in this instance,it failed to recoup

greatterritonal or political gains.The raid of the following year culminatedin the battle

of Poitiers.With the captureof King Jeanand the flower of Frenchchivalry similarly

takenor killed, the Black Princeachieved a victory greaterthan that of ten yearsbefore

andonly later equalledby Agincourt.The Reimscampaign (1359-60), was a triumph,but

only of mobilization,it failed to achieveits end,the coronationof EdwardIII asKing of

France.The subsequenttreaty of Britigny-Calais provideda hugeransom and a

principality for Edwardof Woodstockbut did not securethe original demandsagreed to

by Jeanin the "treatiesof London". It waswhilst in the principality of Aquitainethat the

I The conceptof a military revolutionhas beenmuch debated.Michael Robert'sthesis has been extended to includethe periodof the Ifundred YearsWar. The main elementsin the thesisinclude: the importanceof advancingin goodorder, despite the lack of any formal drill; increasednumbers of troops;the developmentof grandstrategies including complexalliances and increasedemphasis on logistic and supplies,Michael Prestwich, Amies mid Warfarein theMkIdle Ages.The English Experience, New E[avenand London, 1996,9-10. Seealso TheMedievalMilitary Revolution:State and Societyin Medieval mid EarlyModern Europe,ed. AndrewAyton andJI. Price,London and New York, 1995;Clifford I Rogers,"Ibe Military Revolutionof the I lundredYears' War". Journal ofMilitary History, 57 (1993),241-78. 25 princeindulged in his final greatcampaign, which resultedfrom his interventionin the disputedCastilian succession and culminated in victory at Nijera.

Thesewere the predominantcampaigns in which the princewas involvedand they includedin 1346and 1356the most significantencounters of the first phaseof the

HundredYears War. In addition,there were a numberof other military engagementsin which the princeand members of his retinuewere involved. The CalaisPlot wasnot a campaignbut deservesmention nonetheless. Geoffrey de Charnyoffered Aimery of Pavia, governor of Calais, 20,000 crowns to betray the town in late October 1349.

Aimery passedon the news to the king and under the banner of Walter Manny, Edward

III andthe Black Princewith Guy Brian and otherssuccessfully ambushed the attackers.

The Bretoncivil war alsoinvolved a numberof thoseclose to the prince.At

Cocherelon 16May 1364,Bertrand Du Guesclindefeated a Navarresearmy assistedby someEnglish and Gascons, led by the captalde Buch,who was captured.John Chandos led de Montfort's troopsat the clashat Auray on 29 September1364. He was aidedby

RobertKnolles, Hugh Calveleyand otherswho successfullycombated experimental

Frenchtactics and troop dispositionsdesigned to counteractthe efficiencyof de

Montfort's archers.Du Guesclintried to repeatthe actionat Najerawhere he demanded betterarmour for Enrique'stroops and attempted to havethe Castilianknights f Ight on foot. At Auray the tight formationsof the Anglo-Bretonforces triumphed in the ensuing meleewhich witnessedthe deathof Charlesde Blois andthe captureof Du Guesclin.

Both were importantelements in the English"cold war" effort. 2

Froissart,Chroniques, ed. Luce, vi, 162-9;Prestwich, op cit., 322. 26 2

Preparation, Propaganda and Purveyance

Propagand

The lack of successof Edward III's early French campaignshad brought controversyin parliamentand disaffection in the country.The needto securepublic supportfor the campaignof 1346coloured the Englishmilitary effort at homeand was instrumental in the establishmentof the prince's own military reputation. The needto finance and supply the Crecy expedition necessitatedtaxation and purveyanceon a very largescale. The barrageof secularand ecclesiastic propaganda in the form of 3 proclamationsand officially inspiredsermons ensured only limited resistance.Royal decisionswere announcedand public compliancedemanded. Appeals were madefor the supportof the Crown'spolitical anddiplomatic aspirations and "the economicpolicies

,)4 necessitatedby the Frenchand Scottishwars. Prayerswere requestedand the

Dominicanorder was mobilised.The clergy performedspecial services to obtaindivine ' is protection andthe parishsystem served as a conduitfor royal newsand propaganda. It uncertainexactly what the ecclesiasticalattitude was to the war. Later critics suchas

Hoccleveand Langland, were critical of the struggleand argued for the unificationof

Christendomagainst the infidel and on pacifist linesrespectively. 6

3 JonathonSumption, The Hundred YearsMar. Vol. 1. Trial by Battle, London, 1990,491. 4 W.R. Jones,"The English Churchand Royal PropagandaDuring the HundredYears War", Journal ofBritish Studies19: 1(1979), 21. 5 Rymer,III, i, 72-3. 6 A. K. McHardy,"The English Clergy and the HundredYears War", Studiesin ChurchHistory, ed. W.J. Shiels, 20 (1983), 175. 27 Within France,Edward III andthe princeof Waleshad to projectsomething of a contradictoryimage. The chevaucheewas a particularlymalicious form of warfarewhich targetedthe generalpopulace. By contrast,Edward was attempting to promotea

"righteoue' causeand wished for supportfrom the Frenchpeople which was clearly demonstratedby the attitudeshown in the Reimscampaign. In 1346,before the first raidingparties set out, the king issueda proclamationforbidding the molestationof old men,women and children, troops were not to rob any churchor shrineor bum any building on pain of deathor mutilation.Sumption says "It wasa deadletter from the beginning7"7although a rewardof 40s.was offeredto anyonewho caughta soldier involvedin suchactivities and brought him to the king. In 1355less (theoretical) restraint was demanded.The purposeof the raid wasto attackthe landsof Jeand'Armagnac and do as muchdamage as possible. However, discipline was strict concerningthe propertyof

Gaston176bus, count of Foix, with whom the princehad an understanding.Church propertywas, in theory,to be respectedbut this wasnot always,or indeedoften, the case.

Throughoutthe campaignof 1346the propagandapolicy continued.A letterwas sentto the councilfollowing the fall of Caenrecounting the operationup to that point.

This wasto be communicatedto the citizensof Londonand the peopleof the kingdom.

EdwardIII alsowrote to the archbishopsof York andCanterbury with ordersfor themto organiseprayers and processions twice a week and for an accountof his deedsin France to be publishedthroughout the realm.8 The prelatesand clergy were to thank God for the king's good fortuneand pray that it might continue.9 In addition,a seriesof communicationsthroughout the campaignrecounted Edward's assumption of the title

7 Sumption,op cit., 501. 9 For the letter seeAe Chronick qfLmercosf, 1272-1346,ed. and trans.11. maxwell, Glasgow,1913,326-8; Sumption,op cit., 511. 9 KennethA. Fowler,"Letters and Dispatchesof the FourteenthCentury", Guerre et sociN en France,en

28 the prince'sofficials andwere then more widelY circulated. Richard Stafford and William

Burtoncarried them to England.Requests for prayerswere regularly sent. The Friars

Preachers,Friars Minor, Carmelitesand Austin friars, the city of Londonand its bishop

werecontacted with this demand.On his returnfrom Poitiers,the princegave thanks for

his victory at Canterbury.Wingfield wrote at Libourneon 22 January,probably to

Stafford,who hadreturned to Englandfor reinforcementsand supplies, and related events

subsequentto the first raid. Threeletters recounted the eventsof the secondraid andthe

battleof Poitiers.That of 25 June1356, sent to the bishopof Hereford,was brief and

requestedprayers and masses. 15 On 20 OctoberRoger Cotesford, one of the prince's

bachelors,took anotherletter to the bishopof Worcester.16 The mostimportant missive

wascarried by Nigel Loryng to the mayor,aldermen and commonality of Londonand

wasprobably also intended for distributionoutside the capital.17 Other members of the

retinuewho wrote homealso passed information. Bartholomew Burghersh penned

communicationsto JohnBeauchamp and Henry Peverel corresponded with the prior of

Winchester." The princealso wrote to the prior narningall thosekilled or capturedat

Poitiers.19 News was also passedby papalenvoys, via the wine trade,and the sub-

admiralsDeyncourt and Hoggeshawe who returnedwith someof the shipswhich had takenthe armyto Gascony.20

Like manyaspects of the Spanishcampaign, propaganda was not rigorously organised.Nonetheless, after the victory at Najjerathe princewrote to his wife describing

15 242. RegisterofJohn de Trillek, Bishopof Hereford (A.D. 1344-1361)ed. Joseph 11. Parry, Ilereford, 191()-12., 16 Froissart,Oeuvres, ed. Lettenhove,xviii, 389-92;Chronicle ofLondonfiom 1089to 1483,ed. E. Tyrrell and NJI. Nicolas,London, 1827,206-8. 17 R ibid., 204-6;Delachenal, Charles V, ii, 381-4; YheLife ad Cimpaignsof theAick Prince,ed. and trans. Barber,Woodbridge, 1986,57-9. 19 FroissartýOeuvres, ed. Ixttenhove, v, 528-9; ChartuLwyof MinchesterCathedral, ed. AX Goo&nan, Winchester,1927,159-6 1, no. 370. 19 ibid., 162-4,no. 371; Fowler, loc. cit., 77-8; Delachenal,op cit., i, 205-6. 20 H.J. Ifewitt, 7heBlack Prince's Expeditionof 1355-57,Manchester, 1958.79. 30 21 the encounter. It seemslikely that this letter, at leastin someform, was forwardedto

Englandfrom Bordeaux.In addition,the WindsorHerald brought the king newsof the

victory for which hewas rewardedwith an annuityof 20 marks.22 On 30 April 1367

SimonLangham, of Canterbury,ordered news of the campaignto be

23 disseminated.The namesand numbers of the dead,wounded and captured were noted.

Thesesources of informationprovided the basisfor the accountin theAnonimalle and

otherchronicieS. 24 Furthermore, Pedro himself had written an accountcommenting on the

25 compositionof the armywhich would be victoriousat NAjera.

Whilst designedfor a moreselect audience, artistic propagandasuch as charter

decoration,the useof sealsand heraldic devices, played a part in the preparationfor

military campaignsand throughout the early stagesof the Anglo-Frenchconflict. In

particular,the arrogationof thefleur de lis hadgreat ecclesiastical and political

significance.The quarteringof the Frencharms in the paternalposition with the lions of

26 Englandwas a cleardemonstration of Edward'sclaim. Early examplesshow the

Englisharms in the first quarterbut this was changedin line with the king's dynastic pretensionsin 1340.The king's greatand privy sealsalso prominentlydisplayed thefleur de fis aspart of official royal iconography.By 1348,coins were mintedusing the French royal armsalone. Despite informally giving up his claim to the thronein 1360,Edward retainedthe arms.

21 "A Letter SCI/4253; E. D6prez,"Labataille deNAjcra",Revue llistorique, exxxvi (1921),37-59; A. E. prince, Chrlicle, of Edwardthe Black PrinceDescribing the Battle of NAjera",EHR, x1i(1926), 415-18; lheAnonhnalle 1333-1381,ed. V. H. Galbraith,Manchester, 1927,17 1. 22CPR, 1364-7,408. 23 For casualtylist seeJohn of Reading,183-4; Chronicon Anonymi Cantuariensis, 225-7. 24 Prince,loc. cit., 415-16. 25 de This was composedon I Apr. 1367,Documentos de PedroI, ed.A. L. Molina Molina (Colleccion documentospara la historia del reino,de Murcia), vii, Murcia, 1978,197no. 143.Noted by Fowler, "Lettersand Dispatches",91-2, n. 90. 26 ElizabethDanbury, "English and French Propaganda During thePeriod of the HundredYears War: Some Evidence FromRoyal Charters-, Power, Culture and Religion in Francec. 1350 - c.1550, ed. C. T. Allmand,

31 Documentarypropaganda also associateddivine favourwith the Englishcause,

The deedby which the princewas grantedAquitaine included an illuminatedcapital "E"

(of Edwardus)depicting the Holy Trinity andthe prince'sarms and device of the ostrich

feathers27 This he in the . showed wasprepared to govem peaceand war andconfirmed heavenly 28The the coincidenceof earthlypolicy with approval. charteralso shows Englisharms quartering the Frenchbut it was sealedwith the Frenchquartering the

English.The princeused this form, showingFrench predominance with marksof cadency

as first son,as his personalarms.

Purveyance,. and the Fleet -Supplies The general scale of purveyanceunder Edward III was considerablyless than

duringhis grandfather'sreign. 29The royal prerogativeto purveydeveloped from rights to

supplythe royal householdto demandsto provisionthe army. This may havebeen due to the growingassociation and overlapof the royal armywith thefamilia regis. As a result of this andthe regularityof military campaigns,purveyance began to be seenas a form of

taxation30 However, despite for the war national . actiontaken to ensurepublic support effort, the purveyanceneeded to sustainit was consistentlyopposed until 1360although the war itself was popular. Many parliamentary attemptswere madeto restrict purveyance.Public opinion consideredit inherently corrupt, oppressive,arbitrary and indiscriminate. Although the Crown acknowledgedthe abuseslinked to household in purveyance,parliament remained opposedto the practice for the army, particularly the

Woodbridge,1989,82. 27E30/1105. 28 Danbury,loc. cit., 94. 29 Prestwich,Annies and Ifarfare, 253. For a generaldiscussion of purveyancethroughout the HundredYears War seeAllmand, Hwdred YearsWar, 96-102. 30 W.R. Jones,"Purveyance for War and the Communityof the Realmin Late MedievalEngland! % Albion, 7 (1975),300-1,306,3 10. 32 period 1343-55.The undoubted opportunities for extortionand corruption led to steps

beingtaken to investigateabuses and regulate the systembut it wasnot until the statuteof

1362that complaintsbegan to diminish.31

Purveyancewas a very useful meansof anticipatingincome. It servedas a

substitutefor readycash, strengthened the Crown'sability to keeplarge forces in the field

and,with the possibilityof the resaleor returnof goods,gave flexibility of both revenue

32 andlogistical management. Before 1362purveyance for the armywas "the principal 03 methodof furnishingvictuals and war suppliesfor the royal armies. Cornwalland the

southerncounties were particularly hard hit in the years1355-7, providing food stuffsand military equipment,particularly bows andarrows, for the expeditionsof Lancasterand the Black Prince.34 However, not all supplieshad to be purveyedin England.The army initially ate suppliesbrought with them, but on arrival in Bordeaux in 1355 further foodstuffs, arms and horseswere purchased.35 Whilst in Gasconythe prince received

36 some supplies from merchantsoperating under royal patent. Richard Geroundeand

Walter Wyght were to be paid 119 16s. and 17 1s. I Od.respectively for wheat purchased 37 for the expedition.

31 household, Harriss, King, ParhmnentwdPublic Finance, 376,378-9. Purveyance was restricted to the royal purveyors became known as buyers, arrangementswere codified to set prices, the amounts purveyed were regulated as was the status and authority of those to whom commissions were issued. For royal household 56 purveyance after 1362 see C. Given-Wilson, "Purveyance for the Royal Household, 1362-1413", BIHR, (1983), 145-63. 32 Jones, loc. cit., 303-4. 33 Harriss, op cit., 381. 34 BPR, ii, 86,103,107,116. 35 Hewitt notes that both French and English currency were in circulation in Gascony which facilitated such ý urchases.In additionthe prince broughtgold with him, Black Prince ý Expedition,49-50. 6 CPR, 1354-8,467-8,471-2;Hewitt, Organisationof War, 170;Hewitt, Black Prince's Expedition,91-3, nn. 44,48; Huriss, op cit., 381-2. 37 6 Sept.1355, BPR, iv, 153."Hostility to the purveyancesystem led to a much greaterdependence on merchantsfor army food supplies." Prestwich,op cit., 258. 33 Horsesand Equipment

The role of the horsein warfareremained an importantone. Although the useof largenumbers of heavycavalry became rare throughout the courseof the HundredYears

War, an increasingproportion of Englisharmies were mounted.The chevaucNe necessitatedthe useof largernumbers of horsesparticularly for the greaterproportion of mountedarchers who formedcontingents in the expeditionaryunits. bridles , The princewas personally interested in horses,he devisedbits and and gavemany animals as gifts to his staff, from destriersto cart horses.The princehad studs at Macclesfield, Byfleet, Prince's Risborough, Woking and, at times, Wisley in Surrey 38 and Brackley in Northamptonshire. The Macclesfield stud was re-establishedafter the visit of the prince to Cheshirein 1353 and transferred to Denbigh in 1360.39The prince 40 encourageda horse-breedingprogramme in the years up to the Reims campaign.

Stallions and mareswere transferredbetween his estatesfor breeding. After the treaty of

Britigny a rapid decline in the royal studswas probably mirrored in the prince's and it 41 coincided with his departureto Aquitaine although horseswere taken to the principality.

Members of the Brocas family were closely involved with the royal horses.Arnald served as of Edward III's brother, John, and Menuald was masterof the king's horsesnorth of the Trent.,Amald, with Bernard Brocas, the prince's servant,

38 BPR,iii, 363; iv, 176,290,330,484,514,530,560; R.H. C. Davis, 7heMedieval Warhorse,London, 1989, 9 1; 111 Hewitt, TheHorse in MedievalEngland, London, 1983,27.The fmesthorses had namessuch as the prince'sMorel (Black) de Burghersh,Grisel (Grey) de Cologne,Bayard (Bay) de Brucell and BayardDieu. A small hackneywhich he ownedwas called simply Wellfed, BPR, iv, 67-8; Prestwich,Op cit., 30-1 39 - P.ILW. Booth, 77ieFinancialAdministration of the Lordship and Counly of Chester,1272-1377, (Chetham Society),1981,94. The Macclesfieldstud was establishedat leastby the time of EdwardI. In 1330the stud, which includedtwo stallions,23 maresand a numberof foals, passedover to the control of JordanMacclesfield. Laterthere was a generalstock-keeper at Macclesfieldsupervising both horsesand cattle,Hewitt, Horse in MedievalEnghvd, 12-3. 40 A. Ayton, Knights and Warhorses:Militay Serviceand theEnglish Aristocracy underEdwani III, Woodbridge, 1994,223-4and n. 128. 41 Carte,Roles Gascons, i, 151. 34 travelled to Gasconyin 1362.42John Brocas was sent with 20 horsesfor the prince and his company,including the capturedKing of France,to ride to Londonin 1357.Brocas wasto be paid by the sheriff of Devonfor his costsin this matter.43 Twenty grooms and a farrier also accompaniedthem on a leisurelyride via Exeter,Sherborne, Salisbury and

Winchesterto London.44Prior to movingthe householdto Aquitaine,preparations were againmade for horses,feed and litter for 1,000animals was purchasedin .45

Separatetransport was laid on for the movementof horsesacross the Channelin 1364and thereafter,orders for horse-feedand equipment continued to be made.46

The prince did not have to provide horsesfor all his troops. It was expectedthat indenturedretainers would bring their own mounts.In addition,not all the horseswhich were requiredwere transported from England.The constableof Bordeauxwas ordered to

47 appraiseand mark horsesfor purchaseon the arrival of the fleet in 1355. As Hewitt noted,it is impossibleto provideany greatdetail concerning the sourcesof supply,the numbersor valueof the horsesinvolved in the expedition.Although he doesstate that a horsewas requiredfor eachof the 433 men-at-armsand 400 archersin additionto those

for household ff4 The king required additionalsoldiers and or administrativesta .' undertookto compensatefor the lossof horseson campaignthroughout the 1340sand

'50s and it couldbe a very heavyfinancial burden. In accordancewith this, John

Deyncourtand three others were appointedto appraiseand mark the horsesof the prince

to Gasconyin 135549 A thoseinvolved in the 1355-6 andothers going . numberof

42 MontagueBurrows, The FmnilyofBrocas ofBeaurepairewdRoche Court, London, 1886,53,56,94. 43CCA 1354-60,347. 44 Hewitt, Horse inAfedievalEngland,3940. 45 12Feb. 1363,CPA 1361-4,302. 46 2 Apr. 1365,COnN; 78/10. 47 16 July, Rymer,111, i, 309. 48 Hcwitt, Black Prince's Firpedition,32-3. 49 Rymer,III, i, 310,22 July 1355. Generallyon restauroequorun; see Ayton, op cit., 49-137. 35 campaignwere compensatedfor lossof horses.Bernard van Zedelesreceived 153 for threehorses, John Landestrene, f. 12 for two horsesand SeynerGransekyn 116 for two horses.Edward Courtenay received L55 andBurghersh was paid L300for similar losses

50 by himself andhis retinuein the courseof the campaign. In 1358William Trusselwrote 51 to the princerequesting payment for six horseslost on the last campaign. The prince alsocompensated for horseslost on his businessduring peacetimeparticularly through 53 "hard riding".52 A numberof horsesdied early in the 1355operation. Theymay have beenoverworked or overladenor sufferingfrom transportfever. Further horses were requiredbefore the secondraid and on returningto Englandin 1357.During the winter of

1355-6Richard Stafford was sentto Englandfor suppliesand reinforcements. John

Kendale,receiver of Cornwall,purveyed 30 baggage-horseswith tack, andRoger Ragaz 54 purchaseda numberof sumpter-horseswhich wereto returnwith Stafford. He arrived with the troops,horses, equipment and supplies on 19 June1356.55

Many horseswere again needed for the Reimsoperation, both for the prince's personaluse and for the wider retinue.The campaignwitnessed a reductionin horse valuespossibly following the declineof the traditionalrole of the warhorsein line with the differentrequirements of the chevauchJe,possibly marking deliberately reduced valuations.There was a very heavydemand for horsesbut for animalsof substantially lower value.56 The expeditionwas unusual in the predominanceof mountedtroops as well

50 Van Zedeles was paid E395 6s. 8d. in a final payment to replace his horses and those of his companionst resumably the other "Almains", 11cwitt, Horse in Medieval Enghvd, 75. I BL Cotton Caligula D III f, 30. 52 Ilewitt, op cit., 40. 53 1889,128. Geoffrey le Baker, Chronicon Galfildi k Baker de Suýrebrd-e, 1303-56,ed. ENL Tbompson,oxford, 34 27 Mar. 1356, BPR, ii, 94. The sheriff of Devon was to provide "clayes" and 400 hurdles for the transport of horses from Plymouth, 8 Mar. 1356, CC9 13.54-60,256-7; Rymer, III, i, 323. 55 Barber, Edwan-1,130-1. 56 Ayton, op cit., 219-24. 36 asthe roughequality of the numbersof men-at-armsand archers. 57 On 25 October1359

an orderwas made to Lacy to payLittle Watteof Smithfield150 for a destrierbought for

the princefrom him.5' The princealso purchaseda horsefrom his bachelor,John del

Hide, for 80 marks during the campaign.59 On 5 July 1359 letters were sentto the

chamberlainof Chesterand chamberlain of north Walesordering each to purchaseten of

60 the bestsumpter-horses and bring themto Londonon their next ViSit. The princelost

395 appraisedwarhorses in the Reimscampaign of which the meanvalue was 18 9s. IId.,

he took 1,369horses with him andreturned with 2,114.61

Theseanimals had to be equippedwith harnessand saddles.Often these were

purchasedwith the animalalthough examples from the prince'scampaigns can be found

of additionalpurchases of equipment.Lambekyn, a Germansaddler, was paid 113 6s. 8d.

in advancefor a numberof saddlesfor the 1355expedition 62 and in total he receivedat

least191 7s. 6d. althoughit is impossibleto sayif this was only for military equipment 63 for the campaign. His serviceswere againcalled upon in 1359.An orderwas given for

152 4s. 8d. to be paid on 20 September13 59.64 In addition,124 9s. I d. werepaid to Terry

Sadelerfor saddlesand otherharnesS. 65 Horse-shoes were alsorequired in greatnumbers.

Theywere carriedin largequantities by expeditionaryforces. On campaignit seems

57 Ayton, "English Annies in the FourteenthCentury" Arms; Armies Forlificalions in tile 11undredYeors 1v 0" , and ed. A. Curry and M Hughes, Woodbridge, 1994,3 1. 58BPR, iv, 326. 59 ibid., 355,361. 60 ibid., iii, 351. 61 Ayton, Knights and Marhorses,265. 62 28 June1355, BPR, iv, 152. 63 ibid., 3 10. 64 ibid., iv, 317. 65ibid., 3 10-11. 37 likely that the groomsshod their charges.In 1356in Bordeaux120 werepaid for 2,000

66 horse-shoesand 20,000 nailS.

Archeryequipment

The increasingrole andimportance of the archernecessitated the stockpilingof bows,arrows and associated equipment prior to campaignsand often additionalsupplies wererequired during those expeditions. Throughout the southerncounties, bows, arrows andvictuals were purveyed for the prince'sexpedition as well asLancaster's in 1355.

Therewas extensivepurveyance in Comwall someof which wasundertaken by Thomas

Durrant,the king's sergeantat arms,for which, in manycases, payment had not been madeby 1357.67Lacy was to purvey400 bows and 1,000sheaves of arrows"or asmany aspossible up to that numberand deliver themto the prince'syeoman, William de Seint 69 Omee". 6' Archerystocks were also sentto SaintMacaire in advanceof the army. In addition,the princehad supplies of armsand armour in his principal castles.At Chesterin

1359a 4,000 70 the the of storeof arrow-headswas recorded. -During periodof principality Aquitainethe princemaintained an armouryin Bordeauxof which the constablekept an inventory.71 Presumably this providedthe army for the Nijera expeditionwith at least someof its equipment.

During the winter andspring of 1355-6further suppliesof archeryequipment wererequired prior to the next raid andto supportcontinuing military actionon the

66 Hewitt, Ilorse in Medieval Englwd, 5. 67 in CCX 1354-60,256;20 Mar. 1357,ibid., 346. Revenuefrom Exeterport customswere paid to Durrant recompensefor costsincurred in purveyingin Devon on the prince's behalf. 68 6 Sept.1355, BPR, iv, 153. 69 Hewitt, Black Prince ý Expedition,30,49. Hewitt makesgreat use of Henxteworth'sday book which provides recordsof military equipmentused in 1355-6. 70 Ches.Chconb. Accs, 273. 71 eg. JohnLudham's inventory drawn up in 1372after the prince handedback Aquitaine, E101/179/8,9. 38 Gasconborders and, in this case,the pressurefell on Cheshire.The princehad to order

the seizureof all remainingsupplies in Englandwhich hadnot beenrequisitioned by his

fatherand the arrestof all Cheshirefletchers, forcing themto work for him.72 In addition,

RobertPipot was sentto Englandto buy andpurvey 1,000bows, 2,000 sheaves of arrows

and400 grossof bowstrings.Cornwall again provided bows andarrows and the timber

for their manufactureas well asvictuals. 73 Even after Poitierssupplies of equipment

continuedto be sentto the prince.74

In preparationfor the Reimsexpedition John Kendale was ordered, on II April

1359,to purvey 300 sheavesof arrows and 1,000 bowstrings before midsummer (St

James' day). The original order had been for a greater number.75 These, in addition to dried fish and other items, were to be sent to Sandwich.76 Henry Skuryn, masterof the

77 SeinteMari, Fowey, items Sandwich ship La of transported someof the purveyed to .

JohnBrunham also purveyed arrows and bowstrings. He receiveda secondorder for

1,000sheaves of arrowsand 5,000 bowstrings on 26 December.The bowstringswere to be a little biggerthan the last onespurveyed by him andwere to be sentto the prince's wardrobein London.78 The prince's own activities in this areapaled beside the national effort to equipthe archersin 135 9. The keeperof the privy wardrobein the Towerwas to impressfletchers, armourers, smiths and otherworlanen to makearchery supplies and

72 by John 29 Feb. 1356,BPR, iii, 223-4.The fletcherswere to be paid for their labourand for itemspurveyed 27 Brunham,chamberlain of Chester.Transportation to Gasconywas organisedby Little Johnof Berkhamsted, Mar. 1356,ibid., 224-5. 73 SeeBPR, ii, 116; 13 July 1356, CPR, 1354-8,419. 74 E101/392/15. 75 BPR,iii, 348; ii, 155. 76 4 Aug. 1359,ibid., 160. 77ibid., 165. 78 ibid., iii, 379. 39 otherweaponry and armour. Timber was to be purchasedand 1,000bows, 10,000sheaves

1 000 100 bowstrings feathers.79 of arrows, . sheavesof top quality arrows, grossof and

Foodstuffs

Bread,supplemented by beans,peas and oatmeal formed the mainpart of the

soldier'sdiet. Meat or fish, usuallydried or salted,were also needed as well as fresh

water,wine or ale.The raidsin which the princewas involvedhad different aims and

thesecoloured the way in which the armieswere supplied.Earlier raidsalso influenced

the availabilityof foodstuffs,for both troopsand horses. Armies hopedto be ableto live

off the land but this was impossibleif a previousforce hadrecently ravaged the area.This

wasa partial considerationin determiningthe routeof the 1356raid. Thereseems little

doubtthat the Black Prince'sfinancial position in Aquitainewas significantlyweakened

by the damagehe hadwrought in 1355-6.The Reimscampaign was envisagedas a

coronationprocession not a chevauchee.Edward had no desireto turn his potential

subjectsfurther againsthim or to damagewhat might be his own tax revenue.However, foragingparties were required in 1359and the systemof distributionfor the suppliesthey

acquiredhad to be organised.This was despitethe very considerableamount of victuals that weretaken across the Channelby the army.The inability of the countrysideto supportan army of suchsize was a decidingfactor in the failure of the Englishsieges at

Reimsand Paris. During the II monthsof the siegeof Calais,plentiful suppliesof wood from Villeneuve-le-Hardiand twice weekly food deliveriesfrom Flandershad assisted the English.Such options were not availablein 1359-60.The Naieracampaign might likewisehave failed if Enriquehad followed Frenchadvice and refused battle. The lack of

79CPR, 1358-61,323. 40 food andwater was startingto take its toll on the prince'sarmy. A muchgreater delay

beforethe battleand the princewould havebeen forced to retreatin searchof supplies.

Cornwalland its foreignmanors provided the bulk of the prince'ssupplies for his

campaigns.This was supplementedby foodstuffsfrom Cheshireand elsewhere. The

duchy was also the main focus for acquiring supplies in 1362-3 for the transfer of the 80 householdto Aquitaine. For the campaign of 1355,Robert Eleford, the stewardand

sheriff of Cornwall,purveyed wine in Dartmouth,Plymouth and Fowey "and in all other

townson that sea-coastin Comewailleand Devenshire [he wasto] purvey300 quartersof

oats and 100 quartersof wheat" as well as brushwood.81 John Rous was to be paid LI l3s.

4d. for beansand peas bought for the expedition.12 These latter commoditiesmay have

also servedas feedfor the horses.During the winter of 1355-6further victuals were sent

from England.John Pailington, for example,was appointedto providebacon for the " prince. The needfor suppliesdid not endwith Stafford'sreturn to Gascony.On II

Augustan orderfor 500 dried andpowdered cod, 400 saltedcongers and 200 salted

salmonto be sentto Bordeauxwas madeto Kendale.84 After Poitiers,the expensesof the

householdand requirements of entertainingthe captiveroyalty andnobility necessitateda

further orderto Cornwalland there were ongoing demands for oatsand other horse- 85 feed. Saltedfish were also supplied from Great Yarmouth86 and along the north Norfolk coastand wheat was takenfrom Hull. 87The princereserved the produceof his manorsof

80ibid., 1361-4,303. 81 24 Apr. 1355,BPR, ii, 77. 82 10 Feb. 1356,ibid., iv, 180. 83 28 Mar. 1356,Rymer, IH, i, 325. 84BPR, ii, 98. 85 for 8 Dec. 1355,ibid., 105-6;8 Feb. 1356,ibid., 107.John le Dyerereceived a writ of aid havingpurveyed horse-feedon 15 Feb. 1357,CPR, 1354-8,514. 86 TbomasDraytor4 Hugh Fastolfand Adam Kentishwere orderedto providethe supplieson 3 Sept.1356, CPR, 1354-8,468. 87 GeoffreyHamby took 400 quarters of wheatfrom Kingston-upon-Hullto the prince, 8 Nov. 1356,ibid, 467. 41 Kennington and Vauxhall for his purchaseand use.88 On the prince's return to England

with his royal captive,John Dabernon, the sheriff of Devon,was ordered to provide " victuals and transport. Although the principality of Aquitaine was intendedto be self-

sufficientsupplies were ordered from England.For example,John Ludham brought three

lastsof herringsfrom GreatYarmouth for his household.90

In 1359, prior to the campaign, severaltuns of wine were purveyed from the

Sandwicharea and stored at Northbourne.9' ThomasDover was sentto Cheshireto

purvey 160great beasts for the prince'shousehold, which wereto be paid for by the

chamberlainthere. 92 The purveyorscould be too effective,or fundstoo limited. William

Dyn, purveyorof wheatfor the prince'shousehold, collected 30 quartersand six bushels

of wheatmore than was usedby RichardDoxeye, the prince'sbaker, and due to lack of

fundsthe excesswas to be returned.72 quartersand six bushelshad been delivered to 93Less Doxeye at a cost of V 16s.21/4d. from the collection point at Maldon. evidenceis

availablefor the feedingof troopsduring musters.Problems could becomeacute as, in manycases, departure was delayed.For example,the fleet was detainedfor several monthsat Plymouthin 1355.It remainsunclear how troopswere suppliedduring this

94 period.

88 5 Nov. 1356,ibid., 482. 89 horses 20 Mar. 1357,Rymer, III, i, 348. Ile was alsoto assistJohn Brocas who was sentby the king with to bring the princeand his companyto London,20 Mar. 1357,CCR, 1354-60,347. 90 26 Oct. 1364,CPR. 1364-7.32. 91 4 Aug. 1359,BPR, iv, 305. 92 16 June1359, ibid., iii, 348-9. 93 William had by this point died and the responsibilityfor returningthe wheatfell to his brother,Richard, ibid.. iv, 332. 94 Crispin Gill, Plymouth.A NewHistory, NewtonAbbot, 1966,77-9. 42 Ships

The fleetsused to transportthe princeacross the Channelwere created and dissolvedas necessary. Many of the king's shipswere purpose-built or specially

commissionedbut thesehad to be supplementedfor majoroperations by privatelyowned

shipswhich werethen convertedfor military usewith the additionof gangways,hurdles 95 andfighting platforms.Often crews were impressedwith their ships.

The indenturebetween the princeand his fathersigned on 10June 1355 post- datedmany of the preparationsfor the campaign.Hurdles (used for separatinghorses from whenonboard ship), to be sentto Plymouth,were purveyed by the sheriff of Devon

96 97 Wales. On 6 May a further2,500 hurdles were to be commandeered.On 27 May,

ThomasHoggeshawe, lieutenant of JohnBeauchamp, the admiralof the fleet westof the

Thames,was appointedacting admiral of the prince'sfleet. JohnDeyncourt, sub-admiral 98 of the northernfleet, was also involved.General orders were sentout in April. Henry

Keverellwas paid for the purchaseof gearfor the prince'sship. Itemswere alsodelivered

to Johnle Clerk andhis fellows, the keepersof the Chrislophre.99 On 16July, Bayonne "o shipswere arrestedin variousports. They hadpreviously been used to transport

Lancaster'stroops to Nomandy.101 Safe conducts were issuedto the prince'smen

between8 Juneand 6 September.However, contrary winds and lack of shipsdelayed the

95 16:2 (1977), Timothy J. Runyan,"Ships andMariners in LaterMedieval England! ', Journal ofBritish Studies, 7; 1lewitt, Black Prince's Expedition,3 4-6. 96C61/67/29; 8 Mar. 1355,CCA 1354-60,256. 97 Rymer,111, i, 299,302,307,309-10,323,325. Similar wan-antswere issuedto the sheriffsof Devonand Southampton 98 ibid., 298,302. 99 1 Dec. 1354,BPR, iv, 158,160; 16June 1355;ibid., 166.Henry Keverell presumablywas a merchantOr sffplier for shipsand boats.He also supplieditems to the prince'sbarge, ibid., 160. 1- Rymer,III, i, 308; Carte,Roles Gascons, i, 134, 101 C61/67/5;Fowler, King's Lieutenant,147. For a tentativelist of the shipsarrested for the prince's use see Hewitt, Black Prince's Expedition,40-2. This excludesthe SaintAfary cog of Winchelseawhich, at 200 tons,was his the largestship in the fleet, E6in6/4; Runyan,"Ships and Mariners", 2 n. 3. The princehimself sailedon father's ship, the Christophre,Emerson, Black Prince, 90. 43 prince's'departure.Instead of leavingin mid July as originally intended,it wasearly

Septemberbefore all the shipswere assembled.During the delayat Plymouththe prince

stayedat Plymptonpriory andconcerned himself with affairs concerningthe duchyof

Cornwall.102 Advance groups may havebeen sent over prior to the arrival of the prince

andthe main fleet. On I July 1355Tiderick van Dale,usher of the prince'schamber, was

paid 120 on going abroadwith the youngerBurghersh. 103 He receiveda tun of wine and ten quartersof wheatat Plymouthprior to the muster.104 Stephen Cosington and William the Chaplainwere also sentto preparethe archbishop'spalace at Bordeauxfor the arrival of the princewho stayedthere, whilst not on campaign,until his returnto Englandin

1357.105The main fleet sailedon 8 Septemberand arrivedin Bordeauxeight dayslater at the heightof the vendage.Warwick, Suffolk andtheir retinuesembarked and sailed from

Southampton.106 On 21 Septemberthe princetook his oathas lieutenant before the

citizensof Bordeaux.107 The prince'sclerk, RobertBrampton, prepared the shipsfor

Stafford'sreturnjourney to Gasconyin 1356.108He received0 6s. 8d. asa gift from the princefor this.109 Ships were againrequired for thoseinvolved in overseeingthe territorial conditionsof the treaty of Bretigny andthe transferof the prince'shousehold to

Aquitainein 1361-3.110Although it was not a military expedition,a considerablenumber

102 BPR,ii, 80-8; ibid., iii, 212-6; Hewitt, op cit., 26. 103 BPR,iv, 158.Tidcrik was also involved in deliveringmoney to theprince's chamber and received a gift of LIO, I June1355, ibid., 161. 10425 May 1355,ibid., 78. 105 1355 PierreCapra, "Le s6jourdu PrinceNoir, lieutenantdu Roi,A I'ArchMch6 deBordeaux (20 scptcrnbre - II avril 1357r,Revue historique A Bordeauxet A dipatementGironde, NS 7 (1958).246-7. 106 1355, Hewitt,Black Prince's Expedition, 37. Shipswere arrested for Warwick'sdepart= from lo Mar. Thomas C61/67/14.By 8 May 44 shipswere at Southamptonfor theprince's use, E101/26/37. For the account of 110peshawe, admiralof thefleet and for William Wenlock'saot cc un of mariners,wages see ElO 1/26/34. 10, Labarge,Gascony, 136-7. For text of theoath and a list of witnessessee Ltvre de COulumes,ed. Ilenri Barckhausen(Archives Municipales de Bordeaux), 1890,439-44, see also the resumi, 487. 108 Shipswere "arrested" throughout Apr. 1356for Stafford'smission, C61/68/4; M/68/4. 10924 Oct. 1356,BPR, iv, 192. Ito ForStafford's and Chivereston's ships see C61n413; 75/27. Adam I loghtonreceived letters of protection15 July 1361. Carte, Roles Gascons, i, 149 44 of vesselsfor the largehousehold, retinue and vast amountof baggage,were needed and "' the princewas delayeduntil April 1363because of the lack of availableships. The

reinforcementssent over to assistin the defenceof the principality following the outbreak

of hostilitiesin 1368112 and the formal reopeningof the war in 1369,including the

retinuesof Gauntand Walter Hewitt, usedarrested ships such as John Sloo's shipLa

Sabitemarie out of Bristol as troop transports.113

11 1 I MM; Barber,Edward, 178-9.Ships were "arreste&' on 4 June 1362and 16 Feb. 1363for this purpose,C6 CPA 13614,317, also secC6ln5/6,8, l6-l8; 76/5,7, Carte,Roles Gasconsj, 151-2.On 3 and 4 June1363 in paymentswere made to the mastersof the shipsChrislophre of Fowcy and Katerine of I lull, presumably connectionwith the transferto Aquitaine,BPR, iv, 497; Rymer,III, ii, 652. For paymentsto the mastersof ships in 1363-4see 13101/29/1 (Ralph Kesteven's account); 36/20 and paymentsto mariners,1362-3 see 13101/28/26 (RobertCrull's account). 112 C61/81/4.For Gaunt'sflect in 1366used to transporthis troopsfor the Spanishcampaign see C61/79/8. 113 26 Mar. 1369,CPR, 1367-70,228. 45 3 Recruitment

Introduction

The meansof recruitmentto the "closecircles" of the prince'sretinue are rather

moreobscure than general recruitment to the campaignsin which the princeparticipated

andof which the retinueprovided the core of the army or division.The prince'sstatus

and,after Crecy,his military standingensured that recruitmentfor his expeditionswas

never a problem. This was further augmentedby his generosity after the Poitiers

campaign. Short-term contracts securedthe servicesof the majority of the knights and

menof comparablestatus in his expeditionaryforces. These were additionalto thosein

receiptof life indentures,of which therewere few, thosereceiving annuities for military

service,who weremuch more numerous, and those of the prince'shousehold, particularly

his bachelors,who werecompelled to accompanyhim on campaign.

The prince'smilitary forces,although in someways distinct from other comparableassociations, were subjectto the sameforces as the restof military and aristocraticsociety. The increasingprofessionalism of the army meantthat military servicebecame a careeroption for a rangeof menoutside the traditionalmilitary aristocracy.At the sametime the mid fourteenthcentury saw "the temporary

"remilitarization' the traditional by contractualservice, of warrior class... stimulated ... paid ' governmentalpressure and encouragementof a chivalric esprit de corps". Military servicewas perilous financially andphysically but the Englishfound the campaignsfrom

1345-1367were generallyprofitable, particularly the Black Prince'schevaucNes Of

" AndrewAyton, "Knights, Esquires and hfilitary Service:The Evidence of theArmorial Cases before the Court of Chivalry".Me AfedievaUldilmy Revolution: Sixe an] Societyin Medieval ad Eiv*ModernEurope, ed. A. Aytonand J. L. Price,London and New York 1995,83.

46 1355-6.Wages, theoretically paid in advance,were an inducementto servebut they

tendedonly to coverexpenses and were not paid regularly.By contrast,the introduction

of the regard in the 1340swas an importantincentive, particularly for a recruitingcaptain

who might not passon a shareto his men.Pardons, booty and a numberof otherrewards

were someof the otherbenefits that might accruefrom participatingin a campaign.It was

important also that concernsat home did not prevent participation. Letters of protection were issuedbut werenot alwayseffective as the largenumbers of complaintsleading to

commissionsof oyer andterminer attest. For otherssuch as Ralph Shelton, legal action 2 against him in Norfolk was delayed until his return from the Poitiers campaign.

Involvement in a campaign might also result in inheriting property a little earlier than would normallybe the case.Edward Despenser was not yet of agewhen given seisin of the landsof his uncleHugh, partly dueto his servicein Gasconyand John,, son of Rogerla

Warre,was similarlygranted his inheritancein Northamptonshire.3

1, Mercenariesand/or professional soldiers were conspicuous in Englisharmies and playedan importantrole in manyof the prince'sbattles. In the 1355-6campaigns the mostdistinctive were the "Almaine' of whom Bernardvan Zedelesremained with the prince,accompa Inied him to Aquitainein 1363and was recruitedby RichardIL The princehimself fought as,arguably, a mercenaryin the Nijera campaignand many leaders andmembers of the FreeCompanies found servicewith the princeat onetime or another.

With the introductionof paid servicethe distinctionbetween mercenaries, professional soldiersand those who, in earlieryears, would havefought aspart of the feudalhost becamevery slight.

2 CCR. 1354-60,334.The caseof Walter Thorpein Leicestershirewas similarly delayedin 1359,ibid., 640. The outlawry of ThomasArderne in Apr. 1367was delayeduntil Feb. 1368,ibid., 1364-8,374. 3 26 Mar. 1357,ibid., 1354-60,348;CaMne Rolls, 1369-77,99. 47 After the treatyof Bretigny,the lack of opportunitiesfor military servicebrought aboutthe formationof the FreeCompanies. This situationwas compoundedby the conclusionof the Bretoncivil war. The role of the mercenarycompanies in determining the political fortunesof the Iberianstates has been examined in somedetail, as has their service with Charles of Navarre.4 Calveley, Eustaced'Aubrechicourt, John Devereux,

John Cresswelf,Robert Briquet and William Butler all played a part in the deposition and reinstatementof Pedroto the thronewhile OwainLawgoch remained to fight on the

Trastamaranside. Calveley's role in the captureof the townsof Mirandaand Puente le

Reina was critical in ensuring the nominal support of Charlesof Navarre. Mercenaries probablyformed about a third of the prince'sarmy in 1367.Chandos was personally responsiblefor muchof the recruitment.He was saidto haveenlisted the supportof 14 of the 25 captainswho supportedthe prince.These included John Sandes, John Aleyn,

Shakelland Hawley. Companies were alsoled by Bretonsand Gascons such as the sire de

Rays and Aimery de Rochechouart.5

Feudalobligation was not extinct in 1346.Two yearspreviously, Edward III had introduceda financial scaleof assessmentto determinemilitary contributions.It wasa radicalchange from the Statuteof Winchester(1285) and extremely unpopular especially afterthe failure of the early encountersin the Frenchwar. It is possiblethat only the overwhelmingvictory at Crdcyprevented a major crisis.The schemewas abandonedin

1352.6Also obligedt6 fight werethose retained for military service.Life retainerswere not numerousamong the prince'smilitary servantsand he relied on short-termindentures

4 KennethFowler, %'emploi desmercenaires par les pouvoirsiberiques et 11interventionmilitaire anglaiseen Adeline Espagne(vers 1361- vers 1379Y', Reafidad e Imagenesdel Poder.Espaha afines de la EdadMedia, ed. Ruquoi,Valladolid, 1988,23-55.D'Aubrechicourt, Devereux, Cresswell, Petiton de Curton,Seguin de Mussidan, Raymonddo Montauntand StephenCosington served Navarre. Cosington did homageto Charlesfor 1,000 florins, Cat6logo,vi, nos.239,263. 5 Fowler,op cit., 36-8. For detailsof the Raysfamily and an edition of their cartu.lary seeR. Blanchard,"Les Siresde Rayset leur cartulairc",AHP, xxvii (1898). 6 Prestwich,Artnie3 ad Warfare,80. 48 and subcontractorswho had no particular loyalty to him for a large proportion of his troopS.7 Thesewere augmentedby householdservants, annuitants and others.

The Appealof Servicewith the Prince , king, , Servicewith the princewould, theoretically,lead to servicewith the either throughpromotion to the royal householdor whenthe princebecame monarch in his own right. In reality, the monarchproved to be RichardII andthe knightsof the chamberin the first six or sevenyears of Richard'sreign weremainly former servantsof the Black

Prince.They includedRichard Abberburyý Baldwin Bereford,Nicholas Bonde, John and

SimonBurley, Lewis Clifford, PeterCourtenay, John del Hay, NicholasSamesfield,

Aubrey Vere andBernard van Zedeles.Others in the new king's servicewere Nicholas

Dagworth,Robert Roos, Richard Stury, William Beauchampand John Holland who had beenassociated with Richard'sfather8and William Drayton,the prince'sesquire became

Richard'sknight. 9 JohnSandes, who receivedan annuityfrom the princein 1369,also " becamean esquireof Richard'schamberlo as did RichardCraddock. Of 19 known, esquiresof Richard'schamber in the first decadeof his reign at leastnine hadserved the 12 Black Princeas well ashis sonas prince of Wales. ,

As with Johnof Gauntso it waswith the Black Prince,"Service in his company

intrinsically honourablethan lesser "13For the was... more servicewith a commander. in his durationof his militarily activelife, the Black Princewas secondonly to the king

7 Seefor comparisonWalker, LancastrianAfflni% 50. 8 Given-Wilson,Royal Household,161-2. 9 49; CPA 1377-81,212,390.Ile also servedin Gatmt'sretinue in 1373,Gaun is ' Regisl er, I 372-6,32 no. 1994,21. JamesSherborne, War, Politics and Culture in FourteenthCentury England, ed. A. Tuck, London, 10 London, E364/16/49d.;CPR, 1377-81,382;Rymer, III, ii, 101;A. Steel,Receipt ofthe Exchequer.1377-1485, 1954;40; Sherborne,op cit., 22. CP.% 1381-5,310;1391-6,34; Carte, Roles Gascons, i, 176;Steel, op cit., 40; Sherborne,opcit., 22. 12 JohnBreton, Roger Coghull, LambertFenner, Richard Hampton, John Peytevyn, Adam Ramsey,Philip Walwyn,snr, RichardWiltshire and William Wyncclowe,Given-Wilson, op cit., 174,306n. 128. 13 Walker,op cit., 57. 49 appealas a recruitingcaptain. The victory at Crecygave the princemilitary legitimacy

and,if the victory in itself wasnot enough,it was described,exaggerated and promoted in

chivalricterms. The imagewhich he portrayedand which he wasgiven, drew mento his

retinue,as did the rewardsand opportunities that servicewith the princeoffered. The

prince's chivalric aura fell on many of his high-ranking retainersas Froissart and

ChandosHerald demonstrate. After Crecyalmost all aspectsof the war became

favourablefor military-recruitment. The displayof Englishpower altered the national 14 military reputation as well as that of individual captainssuch as Audley, Chandos and,

perhapsmost importantly, the Black Prince.

Rewards

Indenturesof life servicewere the mostsought-after rewards for a youngknight.

Dependingon statusthey could doublehis income.The princewas generous to his life

retainersbut muchmore so to his annuitants.11is example may haveinfluenced his

younger.brother in the scaleof paymentsmade to his own affinity. 15Rewards of all sorts

tendedto follow a successfulcampaign. It may be that manymore grants, gifts and

officesas well as pardonswere given by the princefollowing the Cr6cy-Calaisoperation thanare now recorded,the lack of evidencefor suchrewards is puzzling.The princewas

of coursea very youngman and his role in the campaignrelatively limited, so perhapshis rewardswere restricted to a smallnumber of individualsand; unusually, a numberwere

Welshmen.Griffith ap Llewelyn ap Jevanreceived a charterof pardon,although this was

dependenton his remainingin the prince's serviceduring the Calaissiege and David ap

14Hewitt, Organisalionof War, 3 1. 15 Walker,op cit., 91-2. Walker statesthat "In comparisonwith the feesoffered by othermagnates they [Gaunt's] wereexceptional: only Edward,prince of Walesoffered his men more.- lie notesAubrey Vcrc whoseretainer was increasedby the prince in 1375to El 83 6s. 8d., CP,% 1377-81,161. 50 Thloet [Llwyd] alsoreceived a pardon.16 Edmund Kendale was granted an annuity, 17 probablyfor servicesin battlebut perhapsas a rewardfor beingthe prince'ssteward.

However,the prince'sattitude changed after Poitiersas the welter of gifts, grantsand pardonsattests. James Audley receivedthe mostgenerous reward with an annuityof

1400,probably since he waswounded and unable to join in the ransomingspree, which e.nsued. 18 As Michael Prestwichnotes, the grantsawarded on this occasiondo not appear to reflect socialstatus and he givesthe exampleof NicholasBonde, an esquire,who was rewarded with 50 marks a year whilst two knights received only 40 marks and 120 a

19 year.

The retinuewas recruited with predominantlymilitary concernsin mind andthose grantsthat weremade between campaigns may havebeen critical in ensuringkey support for later exp'editions. The extensivepatronage at the prince'scommand, in termsof money,offices, wardships, leases, game, wine, pardonsand influenceat court all served to further his reputationas a manworthy of servingon the battlefieldand in peacetime.

Ransoms

The systemof ransomingallowed for the practicalimplementation of chivalry on the battlefield.It alsogave the opportunityfor knightsto makea fortuneor to loseone.

The ransomsacquired at Poitiersand elsewherecould be extremelyvaluable to the prince and his retinue, the greatestexample being King Jean himself2o However, such booty and potentialwealth was offset by the prince's demandfor a half of all booty ratherthan the

1627 Aug., 16 Oct. 1347,BPR, i, 115,125. 17 ibid., 13 ig" lejo I Wentendi a a oneques... ne prist prisonnier um6e,ne au prendre,rmis toujours combatreet aler avantsus ememis", Froissart,Oeuvres, ed. Lettenhove,v, 439. 19 BPR.,iv, 196-8,291; Prestwich,op cit., 101. 20 See"Ibe Ransomof JohnH, 1360-70",ed. DorothyM. Broome,Camden Miscellany, xiv (1926). 51 usualthird. This anomalyhad been "corrected" by the 1360s.2' Amongsome of the most notablecaptures made by membersof the retinuewas the chamberlainof Tancarville takenby ThomasDaniel at Caenin 1346.The princeclaimed him ashis own prisonerand

Danielwas paid 1,000marks and a 40 mark annuity.22 The "eventual"captor of the count 23 of Dammartinat Poitiers,the earl of Salisbury,paid the prince11,000 as his share.

There were many ransomsafter the battle of Nijera, much to the chagrin of Pedro the

Cruelwho wishedto put his enemiesto death.The mostnotable captive was Bertrand Du

Guesclinwhom the princelater released,allowing him to re-instateEnrique and being instrumental in the recaptureof the lands forfeited after the treaty of Bretigny and more besides.The treaty of Libourne of 1366 had stipulations regarding ransoms,which were seenas a potential,if uncertain,source of profit. 'Evenfor the captor,ransoms could sometimeshave unforeseen and very unfortunateconsequences. The caseinvolving the countof Denia.and Hawley and Shakellis a casein point.24

MedicalProvision

It wasnot only the chanceof booty,the offer of lettersof protection,regular wages,pardons and the chanceof victory or chivalric glory that drew mento the prince's

21 D. Hay,"The Division of Spoilsof Warin FourteenthCentury England", TRHS, 4h ser., 4 (1954),94. 22 by Tancarvillewas kept at Wallingford castleuntil 1348.I-Us ransom was paid by a complicatedarrangement III in which severalestates were mortgaged to an alien priory which surrenderedL6,000 of land to Edward who his turn reimbursedhis son, Sumption,Himdred YearsWar, 510-11.On 12Nov. 1346the princewrote rebuking serjeant-at-arms,William Welhamfor allowing Tancarvilletoo much freedom"to go at largeat his Plcasureý%. This wasprompted by the captureof Walter Mamy who was -treacherouslyimprisonc&'in Paris.Welham and EdmundKendale were to reinforcesecurity, BPR, i, 33. On 18 ýAar.1347 an orderwas given allowing Tancarvilleto return to Francewith his brother,who was alsoa prisoner,to arrangehis affairs on the condition that he return,ibid., 60. 23 Dammartininitially surrenderedto JohnTrailly, then to a Gasconwho threatenedhim, finally a third man handedhim over to Salisbury,BPR, iv, 339,379,38 1. 24 Both were esquiresin Chandos'retinue at NAjera.The capturewas actuallymade by RichardI IcM, alias Chamberlain,Hawley's servant.Shakell claimed a sharein the ransomdue to a brothers-in-armsarrangement. For a discussionof the case,its conclusionin the court of chivalry and Hawley's murderin Westminsterabbey seeA. Rogers,"Hoton versusShakell: A RansomCase in the Court of Chivalry-, 2 parts,NMS, vi, 74-108;vii, 53-78.

52 25 service. Otherfactors marked him out asa manworthy of servingsuch as his regard andconcern for his troops.He followed the approachadopted by his fatherconcerning the necessityfor propermedical care and its importancefor recruiting.There were very extensivemedical preparations in 1346and attention was paid similarly to the wounded afterPoitiers. 26 Surgeons and physicians were, like soldiers,recruited for the durationof the campaignor servedin individual retinues.Jordan of Canterburyserved the king, the princeand a fewclose advisorsas personal doctor on the Crecycampaign. Roger Heyton 27 may alsohave been involved. William Blackwateralso served as doctor to the king and 28 his son in 1346, later accompaniedthe prince to Poitiers and was retained by him.

MasterAdam, Master Adam de la Poultrie andAdam Rouswere probablyalso present at " Gascony Poitiers. Walter of Gales,- physician to Edward HI and his son, also went to and 30 in recompensewas granted Crown lands around Bordeaux. During the campaignof 31 1359-60, Nicholas Thomasyn, an apothecaryof London joined the prince's company.

The apothecariesusually had a dual role as merchantsand doctors. They preparedand administeredmedicines and purchasedmedical supplies and particularly such concoctions 32 as spicedwines and confections which were held to have beneficent effectS. Wounded troopswere oftenbilleted in monasteriesor with the civilian populationor were dischargedfrom the army with a sumof moneyto allow themto makeit backto England

25 Onbooty war seeHay, loc. cit, 91-109. 26 RobertS. Gottfried,Doctors andAfedicinein MedievalEngland, 1340-1530, I)rinceton, 1986,136-7. 27BPR, i, 130. 28 A ibid., iv, 208,270. C.H. Talbot and E.A. Hammond,The Medical PractitionersofVfedieval England: BiographicalRegister, London, 1965,385-6. 29 ibid., 3-4,6. 30 Gottfried,op cit, 109,140. 31 He receivedletters of protection,16 Apr. 1360,Rymer, Hl, i, 482. 32See Leslie G. Mathews,The RoyalApothecaries, London, 1967. 53 Knightswere assisted with their woundsby their squireswhose duties included carrying dressingsand salvesand the generaltreatment of wounds.33

The Campaigns-

Preparationsfor the prince's military campaignswere coloured by their different conditionsand objectives. The princeand his retinuemerely formed a contingentin the

Cr6cyand Reims operations whilst the 1355-6expeditions were led andrecruited solely by the prince and his commanders.The Nijera campaignwas again different, as were the defensiveactions taken after the resumption of the war in 1369. The prince was resident in Aquitaineat the time; troopsfor the trans-Pyreneanmission came from a numberof areasand were also drawnfrom the FreeCompanies. In addition,the princewas assisted by a contingentbrought from Englandby the dukeof Lancaster.In 1369the princewas againbolstered by supportfrom Englandbut by this time he hadbeen deserted by many of the Gasconnobility who hadrestarted the war by their appealto CharlesV. The differentconditions and requirements for eachof the prince'scampaigns influenced the mannerin which troopswere recruited,fed andequipped.

By 1360the royal right to summonhis subjectsto defendthe realmhad been adaptedto meetthe military conditionsof the day, namelythe protectionof the northern borderand sporadic campaigns to France.Afterldward's flirtation with foreignsupport, the campaignof 1346was the first major operationto implementthe revisedmilitarY assessmentof 1344.This greatlyexpanded the rangeof landedincome under appraisal to includethose worth I 00s.to over I1,,000 a yearon a graduatedscale. For the wealthythis meanta vastincrease in their military obligations.However, during the preparationsfor

33 JohnLaffin, Surgeomin theField, London, 1970,14-7 54 the Cr6cycampaign, many individuals and toWns commuted their obligationsinto money

fines,effectively transforming the f eudalassessment into directtaxation. 34

The developmentsin recruiting practice made in the reign of Edward I continued,

particularly through the use of commissionsof array. This proved effective in acquiring

sufficient numbersof troops but was less so in forming an integrated army of men-at-

35 armsand archers. The effectivenessof the longbowfocused the attentionof

commissionerson archers.The useof indentureswas "perhaps the mostimportant

administrativedevelopment in the English army in the late Middle Agee"36 by allowing

specific types of soldiers to be recruited. Members of the prince's retinue were often

found in commissionsof array throughout the country. They were most common in Wales

andCheshire but werefound throughout the country.In a commissionof arrayordered on the 29 April 1377,19counties had arrayers, who hadfought alongsideEdward the Black

37 Prince.

The Crecy-Calaiscampaign was colouredby earliercontinental and Scottish experiencesand was undertaken by predominantlyEnglish troops and not supportedby foreign soldiers.The structureof allianceswhich Edwardhad developed had been broken by Frenchdiplomacy, the renewalof the strugglebetween the papacyand the empireand the lack of Englishfinancial resources. A very. largearmy was neededfor the proposed threepronged attack, from the south,from the westthrough Brittany, andfrom the north

Flanders38Neither intended initial target through . the scaleof recruitmentnor timetable wasachieved despite the pressureof the military assessmentwhich, thoughsoon to be

34 Harriss,King, Parliconentand Public Finance,3 92-5. In 1344Edward III introduceda graduatedscale to assesscontributions to the army to includeeveryone with an annualincome over ESwas included.A f-5 landholderwas to provide I archer,a E25landholder one man-at-arms, Prestwich, Armies and Warfare,80. See alsoM. Powicke,Military Obligation in Medieval England,London, 1962,194ff. 35 Prestwich,op cit., 123-5. 36 Allmand, Ht4wdredYears War, 94. 37CPA 1374-7,499. 38 About 800 men receivedletters of protectionin the early summerof 1346,C76/22-3- 55 abandoned,raised over 4,000men-at-arms for the siegeof CalaiS.39The expedition was postponedat the endof September1345 and fresh writs were issuedin the following

Februaryafter an impressmentof shipsin January.40 The invasionforce probably numbered15,000 - 20,000men, which was four or five timesthe total which crossedto the Low Countries in 1338 41The lower is likely . estimate more although surviving recordsdo not allow for an accuratecalculation to be made.42 This necessitated recruitmentand purveyance on a scalenever before attempted and meant that the whole armyhad to be transportedover the Channeland not just a contingent.43

The loss of Wetewang's pay accountsmakes the reconstructionof the army at

Calaisdifficult, Ayton haspointed to a numberof otherdocuments that appearto be partialtranscriptions from the originalswhich may showthe assembledsiege force. He alsoemphasises the problemsassociated with suchtranscripts, the mostfamous of which is Wrottesley'sCrJcy and Calais.The siegenecessitated a greatexpansion in the sizeof the army.Estimates of the numbersof troopsinvolved during the courseof the operation rangefrom 26,000to 32,000.44

39 king Ayton, "English Armiee', 28. Seefor examplethe writ to the sheriff of Devon orderingthat he inforn' the of the namesof all thoseowning I 00s.or moreof land in GeorgeWr&tesley, Cricy ad calaisftom thePublic Records,(Collections for a 11istoryof ,edited by the William Salt ArchaeologicalSociety, xviii). London, 1897,66.The Commonspetitioned in 1352 that no one shouldbe obligedto providemilitary service exceptby commonconsent and grantof Parliament.This was agreed,Prestwich, op cit., 80. 40 On 20 Wrottesley,op cit., 62-3.7he prince's Welshtroops were orderedto be preparedto rnarchon 29 Sept. Jan. 1346the arTayof troopswas postponeduntil the Sundayof mid-Lent.Bartholomew Burghersh. constable of Dover castleand wardenof the Cinqueports was commandedto requisitionall shipsof 30 tonsor morewhich wereto be in Portsmouthby 15 Feb.,writ dated7 Jan. 1346. 41 Allmand, op cit, 15,estimates the invasionforce as being 15,000.Viard summariscsthe sourcesconcerning Le the numberof vesselsin the invasionfleet, "Le campagnede juillet-aofit 1346et la bataillede Cr&Y"- JUOYen A e, xxxvi (1926) 8, n. 1. 4f 8,000 Ayton suggests14-15,000, including a few lessthan 3,000men-at-arms, over 3,000mounted archers, foot soldiersand severalhundred others, Andrew Ayton,'"Ihe English Army and the NormandyCampaign Of 1346",Eng1wid andNormarady in theMiddle Ages,ed. David Batesand Anne Curry, London, 1994,268. Prestwichsuggests some 8,000 footsoldiers and over 3,000mounted archers and hobelars,op cit, 177. 43 Sumption,Hundred YearsWar, 489-90.For English preparationssee Rymer, III, i, 60,66-7,70-1,76,78-9. 44 Ayton, loc. cit., 253-68,indicates problems associated with previousestimates of the 1346-7annies. With regardto the specificsize of individual retinues,he states,"... numbers of retinuepersonnel cannot be ascertained from theserecords. All they can do is offer confirmationof the generalorder of magnitude- and the orderof precedence- of thoseretinues that appearon the Calaisroll. " 56 The prince'sarmy of 1355was his first independentcommand and shows the state

of his retinueand personal standing at that time. The expeditionaryforce consistedof his

personalfollowing andthe retinuesof the magnateswho followed him. His main

recruitingareas were Cheshire, and north Wales.There remain no official pay

rolls for the armythat accompaniedthe princeto Gasconyand on to Poitiers.The

indenture of 10 July 1355 specified a force of 433 men-at-arms(although this may have

been 400 300 foot 1,13345 Taking into exceeded), mountedarchers and archerstotalling . accountthe "regard" paid in advanceto captainson aboutthe samedate, a total forceof 46 2,600 has been estimated. This is generally accepted,although Hewitt described

Prince'sdeductions regarding the numberof troopsin the retinuesof the magnatesas " "ingeniousbut not wholly conclusive'. Otherestimates are slightly higher.-No muster

roll exists,but shippingrecords indicate that Warwick, Suffolk, Oxford, Salisbury,Lisle

andCobham brought 500 men-at-armsand 1,800archers. This givesa total of 933 men-

at-armsand 1,800archers as well as 1,000GasconS. 48 These contingents were composed,

in part, of small local retinuessuch as that broughtby RalphMobberley, which included

himself,one esquire And 32 mountedarchers. It may be indicativeof manysuch retinues,

havingthree close relatives and a numberof othersbound in a looseassociation to

45BPR, iv, 143-5. 46 A.E. Prince,"Ibe Strengthof EnglishArmies in theReign of EdwardUr', MIR, xlvi (1931),366-7 and n. 2. Princeestimated the men-at-arms brought by thechief captains to beas follows: Warwick, 120; Suffolk, 60; 20 Salisbury,about 55; Cobham, 30; Lisle, 60 (Hewitt,Organisation of War,35 numberedLisle's retinue as knights,39 esquiresand 40 mountedarchers, citing E372/200n). In addition,oxford mayhave had a contingent Lislebrought Hewitý of 60 men-at-arms. a totalretinue of 20 knights,39 esquiresand 60 mountedarchers . reachesthe same total, comprised of 1,000men-at-arms, 1,000 mounted archers, 3-400 foot archers and 170 Welshtroops, Black Prince's Erpedilion, 21,24. Wagesof war andregard were paid to thefollowing: Princeof Wales L8,12918s. Earlof Warwick L2,6144s. Earl of Suffolk fl, 428 6s. 8d. Earl of Oxford L1,174 13s.10d. Earl of Salisbury L1,124 2s. 2d. ReginaldCobharn L652 Os. 8d. 47ibid., 20. 49 J.H. Ramsay,Revenues of the Kings qfFngland, 1066-1399, vol. 2, Oxford, 1925,215,218 n. 1.According to Knightonthere were over 800 men-at-arms and 1,400 archers. For an account of thebattle see Eulogium

57 Mobberley.Many werealready in the knight's following. The coreof the unit wasa mix of dependants,tenants and neighbours. 49

The forcethat left Englandin 1355was smallcompared with that which marched to Crecyalthough it was complementedon arrivalby Gasconforces and further increased prior to the 1356expedition when Richard Stafford was commissionedto reinforceand resupplythe army.50 Exact numbers of recruitsare uncertain. Initial demandsfor 200

Cheshirearchers increased to 500but probablyfew over 300 actuallyentered service. A

51 maximumof 600 archerswere recruitedin total. Military summonswere also sent to the seneschalsof north Wales.52 In additionto thosetroops ftom the prince'sdemesne, the 53 expeditionattracted men from Westmorelandand Yorkshire as well as Germany.

An army of 10-12,000soldiers was raisedfor the invasionof 1359,larger than any 54 exceptthe Calaissiege force. The prince'sretinue, only smallerthan the king's, 55Military numberedin the regionof 1,500,comprising 587 men-at-armsand 900 archers. being preparationsbegan late in 1358 with ordersfor the promptmobilisation of troops issuedin early 1359and proceeding in earnestfrom mid May.56 The armycarried supplieswith it but they provedinsufficient. The devastationwrought by previous 57 interest campaignsprevented the army from living off the land. Also, it was not in the of

ffistoriarum, iii, 224-5. 49 Morgan, War and Society,150- 1; Prestwich,Armies and Warfare,43-4. 50 Barber,Edward, 113-14. 51 15,26 Mar. 1356,BPR, iii, 224; Morgan,op cit., 113.Lancaster was also recruitingtroops at this time which letters placedfurther pressureon the availability of manpower.Lancaster and his Cheshiresoldiers received Off Foýction for their expeditionto Brittany madeout by JohnBrunham, 18 Apr. 1356,BPR, iii, 225- 2 Rymer, III, i, 315. 531 lewitt, Black Prince ý Expedition,2 1. 54 Therewere 11,900according to Emerson,Black Prince, 147;about 10,000according to Ayton, "English Armies", 2 1; Prestwichestimates 6,600 mounted archers and infantry presumablyexcluding the magnate retinues,Armies and Warfare, I 18.For William Farley's pay rolls seeE10 1/393/11 fos. 79-116v. 55 Prestwich,op cit., 161; Ayton, loc. cit., 3 1. 56 Delachenal,Charles V, ii, 144and n. 3. 57Fowler, King's Lieutenant,198; Emerson, Black Prince, 147. 58 a potentialmonarch to further destroyany supportfor his candidacyfor the throneand his

own income.

Althoughnot broughtfor a specificcampaign, the retinuethat the princetook to

the principalityin 1363contained a numberof military figuresand numbered over 260.58

Amongthose who wereor would becomehis life retainerswere Loryng, Sully, Frevill,

Richard MascY,Baldwin Bereford, Gerard Braybroke and Robert Roos. However, others

maywell havebeen involved either in the shortor long term otherthan those noted in the

mainlist. The Gasconrolls containmany'letters of protectionissued in 1362-3when the

departurewas intendedwhich includesome who later arementioned on the retinueroll as

well asothers who arenot andwere likely to haveaccompanied the prince.Richard

59 Doxeye,the prince'sbaker, is oneof these. Otherssuch as John Delves, Roger la Warre

andJohn Basset travelled between Bordeaux and England at varioustimes" andships 61 continuedto be sentto Gasconythroughout the periodof the principality.

Recruitmentfor the operationthat wasto restorePedro briefly to the throneof

Castilebegan in August 1366although it seemsthat the Englishgarrison had been alerted 62 large aboutthe likelihood of servicetowards the endof May or in earlyJune. Thereare numbersof lettersof protectionand attorneynoted on the Gasconrolls from May and particularlyfrom 8 Junethrough to Odober.63 The treatyof Libourne,which secured

58 BL Cotton Julius CIV ff. 288-90.See also C6106. Not all who cameto the principality intendedto stay- 397. IIcnxtcworth's visit in 1364was probablyon Cheshirebusiness, C47/34/1,2; Capra, 'Vapogde politique", 59 C61n514.See also 77/6 which containsmany known to haveaccompanied the princeand a numberof Others in the retinuewhose presence is not confirmedin the retinueroll. 60 C61M16; CPA 1364-7,33. Shipswere prepared for Delves'joumey to Gasconyon 4 Mar. 1364,he anda Peter numberof othersreceived letters of protectionand attorneyaround this time. They included,John Gistels, le Vecl, ThomasWetcnhale, Robert Neville, PeterCusance and Adam Louches,C61n7/2-3; 78/12. 61 eg. 2 Apr. 1365,C6 in8li o. 62 Russell,Inlervention, 62 n. 1. Capra,"L'apogde politique", 400, statesthat theEnglish garrisonswere chiefly comprisedof mercenariesin contrastto Russell,op. cit., 79. Shipswere "arrested" on 18 June 1366,and lettersof protectionand attorneywere issued,Carte, Roles Gascons, 4 154.See also C61n913-5,7. 63C61n914-13.

59 Anglo-Gasconaid for Pedro,was signedon 23 September.64 Preparations were nearly comPleteby December,although the army which musteredat Dax did not leavefor

Castileuntil February.It was composedof manydisparate units. Nearly half the force wasdrawn from the Englishgarrison in Gasconywhich was complementedby thosesent from Englandunder Gaunt and the earl of Cambridge,probably numbering about 400 men-at-armsand 800 archers.Edward III haddecided to sendreinforcements to the princefor the expeditionas early as 30 July, althoughthe princetook personal

65 responsibility for the campaign, 16 sheriffs were required to raise 100 archers. The monthly cost of about 50,000 florins for the prince and a similar amount for the Gascon lords indicates a maximum of IOPOOOfront-line troopS.66 The absenceof muster and pay rolls makesit particularlydifficult to establishthe complementof the forcetaken to

Najera.The prince'sown troopsfor the expeditionwere drawnfrom the Englishand

Gasconmembers of his retinuein Aquitaine.Although many records are missing

ChandosHerald provides a detailedaccount of the main figuresin the campaign.This is a usefulindicator of the military retinueat this time, augmentedby the FreeCompanies and the prince'sGascon subjects. In the vanguard,led by Gaunt,were Thomas Ufford, "Hugh of Hastingsand his noblecomrade William Beauchamp",Chandos, "Constable of the army,leader of all the Companions,whose names I will tell you. First of all the lord de

Rays... the lord d'Aubeterre MesireGarsis de Castel Gaillardde la Mote also, next ...... and andAimery de Rochechouart,and Messire Robert Camyn, Cresswell and the true-hearted

Briquet andMessire Richard Taunton and William Feltonand Willecock le Botellerand

Peverellof the proudheart, John Sandes a manof renownand John Alein his companion,

64 For the text of the Treatyof Libournesee Rymer, III, ii, 799-807.For Pedro'soath to makegood his grantof Vizcayaand CastroUrdiales to the prince and the warrantto Chandosto put the princein possessionof these territoriessee E30/1255. 65 C61ngliO. Theseincluded John Catesby, William Wacelyn,John Ilenxteworth and ThomasIlungcrford. Preparationsfor Gaunt'sfleet were madeon 20 Oct, C61nq/8. 66 Russell,Intervention, 79 n. 2,80. 60 next afterwardsShakell and Hawley. , 67 Also in the vanguardwere the Marshals,Stephen

Cosington Guichardd'Angle "Ovesque le SeintGeorge 6' The and eux peignon ...... main bodyof the armywas led by the princeand includedPedro and Charles of Navarre.They

crossedthe Pyreneesthe day following the vanguard.Others in the "battle" namedby

ChandosHerald included Louis de Harcourt,Eustace d'Aubrechicourt, Thomas Felton, as

well as the seneschalsof Poitou,,§9 the Angoumois, Saintogne(probably Richard

Totesham),Perigord, Quercy (Thomas Walkefare held the post in 1364)70and Bigorre,

the baronde Parthenay,the de Pommiersbrothers, Oliver de Clisson,the lord de Curton,

lord de la Warre, Robert Knolles "of short speecW'2the viscount de Rochechouartand

lord Bourchier.

The king of Majorcaand Jean d'Armagnae led the third battle.71 It included

Bernardand Bertucat d'Albret, the lord of Mussidan,the Bour de Breteuil andthe Bour

Camus,Naudon de Bageran,Bernard de la Salleand a knight knownto ChandosHerald asLami. The rearguard,followed underthe commandof the lord d'Albret andthe captal de Buch.

1369 and the defenceof Aquitaine

The only extantretinue roll for the princedetails a musterat Northamptonin

1368/9.72It is almost certainly incomplete due to the location of the prince in Aquitaine at that time andis somewhatproblematic. It containsthe namesof manyindividuals known to haveaccompanied the princeto Spainin 1367and certainly a greatnumber who were

67 ChandosHerald, Ltfe ofthe Black Prince, ed. Popeand Lodge, 154,11.2249-77. 69 ChandosHerald, Ne A Prince Noir, ed. Tyson,11.2288. 69 This was William Feltonbut as he had alreadybeen mentioned by ChandosI Icrald he may well havemeant Baldwin Frevill who becameseneschal in 1368or ThomasPercy who was appointedto the office in 1370, Dupont-Ferrier,Gallia Regia,iv. 474, 70 Lehoux,Jean de France, L 198and n. 5. Ile is calledIbomas "Vallia" by Dupont-Ferrier,op cit., v, 64. 71 Knighton includedthe count of Deeme[Denial in the third battle,although he may haveconfused him with the countof Osonawho accompaniedthe king of Mallorca, Knighton ýrChronicle, ed. Nbrtin, 194and n. 2,195. 61 partof the householdin 1363.Were they at Northamptonin 1369,had they left Aquitaine

afterthe returnfrom Castile?There was considerablemovement between England and

Aquitaineand manyhad landed interests in England.It would not be impossiblefor them

to havereturned but it doesseem unlikely. Soonafter the unsatisfactoryconclusion of the

Nijera campaignindividuals and small retinueswere being sentfrom Englandto

Aquitaine. Theseincluded Eustace d'Aubrechicourt, Duncan Felton, Robert Morley, John

73 Harpley,James de la Plaunche,Robert Ty andJohn del Hay. Lettersof protectionand

attorneywere issued for thosein Englandand Aquitaine and shipswere prepared for the 74 movement of troops. Another difficulty with the Northampton roll is the location of the

muster.The princehad no estatesof consequencein the areaand it is distantfrom the estatesof manyof the thoseincluded on the roll. A musterdid take placeand individuals did travel to Aquitainebut the roll may reflect administrativeconvenience as much as the presenceof a numberof the retinueat Northamptonin 1369when their talentswould havebeen better used on the rapidly shrinkingborders of the principality of Aquitaine.

In 1368-9120,000 was sentin cash,as well as 60 men-at-arins,80 archersand later 800 archers.The earl of Cambridgebrought 400 men-at-armsand 400 archers.He landedin Brittany and fought his way southwith Chanclosand Calveley. The earl of 75The Pembrokealso came with troopsto assistin the defenceof the principality. demand for troopscontinued in 1370and lettersof protectionwere madeout for manyof the prince'sretinue who continuedto fight in defenceof Aquitaine.76

72EIOI/29/24. 73 CPX 1367-70,12,56,58,131,406. JamesAudley also departedfor Gasconyat this time with eight Yeomen, 12 horsesand 100marks expenses. Ile was describedas the prince's "esquire". It may be that in additionto Chandos'brother-in-arms and the lord of Heleghthere was a third individual with the samename. 74 C61/81/5-6.These included lbornas Wetenhale,Edward Berkeley and JohnBreton, Chandos, Richard Folesham,William Murrers,John la Warre,Roger la Warrc, Walter Penhergard,81/6. Seealso Carte,Roles Gascons,i, 156.Orders regarding transport were made on 18 Sept 1368,ibid 75 Ramsay,Revenues, 252 n. 1,254 andrL 1. Pembrokereceived letters of protection 13 July 1369,CPR. 1367- 70,280. 76 Carte,Roles Gascons, i, 157-8.

62 Areas of Recruitment

Cheshireand Wales i. Cr6cyand Calais

Preparationsfor the Crecy campaignbegan in 1345 but there were a number of delaysand setbacks. 77 Recruitment in Walesand Cheshire in the lastyears of the prince's minority wasinefficient. In April 1345,Thomas Ferrers, justice of Chester,was ordered to join the princeat Sandwichwith his retinueand 100archers. Guy Brian wasto choose

40 miners from the forest of Dean, four of whom were to be master-minersto assistwith

7' The delegated for to his, engineeringand siegework . prince responsibility recruitment mainly short-term,indentured retainers. The gradualshift from relianceon traditional tenurialobligations to retainerswas inhibitedin Cheshireby a numberof peculiarlocal factorscentring on the statusof the earl.79 The role of the Cheshiresoldiers and their serviceconditions had been defined through their participationin the Welshwars. Once they travelledbeyond the River Dee or elsewhereout of Cheshireit wasto be at the king's expense.In 1346payments were madefor thejourney to Sandwich.This wasnot a permanentarrangement but laid down by the prince's council and paid in advanceby the chamberlainof Chester."

Troopsfrom Cheshireand Wales formed the backboneof the prince's expeditionaryforces. The principalrecruiting area for the Crdcycampaign was intended to be Wales,,vyhich was to provide7,000 archers and spearmen. The Marcherlords were

77 May 1345.At Welshforces were involved in Grosmont'scampaign in 1345.250were en route to Derby on 24 the sametime 500 troopswere ready to proceedto the king at Sandwichwhen their wagesarrived, Calendar of Ancient CorrespondenceConcerning Wales, ed. J. GoronwyEdwards, Cardiff, 1935,245-6. 78 E372/191/9;Wrottesley, CrOcy and Calais, 78. Six horseswere needed to carry their equipment. 79 Morgan, War madSock% 105-7.This may havebeen a result of changingforms of evidencerather than changingbehaviour, Prestwich, Armies and Warfare,42. 80 Hewitt, Organisationof War, 40. 63 to arrayhalf of thesefrom their landsand the princethe otherhalf, aswell as 100archers

from Cheshire.There was a very slow responseto the demands.81 Those that were recruitedwere equippedwith a distinctivegreen and white uniform. Theywere selected by: Robertap Griffith andYevan ap Griffith ap Howel in Caernarfonshire,David ap Rhys ap Tudur andHowel ap Lewelyn ap Griffith in Anglesey,Eignon ap Griffith, Yevanap

Lewelyn ap Baron in Merioneth, Rhys Dugan and Rhys ap Griffith in Carmarthenshire, and Owen ap Owen and Llewellyn Eignon Vaghan in south Wales.82 For the 1346 muster

3,500 troops were again summonedfrom the principality and 100 archersfrom Cheshire to be led by John Hide. Thomas Danyers was retained to bring troops and William Bohun andHenry of Lancasterwere alsoinvolved in the recruitmentand array of troopsfrom

Wales.83ý On 8 July 1346,whilst difficult weatherconditions were preventing a passage over the Channel,,Roger Hopwell, lieutenantof thejustice of Chester,and Roger

Trumwyn, lieutenantof thejustice of northWales, were orderedto pick andarm a further

300 and200 archersrespectively. The Cheshirearchers were to be led by William

84 Brereton.

Cheshirereinforcements for Calaiswere demandedon 12 September1346 and were led by Griffith_apJor'ap Meyler andWilliam Brereton,who may havedied during the siege.Thomas Danyers was orderedto bring further reinforcementson 16March

1347and Richard Baskerville in May. Orderswere also sentto AlexanderWasteneys,

William Tabley,Ralph Oldington,Ralph Stathumand Richard del Hogh, sheriff of Flint.

81 Ayton, "NormandyCampaigh", 261-2 n. 55; Morgan,op cit, 104-5. 82 Wrottesley, CrOcy Calais, Aug. See and 58. The writ concerning the 100 Cheshire archers was dated 26 also Calendar Correspondence, Welsh ofAncient ed. Edwards, 236-7 regarding the payment and travel of southern Portsmouth. Owain troops to 500 Welsh troops had demanded to be led by Rhys ap Gruffydd rather than V Owain on 24 May 1345, ibid., 193. 83 BPR, i, 69,80. See E403/336/44 for the separate march of the contingents to Portsmouth. 84 ibid., 7. John Brunham, Roger I IOPwell, chamberlain of Chester, was ordered to pay those archers recruited by Bromfield day, steward of and Yale, 6d. a day and provide them with uniforms. Brereton was to receive 2s. a ibid., 13. However, for 200 on 14 Sept. Brunharn was ordered to buy green and white cloth for the uniforms soldiers and to pay their wages to William Brereton, ibid., 68.

64 Rhysap Griffith, who hadbeen knighted by this time, led Welshreinforcements. Ile 85 returnedfrom Franceto leadthem to Winchelsea. Welshforces before Calais, according

86 to Wetewangtotalled 4,572.

ii. Poitiers

Preparationsfor the 1355 campaignbegan in Cheshirein May with the orderthat

200 archerswere to be "chosen,tested and arrayed". On 26 Junea further demandwas 87 madefor 300 archersfrom Cheshireand 100from Flint. Only four of the Cheshire archersfailed to arriveat Plymouth"by threeweeks before Midsummee' as requested.

Unfortunately,one of these,Richard Wynstanton, had been paid 16 wagesfor himselfand his companions.,He andthe others,as well asthose who enlistedin anothercompany " without the prince'spermission, had their land andgoods seized. 36 of the Flintshire troopsfailed to arrive."9 Cheshirearchers received a higherrate of pay thanthe Welsh 90 soldierswho were employedas both lancersand archers.

85 A ffistory of Carmarthenshire,ed. John E. Lloyd,Cardiff, 1935, i, 249. 86 Prince, From D.L. 'Evans, "Some Notes on the Flistory of the Principality of Walesin the Time of the Black vui-MAII Tranq,7rtinpi. infthpHt)nnurnhleSnrietvnfCývmrodorion(1925-6)-80. North Wales South rales Knights 3 Esquires 3 - Leaders 4 2 Constables 24 30 Chaplains I I Surgeons I I Proclamator I I StandardBearcrs 9 29 Vinteners 112 108 Footmen 2252 1990 Total 2410 2 162

87 BP& iii, 204. The leadersof archerswere to be: MacclesfieldI lundred,John Ilidc and RobertLegh; Nantwich EddisburyHundred, Robert Brown; Wirral andBroxton Hundreds,Hamo Mascy and Hugh Golbourne; I lundred,John Griffyn, H.J. Hewitt, CheshireUnder the YhreeEdwards, Chester, 1967,101-2. It was later orderedthat Hide shouldlead all the archersfrom Macclesfield,30 June 1355,BPA iii, 205. 8825 June,26 Aug. 1355,BPP, iii, 205,214. 89 5 A numberof thesehad receivedwages or cloth for uniforms or both. Thosenoted were to be arrestedon Sept 1355.Equally a numberwere given leavenot to sail with the prince dueto illness,ihid., 215-16. 90Hewitt, Black Prince !sExlvdition, 15,17. 65 Thoseraised from Cheshireeither servedin the hundredcontingents and were

assignedto the companiesof particularretainers or wererecruited by the retainers

themselves.It hasbeen argued that the princewas never dependent on Cheshirefor more

thana smallpercentage of the leadershipand men-at-arms of his war retinue.The

Register, which might appearto provide a contradictory answer, provides details of

numbers,which were demandedrather than those who actually participated.91 However,

the areawas dominantin the provisionof mountedarchers. They were paid 21 days

wages for the journey to Plymouth.92

In contrast to the Crdcy-Calais campaign, there was only a small Welsh contingent

in the prince's army in 1355.93These were attachedto the prince's own household

retinue.Gronou ap Griffith commanded60 menfrom north Walesand David ap Blethin

Vaghan,30 menfrom Flinishire.Three notable Welsh knights also brought their retinues;

JohnGriffith, Rhysap Griffith, who may havebeen the leaderof a force from South 94 Waleswith the third, Hywel ap Griffith, knownto posterityas Sir Hywel of the Axe.

This was the first campaignin the HundredYears War in which the Welshwere recorded

asusing horses.

iii. -Reims

Recruitingarrangements were madeon I March 1359with the summonsof 300

Cheshirearchers and, on 10June, 50 Welsharchers. These numbers were later alteredto

400 from Cheshireand only 10 archersfrom Wales,the extra40 beinglancers. They were

91 Morgan,op cit., 108-9. 92 Hewitt, Organisaiionof War, 40. For the paymentof Cheshireretinues in 1356(2 Jan., 14May, 30 June)see Morgan,op cit., III table 4. 93 L Avesburyhowever spoke of "magnaquenumero Wallcnsium! ', 425, quotedby Delachenal,Charles V, 124n. 4. 94 Evans,"Some Notes on the History of the Principality", 62-3.

66 arrayedin their, now traditional,green and white uniforms.With the knightsand esquires,

theywere to join the princeat Northbourne,near Sandwich. The original dateof assembly

wasalso put backfrom I Augustto I September.In August,eight knightsand 17 esquires 95 were retained for a year's service. The leadersof the Cheshireforce were Robert Legh,

the son(leader of Macclesfieldhundred), John Fitton, RalphMobberley, William

Carington and John, son of Thomas Danyers.96 These, and the archersthey led, received

the king's wagesftom their point of muster.97 Howel ap OweynVoil may haveled the

Welshcontingent. General letters of protectionwere issued on 24 Septemberfor all those

from Chesterand Flint in receipt of fees, wages and clothing." Comparedwith the large

numbersof Welshtroops who fought at Crecyand Calais, there were few from the

principalitY*whoparticipated in the campaignsof the 1350s.Welsh footsoldiers numbered

1,000in the expeditionof 1359-60,compared with around3,000 who fought in Flanders

in 1338.99

The importanceof Cheshiremenin Aquitainehas been pointed out by Philip 100 Morganas well asthe financialburden that the earldomcarried to fund the principality.

Theywere prominentamong the mostimportant officials. For example,Thomas

Wetenhalewas seneschalof the Rouergue,1365-9, his lieutenant,David Cradock, becamemayor of Bordeauxand Richard Rotour, constableof Bordeaux,1375-9.101

Comwall

Cornwalldoes not appearto havebeen a major recruitingarea for the prince althoughthere were demandsfor troopsfrom the duchyfor the Crdcyexpedition. The

95 BPA W, 331,349-50;Rymer, HI, i, 415; Barber,Edward, 158. 96 Hcwitt, CheshireUnder the 7hreeEdwards, 102. 97C76/37/8. 99BPA iii, 367-8. 99 E101/393/11fo. 115-115v.;Wardrohe Book of William de Arorwell,356-62. 100 Morgan,"Cheshire and the Defenecof Aquitaine", 139-60. 101 Bennett,Community, Class and Careerism,179. 67 sheriffof Comwall andothers were ordered,in a writ of 28 August,to inquireabout all

able-bodiedmen not in a lord's retinueand sendthem to Portsmouthby threeweeks

beforeMichaelmas. 102 But thereappear to befew referencesfor subsequentrecruitment.

-Qasgony Gasconyprovided troops for the prince in 1355-6 and 1367.Evidence for this is

not ascomprehensive as one would expect.Despite the continuityof recordsin Gascony

in the period 1354-6 1, those for the 1355 campaignand Gasconcontingents are not 103 complete. Records for the time of the principality are generally poor. The local nobility

led military companies.Berard d'Albret, for example,was a long standingmilitary

servantof the Englishcrown. From 1351-3for a total of 833 dayshe supplied100 men-

at-arms,100 sergents ti chevaland 100other foot soldiers.It wasthrough such men that

"La d6fensedu ducheest abandoneeau principaldes nobles du pays."104 In this context,

without any othermotivation, it is clearto seewhy the appealof the Gasconnobility to

EdwardIII, in the faceof the threatfrom Armagnacand Clermont, was successful.The

captalde Buch, an establishedsupporter of the Englishcause, was amongthose who appealedfor assistancein January1355. To further strengthenhis loyalty, EdwardIII grantedhim rights in the townsof Benauges,Ilaz and elsewhere.'05 In addition,Amauri de Biron, sire de Montferrand,106 Auger de Montaut, sire de Mussidan,Guillaume de

Pommiers,Guillaume Sans, sire de Les'parre,Guillaume Amanier, sire de Rosonall led

102 Wrottesley,CrOcy and Calais, 6 1. 103 PierreCapra, "Us basessociales du pouvoiranglo-gascon au milieu du xiVsi6cle".Le Moyrn Age, 46me s6r.,30 (1975), 276. 104 les PierreCapra, "Vdvolution de I'administrationanglo-gasconne au milieu du xi%,' si6cle", Bordeaux et lies brilanniquesdu xiii' au ice si&le, [Actesdu colloquefranco-britannique tenu A York, 1973],Bordeaux, 1975,23. For Albret's agreementwith the seneschal,Ralph Staffordsee 13101/168/2 m. 3; 3/12v.;E372/199/39r. m. 2; 207/14r.m. 2. For paymentby the constableJohn Chamels see EIOI/168/8; E372/199/39r.m. L 105On 6 July 1355,Rymer, III, i, 305. 106 - Montferrandhad beengranted the provostshipof Entre-deux-Mcrsby EdwardIII. It had beenheld by 11ornasBradeston who relinquishedit for an annuity of 100marks, CCA 1354-60,356. 68 troopsin the 1355-6campaign. 107 For the Nijera expedition,the chief Gasconlords and their retinuesassembled alongside Castilian men-at-arms andyneles, who werewith

Pedroin Gascony,and dissident Aragonese, mainly in the retinuesof Jaumeof Mallorca 108 and the count of Osona.

Elsewhere

The princealso employedsoldiers from beyondhis own lands.Many, particularly for the royal expeditionsof 1346and 1359,must have been placed in his division and under his commandwithout necessarilyhaving a direct link to him as territorial overlord.

Furthermore,in 1355 the princewas joined at Bordeauxby a numberof "Almaine', 109 William Qwad,Ingelbrith Zobbe, Bernard van Zedelesand Daniel van Pesse.

TheNaj era campaign was the first of the prince'soperations to employthe Free

Companieson an extensive'scale.The princecould himselfbe described,in the contextof this operationas a "supercondotierre". Robert Knolles andChandos arranged for part of 10 the GreatCompany, not alreadyin Spain,to supplymen-at-arms and archers' anda numberof thoseserving Du Guesclinwithdrew on the prince"sorder in Augustand

September1366, although not until they hadreplaced Pedro vvith the Francophile

Enrique."'

107Hewitt, Black Prince's Expedition,44. 108Russell, Intervention, 79. 109 1lewitt, op cit., 44. 110 "Et Chandosne demoramie Car a la GrandeCompaignie Ala quereles compaignons Jesquesa quatorzepcnouns... ", ChandosHerald, La Viedu Prince Noir, ed. Tyson,11.1971-4. It is questionableif Calveleyand MathewGournay left Enriqueat this time, Russell,Intervention, 70 andn. 1. It is far morecertain that "... thenreturned Sir Eustaced'Aubr&hicourt, Devereux,Cresswell, Briquet whose nameis often on peoples'lips, and thereafterthe Lord of Aubcterrethat evergladly followed after war, and the goodBernard de la Salle.All the merry companionsreturned to Aquitaine,but first they enduredgreat Sufferings, for whenthe Bastardknew verily that the Princewished to succourthe King Don Pedrohe wroughtthem sore hindrance;he cut all the roads,and night and morning he madeto spring out manyan ambushon them,and causedthem to be attackedin divers fashionbyjineles and villains.", ChandosHerald, Life ofthe Black Prince, ed.Pope and Lodge, 152,U. 1988-2006. 69 The Prince's Retinue and Household

The prince'spersonal retinue and householdformed the backboneof the forceshe

commanded.In 1346his retinueis saidto haveincluded II bannerets,102

bachelors/knights,264 men-at-anns/esquires,384 horsedarchers and 582 others,totalling 12 1,343.1 However, it is uncertain whether all these servedfrom the outset of the

campaignor weredrafted in for the siegeof Calaisor indeedthe mannerin which they

wereassigned to his command.In 1359the prince'sretinue on sailingconsisted of seven

bannerets,136 knights, 443/4 esquires and 900 horsearchers, i. e. 24% of the forcewere

knights.113 This total remainedthe samefor nine monthsdespite the lossof 395 appraised

warhorses.Ayton suggestsa numberof explanationsfor this mostunlikely stateof

affairs,including fraud, reinforcements, the unevensurvival of evidenceand the

possibilitythat moremen were involvedthan was formally recorded.He concludesthat it was dueto the useof a flexible accountingsystem employed by royal clerksto determine the correctpay total not the complementof the retinue.114 The princedid not receivea formal indentureas in 1355.Contracts were not usuallyneeded for the king's expeditions to Franceas they were administeredby his own householdofficials. Thusrecords do not ' 15 exist for the 1346-7 or 1359-60 armies. The armies of 1359 and 1367 were "led by a glittering arrayof military talent"' 16much of which was in the prince'sretinue. It includedmany of the mostfamous soldiers of the age,Chandos, Audley, Nigel Loryng,

112 Emerson,Black Prince, 26-7. This figure includes513 Welshtroops and onechaplain, one medicul. one for Cr6cy proclamalor, five standardbearers and 25 vinteners,Wrottesley, Cricy and Calais, 193.'Me Brut roll Calais banncrets knight but Welsh 600 in and concursas regards , andmen-at-arms notesthe contingentas additionto 480 footmenand 69 archerson foot, TheBrut, ed. F.W. D. Brie, (E.E. T. S. ), 1906,ii, 538. 113 E 101/3 93/11 fo. 79r., Prince,"Strength of English Armies", 368 n. 2, Barber,Edward, 159.Ayton's estimate 42; Tout, basedon the pay rolls is about 1,500,"English Annies", 3 1; Prestwich concurs,Armies wid Warfare, Chapters,iv. 144n. 3 114 Ayton, Knights and Warhorses,147-54. 115 Prestwich,op cit., 93. 116 Ayton, "English Armies", 21.

70 Knolles,Calveley and the captalde Buch, membersof the Garter,experienced soldiers on

whomthe Englishmilitary successeswere based.

The chief comýmanders and officers of the 1355 expeditionwere closelYassociated

with the prince'shousehold and personal retinue. In additionto the magnates,Warwick,

Suffolk, Salisbury,Lisle andCobharn were JamesAudley, RichardStafford, John

Chandos,John Wingfield, Baldwin Botetourt, Bartholomew Burghersh,Nigel Loryng,

StephenCosington, Roger Cotesford, Alan Cheyneand William Trussel.The prince's

householdstaff includedNicholas Bonde, Tiderick van Dale, HenryAldrington, William

Bakton, Richard Doxeye, Robert Egremont, Geoffrey Hamelyn, John Henxteworth,

William Lenche,Henry Berkhamsted and John Pailington. 117 Ufford wasthe titular head

of the prince'scouncil and hadbeen associated with him since 1338.Vere may havebeen

a commanderof the prince's"battle" in 1346.Montague had been knighted with the

princeat La Hogue.118 In addition,there was considerable Gascon experience in the

retinue.Loryng; Audley and Staffordhad served with Derby in 1345.The army also

containedseven Garter knights and, in Ufford andCobham, the constable,were two who "' would later be included. Amongthe leadersof the army at leasta dozenhad fought at

Cr6cyand othersin Gasconyin 1345-6.The bondsformed from a year campaigning togetherwould compoundthese associations and experience.120

Evidencewithin the letterssent back by the princeand others, indicate that

Audley, Chandos,Botetourt and at tinles Burghersh"were the prince'shandy men for field work, that Staffordwas assignedto specialtasks (as he hadbeen before the camPaign),that Wingfield remainedas 'headof the office' andthat thesemen who hadof

1171 lewitt, Black Prince's Expedition,22-3. 118 In July EdwardIII grantedMontague a respiteof his debtsin Gascony.Presumably this was due to the ýmpendirigcampaign, Rymer, 111, i, 305. 119Barber, Edward, 114. 120 HcwiM op cit., 123.Dclachenal conuncnted on the quality of the prince's commanders,Charles V. i, 220-1. 71 courseknown oneanother before going out to France,formed a groupbound by friendly

relationsto oneanother and by commonloyalty to their chief they werepart of the

'permanentstafr. 7421In additionto the purelymilitary rolesof manyof thesemen, the

campaignwas Organisedand administered by the prince'sstaff. Variousofficers of the

householdreceived money gifts as a resultof their efforts in outfitting the expeditionto

122 Gasconyto a total of £275 1Os.

Theredoes not appearto havebeen a widescaleenhancement of the sizeof the

prince's -retinueprior to the 1355 campaign.Between Cr6cy and Poitiers only Loryng,

HenryEam, Edmund Manchester, William Aubigny andJohn Sully were retainedand, of

those,only Loryng and Sully are certainto havefought at Poitiers.Many moreannuities

weregranted in'the sameperiod, the mostnotable being thoseto Chandosand Stephen

Cosington'.Large numbers of soldiersof all rankswere recruitedfor the campaignbut

manyof thesewere short-termcontracts. 123 Following Poitiers,the numbersof men

associatedwith the prince,particularly annuitants, increased greatly. However, evidence

only existsfor Baldwin Frevill beingretained before the Reimscampaign. Clearly the

princedid not find that formal indentureswere a necessaryor desirableelement in his

recruitingpolicy., -

Illnessprevented the participationof severalof thosechosen for servicein 1359. 124 RobertMottrum and ThomasAshton amongst others were given leaveto returnhome. he Walter Clere,the prince'spoulterer, also was permittedto remainin Englandalthough

was expectedto join the princeat somepoint. 125 Fear of a casein the Cheshirecounty

121 Hewitt, op cit., 80-1. 122 beyond BPX iv, 166-7. Rothelin, the prince's palfrcyman, was paid 40s. towards his expenses in "going the seas on the prince's business", 8 Nov. 1355, ibid., 157. 123 For John L23 6s. 8d. if example, Griffyn was retained for the war, at fee of 40 marks if with two esquircs or with one. Ile was to be paid half his fee, 13 June 1355, ibid., iii, 202. 124 ibid., 366, see also 371-2. 125 ibid., iv, 345.

72 court allowed Simon Grymesdik to stay at home.126 Local Cheshireantagonism also precludedthe involvement of Thomas Blakeden and John Swetenham,who was to have 127 been in Wingfield's company. However, those who abscondedwere dealt with harshly.

John Porter of Newhall was to be arrestedif found in Cheshire after going absentwithout leave.128 Michael Gerard's legal casewas respited on account of his intended servicewith the Black Prince but continued when the king was informed that he had stayedin

London. 129

,, The needto secureservice for the Reimscampaign ensured that paymentsand grantsfrom the previousone were up to date.Old loansand debtswere repaidand new onesnegotiated and secured. Thomas Roos had 1100 returned for a loan datingfrom the

1355-6expeditions. "0 HenryBerkhamsted was compensated16 restauroequonim on I th October.'This was from a total of I 10 6s. 8d. andthe balancewas to be paid on 25 of the "' samemonth. The annuitiesof StephenCosington and Daniel van Pessewere to be paid 132 up to date. William Moigne was paid the final instalmentof 100marks, which had beengranted for his serviceat Poitiers.133 Thomas Walkefare was to receive135 out of the 100marks granted at Poitiers.134 Henry Aldrington,the prince'stailor, wasalso paid what was owing on his final accountfrom the last campaign.135

Grantswere alsomade or extended.Villiam Goldebournewas dischargedfrom payingthe escheaton the inheritanceof his wife, oneof the daughtersof Peter

126ibid., iii, 367. 1271 Ort. 1359,ibid., 369. 128ibid., 372. 129CCR, 1360-4,1. 130BPR, iv, 327. 131 ibid., 318,329. 132 15,23 Oct. 1359,ibid., 319,322. 133ibid., 327. 134 2 Nov. 1359 (the payment was to be made after Michaelmas), ibid., 334. 135 L29 7s. 10d.were ordered to be paid on 15 Oct. 1359,ibid., 319. 73 Thornton.136 William Chorleghreceived the keepingof the prince'spark in Macclesfield

with wagesof 3d. per dayfor himself and a groom.137 Alan Cheyne's140 annuitywas

extendedto last for a yearafter his deathin the eventof that happeningin the courseof 138Baldwin the forthcomingexpedition. Frevill was retainedfor life at 140 per yearon 8

August 1358, he was the only individuals to receive a life indenture at this time. "9

ThomasKeshale, an archerin the 1359campaign, was allowedto payby instalmentsthe

18 owedon his accountas bedel of the Hundredof Eddisbury.On his return,payment

wasagain delayed until he receivedhis wages.140 Chandos' executors were permitted to keepcertain lands for a year in the eventof his death.141 Sir John'sretinue was very large for a mereknight consistingof sevenknights, 54 esquires,and 36 archers.142 Richard

Foune,Lambert Trekingham, both clerks,and 14 othersin Chandos'retinue received lettersof protectionon 20 August 1359.143

A greatnumber of administrativeand legalappointments were madeat this time andseveral of the prince'sclerks were given furs, winter robesor cloth.1"However, therewere few other long-termmilitary annuitiesgranted immediately prior to the campaign.It may be that afterPoitiers the princehad madeso manygrants and had provedhimself so fine a commanderthat therewas no needfor him to recruit excepton a short-termbasis. Half yearretainierswere made to-a numberof esquiresincluding Thomas

1363 June 1359,ibid., iii, 343. 13722 Aug. 1359,ibid., 358. 138 22 Oct. 1359,ibid., 373-4.Cheyne accumulated considerable debts preparing for the 1359campaign and orderswere sentfrom the prince to the chamberlainof Chesterfor the prompt paymentof the annuityto Cheyne'sallomeys. 139 He was to be paid by NicholasMchel, the prince'sreceiver of ,University of Nottingham. Mddleton Deeds,h1i F 10/8;BPA iv, 80,259; Jonesand Walker, "Private Indentures"t77-8. 140BPR iii, 374,3 9 1. 1418 Oct. 1359,ihid., iv, 318. 142 Prince,"Strcmgth of English Armies". 368 n. '5. In additionto its size,Chandos' retinue was equippedwith very fine horses,the meanvalue of which was f 12.57.134sailed with him and 108returned, 27 appraised warhorseswere lost, Ayton, Knights wd Warhorses,270. 143Rymer, III, i, 444. 144 ThomasMadefray, Hugh Bridham,John -Ourmonchester and JohnChristmas were rewarded in theseways,

74 Duttonand two companionsfor L13 6s. 8d;145 Hamo Mascy, 5 marks;Richard Mascy, 5 147 148These marks;146 Thomas Stathum, 5 Marks; Robertand William Legh, 5 markseach.

six monthcontracts may havebeen part of a longermilitary relationshipbetween the

princeand certain individuals so that he hadregular military support"on the books".

Alternatively,and moreprobably, it may havebeen a financialmeasure to ensurethat

only six monthswages had to be paid at the outsetof a campaignsince, presumably, an

individualwould be retainedfor a 12 monthperiod.

Existing troopswere placed on a war footing andwages were paid.The amounts

paid to the prince's bachelorswas consistent.John Danyel, who led four esquires,was 149 150 paid L23 6s. 8d. for a half year, John Hide and his two esquiresreceived 116 13s.4d.

Other paymentswere madeto John Griffyn and one esquireto the sum of 113 6s. 8d.,

John Fitton and one esquirereceived L13 6s. 8d.,151 Geoffrey Werberton and two

152 esquires,116 13s.4d., William Carington and three esquires,120, Ralph Mobberley 153 and two esquires,116 13s.4d.; William Goldebourneand two esquires,116 l3s. 4d.

Burghersh also brought a sizeablecontingent. Letters of protection were made out for 20

BPX iv, 329-30. 145 RogerDutton, William Bertirtonand Hugh Daggewere unable to servein Dutton's companybecause Of illness,ibid, iii, 371. 146 RichardMascy lost the servicesof Johnand Hugh Swondue to illness, 19 Oct. 1359,ibid., 372. 147 Stathumtestified to the illnessof Philip Filkyn who was'givenleave to return home.Permission was also givento RichardBertumlegh, who was replacedby William Copenhale,ibid., 371-2.Stathum, the Prince's ,was rewardedwith the officesof constableand porterof Denbighcastle, which wereheld by the Prince afterthe deathof RogerMortimer, beforehis soncame of age,5 June 1360,ibid., 383. 148 RobertAiston, Henry Smythof Stockport,Gilbert Baretand Hugh del Douneswere unable to servewith Legh due to illness,ibid., 373-4. 149 30 Sept.,John Brunham was orderedto makeout lettersof protectionfor William Janny,younger. Who was letters -to go with the prince in the companyof Sir JohnDanyel. ", ibid., 369, JohnDrokenfeld also received of ý,roo tection, 8 Oct. 1359,ibid., 370. JohnHolyngworth, of Hide's company,received letters of protection,8 Oct 1359,ibid., 370. 151 because Fitton lost the servicesin his companyof JohnHohn, lbomas son of Richard,and Tbomas Rosselyn of illness,ibid., 373. 152 JohnHaselyngton, Adam Malbon; EdmundAldelym, I lamon son of William andRalph Hull wereunable to participatein the campaignin Werberton'scompany due to illness, ibid., 371,374. 153 Mobbcrlcylost the servicesof Hugh le Vernon,Richard Taiflor, William GostrcJohn and Hardyngdue to illness, 19Oct. and JohnBrown, 26 Oct., ibid., 372-4. 75 Cheshirearchers in his companyon 9 October13 59.154 John Byntre wasordered to go to

Sandwichfor embarkationby 5 September.155 Knights were paid 2s. a day for the seven

dayjourney to Northbourne,esquires received 12d. a day andarchers 6d.

As in 1355,the princewas accompaniedby a numberof chaplains.William

Claydon,a clerk of his chapel,was onewho for "certainreasons" could not accompany

156 is the prince.During his absencehe was to staywith the bishopof Winchester. It

presumedthat he was of rathermore sAvourycharacter than the chaplain,Roger

Mogyngton, who at the end of the campaign was pardonedfor murdering the parson of

Mogington, Peter Botrel. 157

The conditions-under which recruitmentwas organised for the 1367campaign is

lesswell documented.,Recruitment to the retinuecontinued throughout the periodof the

principality but it wascertainly not greatlyenhanced immediately prior to or afterthe

treatyof Libourne.The prince'spermanent retinue was clearly not sufficientfor the task

ashe neededthe supportof the FreeCompanies. However, it is not certainwhy this was preferableto the troopswho could havebeen brought by the Gasconlords andof which, in the caseof Albret, he felt the needto reducethe number.Distrust was perhapsalready comingto its height.

Immediatelyafter NAjera conditions changed and recruiting was again a matterof urgencyas a numberof life indentureswere madeand annuitieswere granted. It showed he that the princeknew that he could not rely on the armywith which he hadreturned and was forcedto usea recruitingmethod which hadbeen conspicuous only by its infrequencythroughout the bulk of his career.The organisationof the defenceof the

154 ihid., 371. Seealso SC1/41/199. 155 16Au& 1359,ibid., 356-7.Robert Legh, the father,was pardonedof a fine of L20 collectedat the Cheshire forest,John Mde was pardonedMO, 30 Sept. 1359,ibid., 368-9. 156ibid., iv, 331. 157CPX 1358-61,392.

76 principalitywas left to othersas the princewas now very ill. He requestedtroops from

Englandand mustered his own Englishretainers but matterswere left in the handsof

Chandosand Audley andwhen they died,Felton, Gaunt and the captalde Buch.158 The

prince'sretinue was composedof a numberof distinctgroups and their recruitmentwas

governedby political conditions.The bulk of his forceswere drawnfrom Cheshireand, in

1346,from Wales.Above the ranksof the regularsoldiery, the military retinuewas

composedof individualswith estatesand landedinterests throughout the countryand

weredrawn to the princefor a variety of reasons,not only becausehe might be the

dominant territorial authority. The meansof recruitment was unusual in that a relatively

smallnumber of individualswere life retainersand they werenot alwaysthe most

important.The princeused a variety of retainingprocedures of which the annuitywas the

most commonand most generous. In additionto this core of military support,soldiers

were recruitedfor specificcampaigns on relativelybrief contracts.It maybe the casethat

oncethey had servedwith the princere-service was likely evenif, becauseof the

relativelyfew campaignsin which he was involved,it was rarely needed.

158 For the musterof the prince's troopssee E101/29/24, for the letter to EdwardIII of 7 Dec. 1368see 13L Harley3988 f. 34v.-36r. 77 APPENDIX

1363 Household, BL Cotton Julius C IV ff. 288-91.

Rogerla Warrc+2 companions,4 csquircs&6 JohnT archers William Shank RichardStafford +2 companions&5 csquircs RcginaldHarpedcn Hugh Stafford+I companion,3 csquires&6 SimonBradcston archers JohnMontviron JamesAudlcy +3 csquircs&3 archers William Ircys +3 csquircs&3 archers PctcrHcdon EdwardCourtcnay +2 csquircs ThomasScrgcant ThomasDcspenscr +2 csquircs BaldwinFrcvill +2 csquircs&3 archers JohnFarcndon RichardBaskcrvillc +2 csquircs&3 archers AdamRamscyc William Trusscl+3 csquircs&6 archers ThomasAldrington ThomasGraunson? +2 csquircs RichardThorp Robert-+2 csquircs Ihomas Fclton+2 csquircs Henry Berkhamsted Nigel Loryng+2 csquircs Thomas Benschef JohnSully +I esquire William Len- William Moigne+2 csquircs&3 archers Thomas L[atimcr] ThomasHereford +I esquire William'Morpe +3 companions 4 archers PeterVecl +2 csquires&3 archers John - BaldwinBcrcford +2 csquires&3 archers Ithel ap Ken Seys EdwardBerkeley +2 csquircs&2 archers Adam ap Ith' Tiderik van Dale+I esquire Gronou ap Vaghan JohnGistels +I esquire JamesLegh Rhysap Griffith +2 csquircs&3 archers James-- RobertRoos +I esquire&2 archers Lyon the Goldsmith Alan Chcync+I esquire Geofrey Wcr[bcrton] , Re91 inald Malyns+I esquire&2 archers LaurenceDutton GerardBraybrook +2 csquires&2 archers John Leicester William Harpeden+I esquire John son of Hugh 1ý4ascy PeterCusancc +2 csquircs&3 archers Henry Mascy Henrydel Hay +I esquire Nicholas Vernon William Brerelcy+I esquire John - JohnDanycl +2 csquircs Ralph Leicester William Carrington+2 csquircs William Leicester RichardMasey +2 csquircs William wscy Howcl ap Gmffydd+I esquire Henry -- William Cusance+I esquire Robert Mascy AndrewLuttcrcl Donald Haselrig Bernardvan Zedelcs John Maynard John William Harpcley ThomasPercy Roger FoIjambe Simon Thomas Duncalfe ThomasHolland +I companion Corby Johnla Warre John - William St Omer John Stratton NicholasBonde John - JohnSarnesficld Robert - NicholasSarnesfield +6 others Johndel Hay Master John Bertrandde St Omer Master Robert Walsham Lewis Clifford Hugh -- JohnKcntwodc John Stcnc

78 Alan Stokes Hugh Bridham Richard--- John Gurmoncestre William -ford William Walsingham. +7 othcrs lbomas Nbdcfray

Therewere, no doubt,others who wereinvolved in the preparationfor the prince's arrival and other followed him to the principality after July 1363. The Gasconrolls for the later months of 1362 name a number of individuals with close links to the prince who are not included on the above list and the letters of protection and attorney they include also confirm the intention of certain individuals to join the prince on the delayedjourney. The absenteesIare, in somecases, household staff such as Richard Doxeye and Hervey Hewe, and in others, military servantssuch'as Ralph Shelton, Adam Louches and Richard Punchardon.159 The principal exception is John Chandoswho was, of course,resident in Aquitaineby this time. Individualscontinued to travel to Aquitainethroughout the periodof the principality.The lack of householdrecords makes it very difficult to judge if theywere long-termresidents in or aroundBordeaux. The issueof lettersof protectionis no real indicationof movementbetween England and Gascony. The princehimself was issued with suchletters on a numberof occasionsbut thereis no reasonto believethat he returnedto Englandbefore 1371.160

159C61n514; 77/3 160 Lettersof protectionwere issuedin 1364for Delves,Thomas Cosington, Thomas Roos and Robert Neville. PresumablyJohn Gistels, Thomas Felton, Peter Veel and ThomasWetenhale, who alsoreceived protections were alreadyin Aquitaine, Mm/3-4. The protectionsissued in 1365do not clarify mattersany further, for example PeterCusance, Thomas Hereford, ,Wetenhale and Adam Louchesreceived such letters, C61n8/3, 12 79 1369 Northampton Muster Roll, E101/29/24

AubreyVcre +2 esquircs Thomas Ardcrnc +2 csquircs Baldwin Frcvill + 100 men-at-arms& 10 archers Richard Vernon +2 csquircs Thomas Wctcnhale+2 esquire Richard Ccrgeaux+6 men-at-arms John Golafrc +4 csquires& 10 archers Walter Baa- Richard Abbcrbury +4 csquires& 10 archers William Bcnct Nicholas Bonde +I esquire William Rothwcll Edward Berkeley +3 esquires Hugh Otclby Richard Punchardoun+2 csquires John Ellcrton Thomas Bardolf +I esquire John Dcrde Ralph St Lcgicr +1 esquire William Ch-al Arnold Savage+I esquire Fulk Corbct +2 companions Reginald Cobliam. Fulk FitzWarin Thomas Bclgravc) + Philip Anne PeterLcgh )70 Thomas Marchington John Lcgh ) Cheshire John Hynkclcy Roger Cogluill, ) archers William Carington + 10 men-at-arms& 40 John Davenport + archers William Hulgreve troops Richard Mascy +5 men-at-arms Hugh Stafford+ 6 men-at-arms& 10 archers John Griffyn +2 mcn-at-arms [Robert] Tibctot +3 companions,16 csquircs & John Danycrs +9 men-at-arms& 40 archers 10 archers Thomas Suthworth+2 mcn-at-arms Gilbert Talbot +2 companions,12 csquires& 15 William Brcrcton +2 mcn-at-=s & 40 archers archers Ralph Vernon +2 csquircs Thomas Dcspenscr+ 15 men-at-arms& 15 Robert Standish+I companion& 30 =hers archers Hamo,Mascy of Poddington+I companion Philip Dcspcnscr+ 10 men-at-arms& 10 archers Robert Swinncrton +I companion Thomas Percy + 20 men-at-arms& 24 archers Roger Swinncrton John [Aun]ccll + 20 mcn-at-arms& 30 archers Roger Arc[hjcr John de la,Warre +6 men-at-arms William Hu. (Hoo?) Baldwin Bcreford +6 men-at-arms&6 archers Richard Winington Thomas Hereford +2 9squircs William Bridge Walter C[ollcsey +I esquire John Arkcnstall Walter Paveley+3 esquire Henry Glaync + 20 archers Peter le Veel +4 esquires William - Thomas Cotcsford +I esquire John Frodesham, Thomas Latimer +5 esquires& 12 archers William Talbot Reginald Malyns +4 csquircs&6 archers Hugh F- William Trussel.+6 men-at-arms& archers + 16 with men-at-arms Rhys ap,Griffith +2 csquires John Croft Gerard Braybroke +5 esquires&6 archers Thomas Langetrc Robert Roos +4 esquires&6 archers John Par John Sully +I esquire - Lathum +I companion William Thorpe +5 csquires&6 archers Richard Baldreston William Londlyn +2 csquires Robert Ic -+I companion Peter Cusance+3 csquires Ralph Baggelc John Kcntwode +2 csquires Hugh Cotoun Donald Haselrig +II companion&3 csquires Robert Ddbyngton Adam Louches+2 csquircs Adam le - Philip Courtenay+2 esquires IthcI ap Blcth' ap IthcI Peter Courtcnay+2 esquires Gronou Ralph Beam +2 esquircs Adam ap Ith' ap Blcth' Robert Neville +3 csquircs Ith' Blcth' ap Ith' Vagban Chcync Alan +2 csquircs 3 others,probably Welshmen B. de Laudira +4 men-at-arms&6 archers?

80 The 1369 muster roll is somewhat confusing. While it is undoubtedly a record of muster of the prince's servantsand wider retinue it is by no meansclear why this took place at Northampton and if all those noted on it were present.It may, in somecases, reflect administrative conveniencerather than the direct participation of all those included. Movement over the Channel was common and regular and it may be that some of those who fought in Spain in 1367 returned almost immediately to England, although this does seemunlikely in the context of the prince's deteriorating relations with his nobles and the increasingly hostile activities of Charles V and Louis of Anjou. Aubrey Vere was probably in Aquitaine at this time, although it is possiblethat he, Frevill, Wetenhaleand others of the prince's chief retainers assistedJohn Montviron with the muster in Cheshire and north Wales. Furthermore, ThomasLatimer had received letters of protection on 15 October 1367 and therefore was probably already in Aquitaine 161and John de la Warre received similar letters on 27 April 1368.162 By contrast, letters of protection in the late months of 1368 and until April of the following year confirms,at leastthe intentionof activeservice, of the greatmajority of the chief membersof the retinueincluded on the musterroll. Amongthose absent from the musterroll but receivingletters of protectionwere Lewis Clifford, who was presumablyresident in Aquitaine,William Wasteneys,John Clanvowe and John Cresswell-'6'

161 C61/80/2. 162 C61/81/6. 163 C61/82/8,12

81 PAGE

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IN

ORIGINAL 4

Administration

Althoughthe princehad little personalinvolvement in the administrationof his

estateshis influencewas felt throughouthis demesnewhich wasplundered for resources

for his military campaigns,extensive retinue and lavishlifestyle. Despitetheir military

andfinancial importance he nevervisited Walesand paid only two visits to Cheshirein

1353 and 1358. By contrast he travelled to Cornwall on a number of occasionsand held ' court at . The administration of his lands in England, Wales and

Aquitaine,was characterized by a policy which aimedto increaserevenue and authority.

A numberof individualswere conspicuousin implementingthese objectives which

sustainedthe princein luxury and facilitatedhis military activities.A harshpolicy in

Walesbarely maintained control in the 1340sand discontent increased from the 1370s until it eruptedat the endof the century.In Aquitaine,the Naj*eracampaign compounded grievancesamong the Gasconaristocracy heightened by a style of rule which while appealingto their love of grandeurand conspicuous consumption struck at the heartof their pride andprestige. Therefore the administrationof the prince'sestates was closely boundup with the political role of the princein both Wales,Aquitaine and elsewhere. It alsodetermined, in part, the natureof his retinue.The retinueitself was intimately involvedwith the administration,offices throughoutthe prince'sestates were given as rewardsand to trustedmembers of the military retinue.The role of the knight was not only military but alsopolitical and administrative,he had a part to play in local society.

The princewas keen to ensurethat his administrationfunctioned effectively so that it

83 couldfinance his campaignsand household, often this wasbest achieved through local knowledgewhich wasprovided by men,resident in the area.Alternatively, certain offices weregranted to individualsin lieu of otherforms of rewardand, thereby, the administrationof thoseparticular areas was fully given over to particularmembers of the retinue.

The retinue of the Black Prince is almost impossibleto compartmentalize; household,administrative and military servicewere woven together. The administrationof theprince's household and estates involved many of thoseprominent in the householdand on the battlefield and a numberof otherswho contributedtowards those campaigns and providedthe householdwith the imageand luxury whichthe princedemanded.

Officials and the Early Household

Duringthe prince's minority, administrative matters were undertaken by the householdof the Queen,his mother,with whomhe lived with his sisters,Isabella and

Joanna.Although small and unsophisticated the prince'searly household was important, particularlywhen he waskeeper of the realm,an office he heldin 1338,1340and 1342-3.

As keeperhe was "advised" by a numberof peers,Ralph Neville, the earlsof Arundel, 3 Lancaster,Huntingdon and principally John Stratford, the archbishopof Canterbury.The earlyhousehold officials were relatively undistinguished although a numberwould later achieveepiscopal rank includingWilliam Spridlington,John Harewell, John Fordharn

(bishopof Durham,13 82-8, of Ely, 1388-1425) and Robert Stretton (bishop of ,

I R. Allen Brown, EnglishMedieval Castles,London, 1954,55 (not notedin later editions). 2 Rymer,IL iL 880,1049,1125,1212. 3 McKisack,Fourteenth Cenhay, 159-60; MPacke, King Edwardlffcd. L. C.B. ScamanLond0n,1983,91; Sharpe,"Administrative Chancery", 321.

84 1360-85).-The householdincreased in sizeand sophistication after Edward's appointment as princeof Wales,and thereafter changing conditions and military burdensforced the evolutionand growth of the administration.

In the earlyyears William St Omer,whose wife, Elizabeth,was "mistress and guardian!' of the king's children,was the prince'ssteward. He wassucceeded by Robert

Bilkemore. The steward'stasks involved discussingbusiness, paying creditors,supervising 4 purchasesand holding CoUrtS.The prince also employedan almonerand a tailor, William

Stratton.By 1338his staff included pagesandvalets, John Skirbek was his butler, John

Gaddesden[Catesden] his physician,William Hoo, keeperof the ,John Bradeston 5 and a minstrel called Merlin. his - The most important permanentofficial was the masterof the householdalthough preciserole is unclear.Nicholas de la Beche,the former deputy-marshalof Englandand family constableof the Tower, was the first suchofficial. He had close links to the royal and hadreceived a numberof gifts from them.His daily wageof 13s.4d. demonstrateshis importance.Bartholomew Burghersh, the eldersucceeded Beche in January1341. After " 1347the office wasredesignated as governor of the prince'sbusiness. John Wingfield was lands governoruntil his deathin 1360as well asthe prince'sattorney, steward of his and John chiefof the council.He waspaid 10s.a dayand in lateryears lent moneyto theprince.

Delvessucceeded Wingfield until his own deathin 1369.7 John Thechief financialand clerical officer wasthe keeperof thewardrobe, namely in Brunham,the elder,from before23 October1331 until he becamechamberlain of Chester

4 Ile Tout, Chapters,v, 294.,314-15,317-18. Bilkernore's duties involved a considerableamount of travelling. from madea numberofjoumcys to Cornwallto reporton variousmatters as well asto Salisburytaking messages theking to his son.Whilst outsidethe householdhe waspaid 5s.a day. 5 Barber,Edward, 19,30-1.This waspresumably Richard McrI4 his mother'sviol player. 6 Tout,op cit., 318-20. 7 Sharpe,loc. cit., 331.

85 April 1336.His successor,William Hoo, officiated until his deathin 1340/1.The keeperwas

directlysenior to thecontroller of the wardrobe.' From 13414 this wasIvo Glintonwho was alsokeeper of the privy sealin which office he was assistedby William Munden.9 In August

1344,possibly as a resultof Edward'sappointment as prince of Wales,these offices were separated.The wardrobe became less significant after the establishmentof an exchequerat

Westminster.Their duties continuedto overlap and the political and social importanceof the householdensured that the keeperremained a prominentfigure. The wardrobe was financed by the exchequerand certain lordships such as Cornwall from 1352-5,Byfleet park in 1355 and, for a time, money from Cheshireas well as profits from the saleof wardships.The great wardrobe,a storehousefor householdand military goods,was a separatedepartment and basedin London.,A sub-departmentdealt with arms.It wasfunded directly and probably not financiallyreliant on the wardrobe.

I Thedevelopment of a centralbureaucracy reduced the independenceof provincial receiversand stewards who hadto accountfor their actionsin all but relativelyminor matters.,Central concerns were maintenance, or preferablyincrease, of revenuewhich was ensuredby the auditors'regular visits. There was little leewayfor shortfallsalthough paymentof arrearswere occasionally excused as a specialreward. ' 0 The office of receiver- generaloriginated with the establishmentof the prince'sexchequer. He was"receiver of all moneysarising from all landsand profite' andmade payments to chiefministers. For this he

9 Peter Tout,op cit., 316-17.M[any of themost important members of theprince's administration filled ffiis office: June 1345 31 GildesburgXI Feb.1341 - 31 July 1344;John We, 31 July 1344- 31 May 1345;William Norwell, I - Norwell, I Jan.1349; Henry Blackburn, I Feb. 1349- 30 Nov. 1349(Blackburn was Norwell's lieutenant);William 1363; Dec. 1349- July 1355;Henry Blackburn, 3 Aug. 1355- 29 Sept.1359; Hugh Barton,29 SepL1359 - cJune Alan Stokes,c. 1364; John Carleton, c. 1364; Oliver Martin, pre 5 Oct 1372,ibid, 432. 9 Mundcnwas keeper of Edward'sptivy scalas .Ile wasassisted in his dutiesby a clerk,ibid., 317. 10 R.P- Davies,"Baronial Accounts,Incomes and Arrearsin the Later Middle Ages", EdIR, 2"dscr., 21 (1968), 221-4. , 86 waspaid 40 marksa year.Auditors, keepers of feesand stewards of landscompleted the

upperlevels of the administration."

Theking appointedthe membersof the prince'searly council, like all his officials.It

wasan ill-definedgroup that fluctuatedin purposeand membership. 12 Although it wasnot a

partof the household,officials representing the wardrobe, chamber and privy sealwere

included.It consistedof a numberof specialisedlawyers retained at anannual fee, current

andformer administrators and, depending on the occasion,a numberof magnates.The most

consistentlay memberwas Richard Stafford, steward of the prince'slands (1347-60).

William Shareshulland William Spridlington,the chief auditor,were also usually involved.

Thegovernor of the prince'sbusiness acted as the prince'slieutenant. " Therewere only

four greatsessions held each year and membership was often combined with otherduties.

Nonetheless,it wasthe centreof the administrativesystem having advisory and executive

functionsand its decisionswere as law in the prince'slands. During the prince'sminority,

the Councilwas the realgoverning body and when he was abroad it wasvirtually

independent.In its annualmeetings the councildealt with exceptionalpetitions and acted as

a courtof appealto corrector approvethe actionsof officials.14 With the chief stewardand

thereceiver-general, the Councilformulated a policy aimingto increaserevenue through a closescrutiny of resources.Measures were taken to ensurethe probityof localofficials such asa reversalof the trendof the farmingof offices."This probablyresulted from the

11 ibid., 329-30,335,342-55. 12 Councillorsin 1337-8included: the earlsof Arundel,Huntingdon and Suffolk,Nicholas de la Beche,I IerIIY Ferrers,John Pultmey, Ralph Neville, ReginaldCobham, William Shareshulland John Stonor. In Nby 1340:the earlsof Arundeland Huntingdon, archbishop Stratford, I lenry Percy,Thomas Wake, Ralph Neville andWilliam Beauchamp.A Tudordocument lists the councilduring thetime of theCr6cy campaign. However, it is not consideredwholly reliable.According to this in 1346the prince'scouncillors were: Wingfield, Delves, DabemOn. AlexanderAungre, Skipwith, Mowbray, I. Debenham,Spridlington, Lacy, Witchingliam,Bourricy, Stafford, Bannister,Shareshull and William Hall, Tout, op ciL, 322-3,385-6rL 6. 13 ibid., 382-8. 14Booth, FinancialAdministration, 75-6. 15 In Wales"The key to lies in the farming farmed ... misrule practiceof offices".Rhys ap Roppert a numberof officesincluding cscheator of Flintshirein 1351. It wasgranted on conditionthat he couldretain a sixth of all extra

87 influenceof PeterGildesburgh who enteredthe prince'sservice in 1341as keeper of the wardrobefrom a positionin the king's exchequer.He wasreceiver-general from August 16 1344to 1346 when PeterLacy undertook the office. 17Lacy was also keeperof the great wardrobe,13 March 1347- 137 1.

Expansion and Development

The householdunderwent expansion'and reorganization after Edward's appointment as'prince-ofWales in 1343.Hisexchequer was establishedin the precinct of the palaceof

Westminsterand the wardrobeat Ironnionger Lane in Old Jewry. The developmentof a pr.ofession'al saMed kaff was nearly completeby 1354. At the highestadministrative levels lawyer-adminisiratorssuch as John Delvesr'eplacedthe clerks suchas Gildesburghand the " soldier-'administ-rators suchas I Wingfield and Reginald Grey. The prince's frequent absenceson campaignnecessitated an increasingcentralization of the administrationin

Londonwhich maintainedlinks with the- royal admiInistration. 19

Many Ofthe 'prince'sclerks were recruited from royal institutionsand the organizationof the centralsecretariat consequently followed the royal model.Most institutionsof governmentwere replicated in miniature.20 Contrariwise, those clerks who showedparticular aptitude in the prince'sadministration could find servicewith the king.

PeterLacy becamekeeper of the king's privy sealin 1367and did not resignhis officeswith

profitswhich may explainhis oppressiveand extortionate methods, BPR, iii, 46; A-D. Caff, "Rhysap Rorpcrt", Transactionsof theDenbighshire Historical Society,25 (1976),15 8-6 1. 16 Morgan,War ar&d Society, 99; Booth,op cit., 64-5.Gildesburgh also served the Burghershfamily and accompaniedBartholomew into theprince's service when he becamemaster of the prince'shousehold- 17 both held William Norwell, who hadalso been in royal serviceas keeper of the king's wardrobe,and john Piryc the postuntil Lacy's appointmentin Nov./Dec. 1346. is Booth,op cit, 75. 19 Tout,Chapters, v, 394-5;Sharpe, "Administrative Chancery", 321. 20 Sharpe,loc. cit., 325.

88 Keepers the had theprince .21 of prince'sprivy sealwere experienced administrators and usuallyserved him in someother office but vAthinthe hierarchyof the prince'sservants they

did not rival the authorityin the householdof suchofficers as Nigel Loryng,the prince's

chamberlain,(c. 1351-c. 1375) and Edmund Wauncy, his steward(c. 1352-c. 1361). The

keeperscould conduct little businesswithout warrant from otherdepartmýnts or 22 authorities. The keeperof the privy sealmay also haveacted as a chancellor.Cheshire and

Cornishrecords refer to Ivo Glinton,John Hale, Richard Wolveston and John Henxteworth

as"chancelioe' at timeswhen they werekeepers of the privy seal.Furthermore, during those

periodswhen the prince was keeperof the realm, his privy sealwas usedfor national business.By 1342the secretseal, perhaps the sealof the prince'schamber, was in use.It

becamethe normalmeans of issuingletters of presentationto religiousbenefices and 23 warrantedpaymentS. The separationof sealsreflects the increasingsophistication of the

householdthat accompaniedthe prince'sinvolvement in the Cr6cycampaign. One seal

remainedat Westminsterand one accompanied the prince.Most of the prince'sletters were

issuedunder the Westminsterseal whilst hewas abroad and under another kept by John

Hale.Similar arrangements were made in 1355.The sealremaining in Englandhad equal

that "usedin Gascony"24 Administrative financial mayhave authoritywith . and/or reasons resultedin a sealbeing made for the prince'suse during the Reimscampaign. John Hiltoft, a

Londongoldsmith, was paid 197s. 4d. for the work.25

21 Tout op cit., 295-6.Others in serviceto the Idng andthe princeincluded John Brankctrc, lbomas Braytonand JohnNewenharn. 22 Sharpe,loc. cit., 330-1.Wau'ncy was in the prince'sservice for a longtime. Ile accompaniedhirn to Flanderson his first trip abroadin 1345with William St Omer,Richard de la Bere,Roland Daneys and Richard Raven, the T3.nee's cook. Ile fought at Poitiers and succeededRichard Stafford as stcwardýBarber, Edwaidý 44,153. Tout,- op cit., 367-70,378-9,381-2. 24 Sharpe,loc. cit., 329-30. 23 8 Dec. 1361, BPR, iv, 370.

89 Theprince played only a minor role in the daily administrationof his estatesso his

absencehad little effect.In 1359,orders were sent to the chamberlainsof Chesterand north

Walesand the justice of southWales ordering the chiefofficials to "act by commonassent,

bestfor the honour 26provision for those asshall seem prince's andprofit .,, wasmade membersof the householdwho remainedat home.27 John Deyere and William Hunte

purveyedfor the needsof the householdin the prince'sabsence in 1359-60.28

Estate Administration

Cheshire

Palatinatestatus, in additionto its military traditions,fostered in conflictswith

Wales,gave Cheshire a certainindependence and individuality. The aggressivereputation

of Cheshirewas not unfoundedand raiding andpoaching on neighbouringcounties was common.The 1353trailbaston sessions revealed a high incidenceof casualviolence at all 29 levelsof society. As'the countywas not representedin parliamentit paid no parliamentaryfaxesand'had escaped the increasingelaboration of the systemof public finance.However, it was obligedto contributeto nationaldefence. Cheshire records are, in manyways', very comprehensive', particularly in theform of Chamberlains'accounts.

However,there are problemswith flack of materialafter the prince'sdeparture for

2626 Sept.1359, ibid., K 368. 27 Delvesremained at Northbourneafteer the armydeparted. The princeinformed John Brunharn that Delves would not be attendingthe countycourt dueto "weighty businesswhich hasto be donethere", 7 Oct. 1359,ibid., iiL 370. delayed In ?Aay 1360demands for an accountof thetemporalities of the bishopof Coventryand Lichrield were as Delveswas "so occupiedwith the businessof Edward,prince of Wales",CCP, 1360-4,28. 28BPR, iv, 345. 29 In orderof fiequencycrimes recorded at thesesessions were: assault; robbery/theft; rape; abduction; extortion and homicide.Those indicted includedJohn Dromville, RichardHough, Richard Doune, Adam Mottrum.Thomas Danycrs,Hopwell, Bnuiharn and Hopwas who wereall accused,in broadtemis, of acceptingpresents from James Audleyand the greatmen of the countyin returnfor approvaland help in their criminalacts, Booth, "Taxation and PublicOrder", 25-7.

Q() Aquitainein 1363,a problemwhich increasesin 1365with the conclusionof the Black

Prince'sRegister. Cheshire was a very importantfinancial resource for the princein this periodand he was heavilydependent on the regionin the later yearsof the principality particularlyfor the paymentof military annuities,however, the daily administration becomesmuch less certain during that time. This may havebeen compromised since a numberof individualswho playedsome part in the administrationof Cheshire,both in personand those holding sinecureoffices, travelled with the princeto Aquitaineand, in somecases, held poststhere.

Despitehis authority, the prince's freedomto act was circumscribedby a numberof factors.Royal interventionwas common in his estatesduring the prince's minority. In 1341,

EdwardIH hadHugh Berwick take over the administrationfrom HenryFerrers and institutedajudicial inquiry,mirroring policy in the restof England.This resultedin finesof over1900, which were collected by JohnBrunham, the younger,in which capacityhe first took the demesne30 Furthermore, the king's council office within prince's . representativesof wereassociated with sittingsof the Chesterexchequer which controlledthe collectionof revenue,the supervisionof accountsand the activitiesof the local seal.In 1355the king

the ThomasWarwick Chester Royalcontrol, secured appointmentof asconstable of castle.31 previousto the prince'sassumption of the earldom,had not strengthenedthe administration.

Thiswas clear in 1346when a generallevy was imposedon Englandoccasioned by the knightingof the princeand worth L2 per knight'sfee. " This wascombined with a demand for a grantof an aid in Flintshire.Despite the involvementof Gildesburghand Shareshull, the Cheshiretax wasprobably a failure.It certainlyproved very difficult to collect.This led

30Booth, FinandalAdministralionj 99. 31 VC11,Chester, ii, 10-11;Tout, Chapters, v, 297-8. 32 L6,000of the aid raisedfor knightingthe prince(12 July 1346)were assigned in repaymentof debtsto the sire d'Albret, CPR 1345-8,136.

01 to thedevelopment of a newtaxation system and in accordancewith generalcentralization, themain financial control was external to the countyand specially commissioned auditors

33 maderegular checks.

- Theeffect of this andthe prince'sadministration in generalwas to breakdown local privilege.As in Cornwallthere was limited noblepower which consistedof a numberof smallpower blocs. Beyond the palatinatehowever, the administrationoften came into conflictwith the neighbouringMarcher lords. The prince's absenteeism and need for military supportcreated a graduallydeteriorating situation with regardto law andorder which led to a crisis during Richard's reign.

Local governmentwas the responsibilityof five chiefofficers and their staff,the justice,lieutenant-justice, sheriff, chamberlain and escheator. From the mid partof the centurythe positionof thejustice as the supremehead of countyadministration declined and 34 theoffice becamealmost exclusively concerned with judicial administration. Thepost was increasinglyperformed by deputiesand was held as a sinecureafter 1353.35ThomasFerrers 36 (justice,1343-53) may have been the lastto undertakethe dutiesofjustice personally. The extentof theseduties, which laterincluded responsibilities for Flintshireand elsewhere, necessitatedthe introductionof the postof lieutenant-justice,initially held,possibly for 37 sevenyears, by RogerHopwell. JohnDelves held the sameoffice in Cheshireand in

Walesfrom 1338.In 1354-5he was paid 140 a yearcompared with the 1100that his

33 Booth,op cit, 52. 34 At the countycourt sitting of 10Aug. 1350were: Thomas Ferrers, John St Pieffe,Geoffrey Warburton, snr. Peter in Thoreton,John Legh, William Praers,Philip Eggerton,Thomas Danyers and others. Nlany of theseheld Offices theprince's administration, John Brownbill, "The LedgerBook of ValeRoyal Abbcy", L4ncs.and Ches. Rec. SOC., 1xvii(1914), 61. 35 In Scpt 1375this postwas held by Johnde la PoIc,Brownbill, loc, ca, 86. 36 Ferrerswas Henty's brotherand executor and replaced him asjusticiar. By Mar. 1351Fcffers bad accumulated overE200 arrears on his steward'saccount, well over thenomial annualrevenue. This sumis only partly explained by the effectsof theBlack Death.The debtwas not clearedby his estateuntil 17years after his deathin 1353, Booth,FinancialAdminisftdon, 9 1. 37 ibid., 5 1; Booth,"Taxation and Public Order", 19.Hopwcll wasalso the stewardof abbotThomas of ,Brownbill, loc. cit., 60.

92 3 superior,Bartholomew Burghersh, received. 8 Delves was, for all intentsand purposes,

treatedas the justice. Burghersh was appointed in 1353 andempowered to actpersonally or

throughhis deputy.Both Burghershand his successor,Thomas Felton, spent much of their

careersabroad in the prince'sservice. 39The county court was both the lord's courtand the judicial forumfor civil andcriminal actions. 'O The manipulation of thesesessions,

particularlyby William Shareshull,to increaserevenue was a majorfeature of the prince's

lordship.

Thechamberlain of Chesterbecame head of the exchequerand the leading

administrativeofficial. He wasresponsible for the sealof the earldomand payments to the became receiver-general at Westminster. John Brunham held office from 1347 to 1370 and

'Ihe lynchpin of the financial administration of Cheshire."41 He was paid L20 a year. This

increased in 1351 to'L26 l3s. 4d. in recognition of his greater responsibilities for receiving

from Macclesfield 42The justice briefly linked through the revenue . chamberlainand were

office of controller of all pleas,receipts and issuesof the offices ofjustice and chamberlain.

A clerk was appointedto this office in 1347 but the post had beenabandoned by 1350.

Brunham's early favour with the prince is apparentwhen, after 1351, he was paid an

1

38 There was something of a tradition of service in this office for Burghersh. I lis great-grandfather,ChincelYn Badlesmcre,had also filled this post 39 VC11,Cheshire, iL 12-13. 40 In Feb. 1346an inquisitionbefore the countycourt was heard by Hugh Vembles,John Ardeme, Geoffrey William Werburton,William Praersthe formersheriff of Cheshire,Henry Beston, Thomas Danyers, John CotOn, Overrmrsh Swetenham,William Veriables,lbomas Venables,Richard Sumerford and Richard scot. Rudheathand werejudges to be the propertyof the earl,Brownbill, loc. cit., 1424. 41Booth, FinancialAdministration, 66. 42 Niacclesfieldbad been severed from Cheshirewhen given in dowerto Eleanor,E dward. I's wife, andthen Isabella,the prince'sgrandmother. Isabella exchanged it in 1347with the princefor two manorsin Dorsetand Overton- Wiltshire.It wasmanaged by a "farmce'or keeperwho sometimesalso had responsibilityfor the manorOf on-Dee.The princeretained Isabella's chief official, RobertLegh of Adlington until Dec. 1347when he was replacedwith a Welshman.A high-rankingenquiry involving Gildesburghand Sharcshulldecided that Macclesfield shouldbe partly re-integratedinto Cheshireand on 16Mar. 1348Thomas Ferrers was appointed steward and bailiff, ibid., 86-91.

93 additionalannual sum of 10marks. Despite its poorwage, half that of thejustice, the office 43 of chamberlainwas extremely desirable due to its influenceover patronage.

Theescheator took controlof landswhich fell into the earl'spossession on the death or surrenderof the propertyby the holder.The escheatorvalued the propertyand managed it. Landswere rarely in his handsfor long asthey were convenient forms of patronage.The irregularity of revenuemeant that the office was impossibleto farm and thereforeopen to corruption.Measures had to be taken to preventthe escheatorconcealing the earl's rights in return for bribes.In 1344Peter Arderne, who had held the office from 1333-8,was accused 44 of falsifying an inquisitionpost mortem in return for the wardship of the heir in question.

The office was reorganisedin the early 1350s.Hugh Hopwas,the incumbent,received 2d. a dayfor his wagesand, as a specialfavour, 10 marks a year.In 1352 the escheatorwas made exofficio stewardof the demesnemanors and towns of the earldomwith the exceptionsof

Macclesfieldand the city of Chester.Hopwas' successor, Thomas Young, had additional dutiesincluding holding courts and views of frankpledgeat demesnemanors and was 45 granted40s. a- year above his daily fee.In 1353he alsobecame responsible for Flintshire.

Theduties of the office continuedto grow andwere mirrored by an increasingsalary, firstly

10marks and by Nfichaelmas1356 LIO a year.The increasingburdens of the office 46 necessitatedthe appointmentof a separateescheator f orFlintshireinl357. Theofficewas oftencombined with other.From October 1359 to December1361, Young was both escheatorand sheriff of Cheshire.In 1365John Scolehall became escheator, steward Of foreigncourts and the prince'sattorney in Cheshire.In 1367he was also appointed sheriff

43 After 1348the d=bcrlain couldcharge 16s. 4d. for everycharter scaled with the prince'sseal and by 1354a fee further"great fee" hadbeen irnposed. These charges were waived for war servicegrants etc althoughthe clerk's still badto be paid, VCH,Cheshire, ii, 18-20. 44 Booth,op cit, 54. 45BPR, iii, 135-6. 46 He wasappointed before I June,ibid., 247.

94 1370.47 andheld these offices until Escheatprovided some of thegreatest increases in revenueand, as elsewhere, the influenceof Delvesand Brunham. is notable.In the aftermath of the Black Death revenuerose from 155 in 1349-50to 1240 in 1358-9and 1482 by 1372-

3. Military demandsswitched the emphasison patronageto a drivefor profit andin 1355the escheatorwas authorised to sellall wardshipsvalued at 10marks a yearor less.By 1359 threeofficers were employed and authorised, to sellall wardshipsby commonconsent and

landS. 48 arrangeleases of escheated

The county sheriff was primarily responsiblefor the maintenanceof public order. He enforcedthe ordersof the county court, collectedfines and amercementsand summoned juries. He was also the most important revenuecollector. Until c. 1346the office was usually farmedout, however,by 1349it paid an annualwage of 120.There were many opportunities for conuption.In 1353James Audley of Heleghand his sedeantsforfeited their officeson accountof a catalogueof crimesand abuses. Audley was fined 700 marks49and, as a result, 50 centralcontrol was tightened over the sheriffand his subordinates.This was not successful, nor was the office, particularly in Macclesfield, an effective way of keepingthe peace-51The officewas often granted in returnfor military serviceas in the casesof AdamActon and

JohnDaniel 52Five the Cheshirehundreds the the . of seven were subjectto authority of master-sedeantof the peace.In 1353 the office washeld jointly by JohnSutton of Malpas andJohn St Pierreof Peckforton.Macclesfield had its own hereditarymaster-sOeant who,

47 VC11,Cheshire, iL 25. 49 Booth,op CiL,140. 49 Audleywas a closeassociate of theprince. Ile entertainedhim on his 1353visit to Cheshireand fought at Poitiers.He wasalso Roger Hillary's brother-in-lawand a childhoodfriend of Shareshulland 11illary from Staffordshire,Booth, "Taxation and Public Order", 25. 50 To lessenthe temptationof briberyall beadlesand bailiffs of hundreds,except in Macclesfield,were to farm the serjeancywithin their hundredand pay the farm to the sheriff,Booth, FinancialAdministration, 53-4. 51 JohnDavenport and others broke the forestlaws and there were breaches of the peaceat the Macclesfieldfair, II June1373, BPR, iiL 390,T. P. Ifighet, "The Davenportsof Davenporf'.Chethcon Soc., Yd ser.,ix (1960),43. 52 BPR,iii, 253,483;R. StewartBrown, Serjeants, 18. Daniel lost theoffice whcn it wasabolished in 1365but he retainedhis pension.

95 in 1353, was John Davenport. The Davenports had held the office from c.1220 although

11. from- the latethirteenth or earlyfourteenth century it wasoften leased or treatedas a sinecure.53 The Wirral hadthe right to electtwo se-ijeantsof its own.54

In 1353there was a majoradministrative overhaul which, as well asexacting revenue,was also intended to restoreorder. It wasnot a reactionto anuprising but 'it was on the contrary,iindertaken in responseto the expressgrievances of many of the peopleof

Cheshire, behaviour 'great andespecially ... those concerning of the men' andofficials of the 55 county. , The lieutenant-justice,county sheriff, constableof Chesterand all serjeantsof the 56 peacelost their offices. Richard Sainsbury,abbot of Chester,was fined 400 marks.John

Legh,steward of the'duke'ofLancaster's Cheshire lands, was fined 120.Regulations concerningthe receiptof gifts wereestAblished. -At a greatcouncil on 10 Septemberthe princeheard petitions, dispensed favours, and made ordinances. He alsotook overthe St

Pierreestates before returning to Londonon 7 Octoberleaving Delves in chargeas lieutenant-justiceof northWales and Chester., The 1353incident was not a rebellionsuch as theGascon response to thefouagebut it did reveala breakdownin relationsbetween the mostpowerful members of societyand those beneath them. However, Me moststriking

its failUre). 57 thingabout this well-documentedvisit is the extentof Shortlyafter the prince's returnto Londondisorder broke out again.1355 and 1357saw armed raids into

53 The se;Jeants of the peacein ýAacclesfieldin Sept.1342 were Richard Swetenharn, Richard Sclegk William Bebyngtonand Thomas Vernon- The Davenports had a traditionof servicewith the Black Prince.John Davenport foughtat Cr6cyin the division commandedby Northamptonand Arundel. In June1358 Thomas Davenport "Our belovedknight" did homageand fealty for ýAacclesfieldby serjeanty.On 8 June1373 Ralph Davenport was appointedcustodian of Flint He wasalso sheriff of Flint a grantconfirmed by Richard11 on 25 Feb. 1377.In 1373- 8 Ralphwas sheriff,raglaw, constableand mayor of Flint,, IEghet,"Davenports", 48,16,18,23-4,42-3,48. 54 CIIES 29/20/14;Booth, "Taxation and Public Order", 20. 55 ibid., 2 1. Seeby contrastPacke, Ung Edward,206, who suggeststhat after a long andstormy winter 1352-3the princeincreased exaction on his tenantswhich led to rebellionin Cheshire.Conditions bad been very harshas William of Bavariahad tried to relievethe famineby a& of cornand the king fclt the situationwas important as he sentthe earlsof Lancaster,Warwick and Stafford to assisthis son. 56 Theprince had leased the office of sheriff of Cheshirefor L53 6s. M for the first yearand L213 6s. 8d. thcrealler on 25 June1348, Cal. Recog.Rolls, 15.Audley lost the serjeancyof Nantwichin 15Dec. 1353,MR, iii, 138. 57 Booth,-Taxation and Public Ordet", 22,25.

96 neighbouringcounties and in September1358 the prince and his councilreturned to

Cheshire.Rhys ap Roppert, the sheriffof Flint, wasaccused of packingand influencing 5' judes. Allegationswere also madeagainst the escheatorand rhaglaw. The mayor and

sheriffsof Chesterwere to bind overcriminals within the city. A specialpeace commission

was instituted in 1359.59Despite these measures conditions continued to be disorderedas

"...the menof Cheshire.-..were too usefulto the princefor him to takegenuinely radical

action..." Therewere close links betweenthe prince'smilitary requirementsand outbreaks of

60 civil disorder.

The imposition of comital authority was combinedwith a policy of land acquisition.

In 1346the manorof Drakelowe,consisting of the districtsof Rudheathand Overmarsk was

4freclaimed"in anoperation engineered by Gildesburghand Shareshull with the

acquiescenceof the abbotof Chester.In 1353the*prince acquired the estatesof Sir JohnSt

61 Pierrein the southwestof the county. In April 1350a reversionof the Cheshireproperty

hadbeen granted for 11,000as well asthe keepingof Beaurnariscastle. This wasan

opportunistattack occasioned by theweakness of the inheritanceclaim. In 1353the prince

gaveSt Pierrelands in Angleseylands annually worth 1111 19s.OY2d. 2 The St Pierrelands

weremuch used as rewards for serviceafter the Poitierscampaigns. 63 Grants of timberfrom

Peckfortonwere made in the period1357-62 and a numberof gifts weremade from Bickley,

58 In Easter1349 Rhys and Ithel ap Cynwrig Saisap Ithel Fychantook over the shrievalityof the countyand the Flint constableship,of castle.The following Michaelmasthey leasedthe mglotry of the avowriesof the cantrefOf Englefield, andthe escheatlands of the commotefor sevenyears. From 1351the office wasexchanged between the 1360.Rhys In two menuntil wasappointed escheator of Caernadonshireand Merioneth, 12 Dec. 1347- 1350/1. 135616he farmed fanned the escheatorshipof FAcirnionand Abertanat and the mglotry of Abertanat.In 1360-1he themglotry of Dinmaeland chief sergeantof the lordshipof Denbighin 1374-5.Rhys had led Welshreinforcements to Calaisin Mar. 1347,Carr, "Rhys ap Roppert!, 156-8. 59BPR, iii, 161,318-22,377. 60 Booth,"Taxation and Public Order",27,28. 61 He held including a nurnberof offices the countyscýeancy which he lost but reclaimed,BPR, iii, 96-8. 62 123-4.John ibid., Ashton,parson of Davenham,was granted all the St Pierrelands in Shipbrook,Stanthurl, Bradfordand Leftwich during St Pierre'slife at I 00s.,Cal Recog.Rolls, II 63 a annualrent of Furthermore,timber from Peckfortonwas sold on 5 July 1354.

97 whichwas formerly St Pierreland. A rathervindictive campaign does seem to havebeen wagedagainst the family asthe needfor assetsthat accompaniedEdward's appointment as princeof Aquitaineresulted in him latersuing St Pierrefor additionallandS. 64

Wales

In June 1343William Emeldon was appointedto surveybuildings and defencesand

lands Wales king's 61Of deliverthe andappurtenances of the principalityof to the eldestson . thecommissioners appointed with Emeldonone was Richard Stafford. Their investigation showedthe administrationof southWales to be far lessorganised than in the northwhich 66 wasneatly divided into commotesand shires. Duringthe prince'sminority, William

Shareshullwas guardian of the principality.As elsewhere,the princewas presented with an administrativeretinue already in placeand involved in a policy benton revenueextraction whichwould accelerateunder his rule. RichardFitzAlan was justice of northWales, William

Trussel,,sheriff of Angleseyand Robert Hambury had served as chamberlain of north

67 Wales.

68 Before1350 low leveladministrators were predominantly Welsh. However, deliberatepolicy andgeneral attitudes meant that higheroffice within the principalitywas rarelyopen to Welshmen.This did nothingto discourageanti-English hostility. "The politicalworld of theEnglish kingdom was largely closed to menof Welshbirth. 51,69

Furthermorethe towns were English strongholds and symbols of dominionand Welshmen

64 On the St Pierreland deal see Booth, FinýiiclalAdminisftfion, 129-32. 65 SeeE407/4142. The prince's fealty roll is in ihid. 4/34. 66 D.L Evans,"Some Notes on the History of the Principalityof Walesin the Time of the Black Prince,1343-1376, Cymrodorion, Tramactiomof theHonourahle Society of (1925-6), 3 1,33. 67 FitzAlanwas appointed in Mar. 1337,CPR. 1334-8,415. In July 1339he becamesheriff and constableof Caemarfon,CFX 1337-47,140.For Trusselsee ihid., 1327-47,420. 68 Perhaps83.3% of officesbelow sheriff werein Welshhands. In 1343in north Walesthese were one sheriff, one coroner,two woodwards,two rhingy1fiadand three rhaglawriad, Given,State coad Society, 158-9. 69 ibid., 219. ýIIýý

98 weredenied the privilegeof beingburgesses by the ordinancesof EdwardI. Thejudicial systemfunctioning in the principalitywas "EnglisW' as opposed to thatin theWelshries of theMarcher estates. However, some Welsh law remained;in 1356the menof Cydweli claimedthe right to demiseproperty to illegitimatesons despite it beingoutlawed by the

70 statuteof Rhuddlan.

Walescontinued to beviewed as little morethan a sourceof menand money.

Resourceshad been depleted as offices and land were used to paythe king's creditors.

Merionethwas'granted to WalterManny in 1341.71 In April 1340Richard Eccleshall, a royal clerk, receiveda numberof rhaglawries and ringildiies for life. The reforms made after 1343were foreshadowed by earlierpolicy that soughtto restorethe unity of the administrationand increase the authorityof the chief ministerswhile dealingwith high 72 levels of local corruption. The governmentof the principality becameincreasingly efficient throughoutthe prince's tenure of office. Theprevious administration had become characterisedby absenteeism,pluralism, extortion and economic decline. 73 Changes throughoutthe mid fourteenthcentury to increaserevenue and the prince'sauthority made the administrationmore productive and competent. These changes resulted in objections from theMarcher lords who, asthey hadto thepretensions of EdwardI in the 1290sand the youngerDespenser, now closedranks against the BlackPrince. This resultedin the 1354 statutestating that Marcherlands were held directly of the king.74

70Davies, SurWval, 346-7. 71 Accordingto Emeldon'scommission Howel ap Gron' was sheriffof Merionetj4which showsthe extentto which in his thepost was held as a sinecure.Manny was made sheriff in Dec. 1332while accompanyingEdward BaRiOl invasionof Scotland.Ile wasalso granted the fee-farmof Harlechand Bala for life in 1341and effectively the wholeroyal revenueof Merioneth.This wasin compensationfor prisonerstaken by Manny in a raid of the islandof Cadzandin 1337,D. L. Evans,"Walter de 1ýbuny,Sheriff of Merioneth,13 32-1372", Journal ofthe Nferioneth 11istoricalSociety, 4 (1961-4),194-203. 72 For a discussionof thesereforms and their limitationssee W. H. Waters,7he Edwaniian Settlement OfArorth JYalesin UsAdministradwwdLegalAspecls (1284-1343),Cardiff, 1935,72-7.For the ordinancesof 1339see CCA 133941,249-51. 73 Waters, op cit, 69. 74 For theacrimonious exchanges between the princeand the Marcher lords seeRR. Davies,Loniship ad Socieiy

99 Theprince claimed "royal" powersover bishoprics, the temporalitiesof vacant

episcopalsees and collations of cathedralchurches throughout the country.He securedthe 75 vacant temporalities of the bishoprics of Bangor, St Asaph and Llandaff. He interf ered

with the affairsof Breconand attempted to makeGower dependent on the Carmarthen

administration.In Aberystwyththe town's controlover its own affairswas very restricted.

Its revenuewas not farmedto the burgessesbut paidto the constableof Cardigancastle who,

until 1347,was Gilbert Turberville. Thereafter they were farmed to the constableof

Aberystwyth.Therefore, the prince'sappointee as constable had a directinterest in the

economicand social activities of the burgesses.The first fanner of Aberystwyth, in 1352,

wasRobert Stretton, the prince'schaplain and rector of LlanbadamFawr, with whichthe townwas closely linked. The church was appropriated by the princefor the abbeyof Vale

Royalin 1359 andtwo yearslater the abbot.became custodian of the castleand farmer of the

76 town .

Theattempt by the princeto extendhis authoritywas conducted against an uneasy backdrop.Not only wasthere the reactionof the Marcherlords but therealso had been the

Shaldefordincident which resultedin panicamong the Englishburgesses. The murderof oneof the princes attorneyson St Valentine'sDay 1344en routeto Caernarfonemphasised theracial tension of the region.John Huntingdon, acting-sheriff of Merioneth,may also have beenassassinated in 1345whilst holdingthe countycourt. 77 The previous year had seen an

in theMarch of Wales,1282-1400, Oxford, 1978,271-2. 75 SimonIslip, archbishopof Canterbury,challenged the prince'sright to Crown duesin thediocese of St Asaph andthe prince was balked by the king overhis ambitionsin St David's,Davies, ibid., 270,273. 76 BoroughsofMadieval Wales,ed. R. A- Griffiths, Cardiff, 1978,35;R. A. Griffiths, Conquerorsand Conqueredin MedievaalWales, Far Thrupp, 1994,132. 77 Theburgesses of Caernarfonand Conwy and the communitiesof Denbighand Rhuddlan wrotc to theprince askingfor protectionand assistance "against the rebelliousWelsh and other evildoers", Edwards, Calendar Of AncientCorrespondence, 230-2. The murder at the countycourt would haveseemed highly appropriate.The English judicial systemcreated unpopular burdens. In 1361when the people of Denbighcomplained that theywere no longerable to settledisputes by the traditionalsystem of negotiationdue to the local ministers'greed for amcrcernents,BPR, iii, 4 10.

100 78 anti-Englishriot at a fair in St Asaph. In 1362a proclamationforbade anyone going about

thecountry armed. This wasin responseto roamingbands of menwho werecommitting 79Even feloniesand acts of trespass. beforeEdward became prince there were considerable

disturbancesin the marchescentred, on Chepstowand Newport. 80 However, many of the

lawlesselements were absorbed into armies.The campaignsalso provided opportunities for furtherexactions. After Crecy,justices in Angleseyimposed penalties on Welshvillagers for failing to contributeto the military effort.81 But not all militantelements were absorbed into

Englisharmies. A numberof Welshmenentered the serviceof the king of France.82 Owain

Lawgoch was involved in action againstEngland both from Franceand from Wales.The great-nephewof Llewelynap Gruffydd,his grandfatherhad sold his rightsin Gwyneddand retiredto Englandas a royalpensioner whilst his fatherhad inherited lands in Cheshire,the

Marchesand elsewhere. Owain returned from abroadto claim his inheritancein 1369to find thatit hadbeen confiscated after commanding a freecompany of Welshmenin the serviceof

CharlesV. He receivedsome French support in an attemptedrevolt but the expeditionfrom

Harfleurwas driven back by the weatherand a furtherattempt in 1372attacked Guernsey beforebeing diverted to Castile.The consequencewas the English defeat off La Rochelle.

From 1372,when he achieveda victory overthe captalde Buch andThomas Percy, until his assassinationby anEnglish agent, John Lambe, at the siegeof Mortagne-sur-Girondein

1378Owain remained in activeFrench service. 83

78 Given,State wd Society,213. 79Cal. Recog.Rolls, 36,93. so CPR 133747,92-3;A. C. Reeves,Newport Loniship, 1317-1536,Mchigan, 1979,28.There had also been disturbancesin Bromfieldand Yalewhen in 1333after the garrisonhad been stripped fim the lordshipfor service in Scotland.The kirig wasforced personally to intervene,D. Praft,"Wrexham Mlitia in theFourteenth Centur. Y', Tramactiomofthe DenhighshireHistorical Society,(1963), 66-7. 81G. PeredurJones, Angksey Court Rolls, 1346,34-8. 82 SeeU Siddons,"Welshmen in the Serviceof France-,BBCS, xxxvi (1989), 160-94. 83 A.D. Carr,Medieval Waks,London, 1995,103-4. See also Carr, "Rhysap Ropperr, 162-7on the role of lemn apRhys, possibly also known as IcuanWyn, andon the possibilityof morewidespread Welsh support for Owain Lawgoch.

101 84 Caernarfonand Carmarthen werethe seatsof the local exchequersand chanceries

aswell asthe centresofjudicial administrationfor northand south Wales. They exerted

greatcontrol over their "hinterlands".Even when John Pyrie was appointed chamberlain of

northand south Wales, there remained two sealsand two chanceries." Caernarfon elected

its own bailiffs annuallyto presideover its courts,while the constableappointed the mayor.

Governmentof northWales was the responsibilityof thejustice of Snowdon.This office,

muchabused by RogerMortimer and his deputyWilliam Shalford,86 lost someof its authorityin 1330. RobertBilkemore deputised for EdwardBohun, one of Mortimer's

successors.In 1334,following his acquisitionof the Mortimer inheritanceat Chirk, Richard 87 FitzAlan was grantedthe office for life. His salary of 1100 a year was often usedto offset loanshe madeto the crown.Deputies, for a wageof 140 a year,undertook the majorityof thework. 8' FitzAlan'sauthority was augmented by his life appointmentas sheriff and keeperof the castleof Caemarfonin July 1339.89

Theduties ofjustice of southWales were also perfonned mainly by a deputy.In

1359Richard de la Riverswas the first suchdeputy whose payment was recorded at the 90 Carmarthenexchequer., I-Es salary'of L20 compared poorly to the VOOpaid to his superior.

Thejustice was the political andjudicial headof the prince'slands in Cardiganand

Carmarthen.In the years1350-60 Thomas Bradeston held this post.The centralization of justicein southWales at Carmarthenwas a blow to the prestigeof Cardigan.This was

94 lease Carmarthen,Cantrefinawr and Newcastle Emlyn cameinto theprinces handsas'a result of the expiryof the of theregion to Grosmont.in 1342,Lloyd, Carmarthenshire,245.1 95 Tout,Chapters, v, 297-8.On the authorityand relationship of Cacrnaffonwith its neighbouringdistricts and the varyingstatus of the chamberlainof north Walessee, Waters, Edwardian Settlement, 77-9,87-96 Pyrie was chamberlainof the exchequerof Caernarfonat thetime of theprince's accession. 86 Shalfordalso became FitzAlan's deputy with RogerTrurnwyn. 87 The life grantwas made in Mar. 1337,CPR. 1334-8,415. 98 Evans,"Notes on the Mtory of the Principality",37. 89Cnt 1337-47,140. 90 Oneof his predecessorswas Rhys ap Gruflydd, Lloyd, op cit., 209and n.

102 somewhatredeemed on the prince'sdeath when the countywas given to Joanand it was therethat shebased her administration.91 ý

The sheriffsof northand south Wales were responsible for the biannualtourn, specialsessions of the commotecourts. A jury wouldreport on suchmatters as encroachmentson royal rightsand breaches of the peace.92 The sheriff of Carmarthenshire was usually commissionedby the justice -of southWales but in 1341the king appointed

93 Philip Hawkeston,resulting in a challengefrom thejustice, Gilbert Talbot.

Com

The Black Prince was grantedCornwall as a duchy in 1337.It includedthe 17 demesnemanors of the earldom,a numberof townsand boroughs and various rights and 94 privileges. Therewerealso a numberof "foreign" manorsassociated with the duchy.

Theseincluded the fee-farmof Exeter,the manorsof ,Bradninch, Berkhamsted,

Byfleet,Mere, Isleworth, Wallingford and St Valery.95 There was also the waterand chase 96 of Dartmoorand the water of SuttonPool. In 1337the manorsof Kennington,Vauxhall,

CastleRising (from his grandmother)and Cheylesmore, Warwickshire, came under Cornish administration,in 1342;Little Weldon,Fordington, Southleigh, Old Shoreham,and the town

91 Griffiths, Conquerorsad Conquered,2 90. 92 Given,State and Society,47-8. 93 Unfil 1350the sheriffpresided over the countycourts, Lloyd, op cit, 212. 94 JohnIlatcher, -Rurat Economy and Society in theDuchy ofCornwall, 1300-1.500,Cambridge, 1970.5-6. For discussionand description of thesemanors see ibid., 17-29. 95 Wallingfordwas highly privilegedand bad always been close to theCrowrL 'Me steward,surveyor, fcodaTY and cscheatorwas Thomas Gerveys. His dutieswere set out in a commissionof 1361to RichardStratton who ums in appointedto act in Oxfordshireand eight other countics. Two otherfbodaries covered the other 15counties which farmer theprince held fees.They were paid L5 a year.In 1351Burghersh, younger, succeeded Ralph Spigurnellas of Wallingfordfor 12years at L200a year.This gavecontrol of the town andhonour of Wallingfordand St Vallery, 4Y2Chiltern hundreds and the constableshipof the castle.His lieutenantwas John Alveton, steward of the landsOf the chamberin Oxfordshirewho was often employedby the royal family in Buckinghamshireand the neighbouring counties,N. Denholm-Young,Yhe Counpy Genhy in theFourteenth Century, oxford, 1969,121-2,125-7. 96 In Ivlay 1337Elizabeth Burgh exchanged Kennington and Vauxhall with EdwardHI for othermanors, CCP4 1337-9,261.In Sept.1337 the manorswere incorporated into the duchyof Cornwall in the chargeof William HOO andWilliam Plunden,Cal. CharterRolls, 132741,428. In 1362Vauxhall was givento the prior of Christchurch,

103 97 of Rockinghamand in'1354 the manorand soke ofKirton-in-Lindsey were included. In

1337the duchy held 50 demesnemanors in 20 counties.98 The estatesmade up five distinct regions:those in the southwest, Cornwall, Devon and lands further afield in Somerset,

Dorset,Gloucester and Wiltshire; those in the ThamesValley; anEast Anglian estate, the honourof Eye;Midland holdings in Northamptonshire,Rutland, Huntingdonshire and

Lincolnshire and a northernestate around Knaresborough. 99 The concentrationof territorial authoritypreVented the growthof a powerfullocal nobility althoughfamilies based outside theregion did hold manorsin Cornwallsuch as the Beauchamps at Helstonand Trigg. There was a greatertradition of landholding in Devon particularly by the Courtenays.

Johnof Eltham'sadministrative machinery and personnel were in placewhen

Edwardassumed the duchyin 1337,indeed the "Captionof Seisin7maywell havebeen undertakenby William Munden,the prince'sclerk, who hadbeen trained by William

Cusance,Eltham's secretary. 100 Most importantlyEltham had appointed John Kendale as receiverand granted him custodyof the castleand park of Restormelfor life with 3d. a day 101 anda robeannually for life. Thereceiver accounted for moneydue from the reevesand bailiffs andmade certain payments. Richard Kendale succeeded John on 30 September

1365.102

canterburyto maintainthe Trinity chapelthe princebad endowed,CPA 13614,242,254. 97L. E. Efliot-Binns,Medieval Cornwall, London, 1955,169. 98 Ilatcher,RuralEconomy and Socieýv, 37. 99 William Hoptonwas keq= of theprince's fees in Gloucs.,Worcs. and elsewhere, BPR, iiý 184.Knaresb0r0Ugh waslinked to the duchyafter it ceasedto be part of QueenPhilippa's dower. In 1372it wasgranted to compensate L Gauntfor the lossof Richmondto de Montfort, R. Somerville,11isjory of&e DuchyofLancaster, London, 1953, 52 andn. 2. 100 CPA 1334-8,231; 1377-81,240-1;Tout, Chapters,v, 378 n. 6. 101 Otherofficials from theEltham. era included Richard Bakhampton, steward of the earldom.Ile hada grantof 400acres in four manorsto be held for the lives of his two sons.Life tenurewas rarein Cornwall.It becamemore commonafter the Black Deathfor thoseareas difficult to leaseon short-termcontracts, but swiftly declinedafter the 1360s,Hatcher, op cit, 70-1;"The Captionof Seisinof theDuchy of Cornwall, 1337",ed. P. L. Hull, Devonand CornwallRecoit/Sociqv,ns 17(197 1), xxxv n. 5, xrvi nn. 4-5,14,32,69,75,100,13 1. 102BPR, iL 213.

104 Theextensive Cornish coastline provided trading opportunities for a numberof

industrialand commercial ventures of whichtin miningwas the mostimportant. 103 Demesne

fanningwas uncommon and landlords' incomes tended to comefrom rents.These were high

at theassession of 1333and remained so in 1340and 1347.The sevenyear freehold became 104 usualfor freeand unfree tenants. Theagricultural importance of the duchyfor the prince's

retinue is demonstratedin its role in producing suppliesfor campaigns.Thomas FitzHenry

hadthe office of havenerof Cornwallfor life whenthe princeassumed the duchywith a

wageof ten marksand a robe.He laterbecame weigher of all tin coinedin Cornwalland 105 was keeperof the tinnersgaol.

-, Cornwallwas administered like anEnglish shire with someadditional privileges. D-- had . rganizationfrom 1317 encouragedeconomic development and this continuedwith

theformation of the duchy.Surveys were made of duchyresources in 1337and March 1345

by HughBerwick and William Cusance.These revised rents and the valuesof some

manorialproperties resulting in a considerableincrease in the profitabilityof the 106 assessionablemanors. Theadministrative Centre was transferred to Berkhamstedfrom

Lostwithiel.Audits were also held at Launcestonand Liskeard. The chief officials, as elsewhere,were the steward,receiver and keeper of fees.In 1357John Dabernon held all theseoffices in Devonand Cornwall. In Cornwallthe stewardwas paid 160 a yearCOMPared 107 with 110that the stewardsof Devon,Mere andSt Valeryreceived.

Thomasatte Fenne was commissioned sheriff on 5 November1347. John Dabernon andthen Robert Eleford as sheriff and steward replaced him on 18August 1354. Dabernon

103 Tout,op cit. 298-9.In 1338Comishtin outputwas 700 tons.Rcvmuctakcn by the Crownfrom coinagedues waswell overE2,000, McKisack, Fourteenth Cenhay, 3 92. 104J. L. Bolton, ihe MedievalEnglish EconoMy, 1150-1500, London, 1980,188. 1054 Dec. 1361, BPR I, i4 185. 106 E 120/1;"Caption of Seisip7,ed. Hull. The averagevalue of the 17manors rose from 075,1297-1306 to L550, 1338/9,l1atcher, op cit., 91-2.

105 wassubsequently reappointed to the office.108 The sheriffwas required theoretically to presideover all manorialcourts but this was,by necessity,delegated. '7he creationof the

Duchybrought a tighteningof manorialdiscipline and considerably enhanced revenues from themanorial courts... "109 These, which hadcontributed 10-20% of total manorialprofits, in somecases, almost doubled by the endof the prince'slife. Revenuewas maintained after the

Black Death.Dabernon visited most of the 17 assessionablemanors each year in an attempt ' 10 to maximizerevenue particularly by makingmany, more valuable, conventionary leases.

Dabernonwas replaced by JohnSkirbeck, a formerconstable of Launceston,who had presumablymended his ways after being criticised in this office and orderedto'labpur more diligently"-"' Extensiveduties necessitatedthe appointmentof a bailiff-errant to aid in the 112 collection of money. Increasedrents resultedin a Mo increasein profits between1333 and 1347.113Ngher rent and court revenuespushed profits of almost all duchy manorsto newheights in the 1370s.

Many of the responsibilitiesfor manorialadministration were those of the reeve.

Thispost was elected annually from amongthe wealthierlandholders. 114 it wasclearly a considerableburden and fines were often paid to avoidserving in the office.Nicholas

Kemek fiiled to avoid servicein 1350-1,1351-2and 1358-62.115This office was severely disruptedby the BlackDeath. John Rill, reeveof Rillatonmanor, died on 12March 1349

107EHiott-Bims, Medieval Cornwall, 170.

108 ibid., 62. Dabemonresigned as keeper of feesand sheriff on 13 Sept.1354. However, he wascommissioned on I Oct 1357to be sheriff andsteward. As suchhe waspaid L20 a yearfor eachoffice, BPR, ii, 69,125. 109 Hatcher,op cit., 194. 110 Seeibid., 136and 52-71for discussionand description of differenttenurial systems, rents and obligations. III He wasalso granted Tintagel castle without fee,22 July 1351, BPR, ii, 9,14,24,66. 112 Hatcher,op cit., 44-5.Richard Clere-was restored to the office 10July 1360but strippcdof it by john Kcndale on 4 Dec. 1361.12May 1365the office was grantedfor life to JohnCook, BPR, ii, 171,185,209. 113 In the 1364assession all but oneRestormel villein becameunfi-ee conventionary tenants without an increasein rentsor tallage.This wasprobably at Edward'sorder who spentthe earlyspring of 1363at Restormclcastle, Hatcher,op cit, 61-2.See Bolton, Medieval English Economy, 188 for profitability of manors. 114 After theBlack Deaththe reeveof Helston-in-Kerrierbecame a permanent,salaried officer.

106 andhis counterpartat Liskeard,Lucas Cerle, had to berelieved of his duties.In addition

William Carnek,bailiff of the manorof Helston-in-Kirrier,died on 11April 1349.116

TheCornish castles and seven deer parks were usually under the supervisionof individualyeomen or retainersreceiving wages of two or threepence a day.Park maintenancewas expensive and the welfare of the deerwas paramount although pasture was oftenleased. 117 John Kendale was one of the mostactive officials under the BlackPrince's

He wasparker and constable of Restormeland receiver of the duchyuntil 1365. regime.Qý Restormel,which wasvisited by the princeon a numberof occasions,was the largestof the parkswith 300 deer.Individual parkerswere answerableto the "surveyor of all gamein

Cornwall! " 18This office was held by Theobaldla Hunte until 16 June 1353 when he was 19 replacedby John Sully' who, in 1360,received an additional grant of 120 a year to the 140 120 alreadyawarded for good servicein Gasconyand at Poitiers. The parker of Helsbury and

Lanteglos,John Logardyne, was granted the office at the requestof bothBurghershes on 29

October13 5 1.121 Nicholas le Hunteand then John, son of RobertDabernon, succeeded him 122 at therequest of his namesakeand kinsman, the keeperof the prince'sfees. Canybullock park,appended to Climslandmanor, held 150deer and was in the keepingof Hugh 123 Horuel. William Gyles, yeomanof the buttery, becameunder-forester and keeperof the

115 He rentedpasture on Helstone-in-Triggshiremanor for 46s.a year,Hatcher, op cit, 39-40. 116 15. ibid., 103.For servicesowed to the princein the deerparks see Hull, "Captionof Scisin",xxxv, xxxiX,xli-iL For Launcestonsee ibid., 2, Restormel,41-2, Liskeard, 72, Clinisland,115-16, Trematon, 122, and generally, 141-2 117 Hatcher,Rural Economyand Society,182-3. 118BPR, iL 46,113,198,202,204. 119 ibid., 49. Sully wasretained to be of oneof the prince's"especial retinue", 10Mar. 1353,Jones and Walker, "PrivateIndentures", 74 andn. 82. He receivedhis feefrom Bradninchmanor, Devon which hadpreviously paid HenryEarn's retainer of 100marks. For the orderto the receiverof Bradninchto makepayment see C66/301/12; BPR,iL 45. 120 ibis wasto be paid by the mayorand burgesses of Exeter,ibid., 171. 121 ibid., 18. 1227 May 1361, ibid., 182. 123 Thecommission was dependent m goodbehaviour 25 1ý1ay1363, ibid., 201.

107 chaseof Dartmoorwith 10marks a yearin June13 60 andin 1362, keeper of Liskeard

124 I, park. ,I,

TheBlack Deathdisrupted the administrationand income of the duchy.The

immediatefinancial effects of the plague,inability to collecttallage and assession fines was

offiet, to a degree,by deathduties which- in somemanors were quadruple their usual

amounts.125 The prince's administration is not usuallynoted for its benevolence,particularly

in Walesand Aquitaine, however, the situationappears to be markedlydifferent in

Cornwall.National policy wasfollowed and efforts made to controlthe wagesof thetin

miners.Possibly as a result therewas a commissionappointed in August 1358to inquire into

crimesagainst the tinners of Devonshire,led by JohnDabemon and Shareshull who had

earlierbeen appointed to enquireinto tin forgeries.In otherfields '7he policiesinitiated by

theDuchy in 1349to dealwith the unprecedentedcrisis caused by the GreatPlague were

,)5126 remarkablefor boththeir wisdomand foresight... Thecouncil was kept closelyinformed

of the situation,auditors visited the duchyin February1350 and local officialswere

summonedto Londonto reportin 1351/2.127 As a resultrents and farms were reduced, maintenancecosts were paid on manorialmills andother properties ensuring the continual occupationand upkeep of land.The secondmajor outbreak of plague,13 60-2 seems to have hadfew economicconsequences although some rents were also respited in 1361after a great storm.However, the princewas not aboveusing strong-arm tactics even in Cornwall.Rates of collectionof manorialrevenues (averaging 1600 in the 1340s)improved. markedly after

124ihid., 170,189. 125 liatcher,op cit, 104.For tablesshowing decaying rents and vacant land seeihid, 106-7. 126 ibid., 116,135,146. 127BPR, iL 54.

108 1342when, following a specialcouncil meeting, soldiers were used to distrainfor existing

debts.Later rent aflowances also encouraged prompt payment. 128

Theduchy was a valuablesource of patronageand reward. Offices in deerparks and

thedeer themselves were given to the prince'sservants. Wood, a valuablecommodity in the

duchy,was given for building repairs,gifts to religious housesand retainers.129 Wind-fal I

treeswere sold as was timber, but only in times of impecunity. Turves were also very

valuableand grants of "sufficientturbary"-were common. The mostvaluable ferry in the

duchyconnected Saltash with Devonand was granted to William Lench,after the battleof

Poitiers,until Trematonmanor was given to Nigel Loryng who leasedit to the burgessesof

Saltash.The keeping of theDevon stannaries and coinage, in additionto thewater of

Dartmouth,was granted to theyounger. Burghersh for goodservice in September13 55.130

JamesAudley's 1400 annuity for his servicesat Poitierswas paid from the coinageof the

Cornishstannaries. John Polper was granted the stannaryof Penwithand Kerrier for seven

yearsin October1356. Two yearslater John Legh, yeoman of the buttery,received, for good 131 service,the bailiwick asa life grantand Polper paid his leasedirectly to i-egh.

Gascony

Theadministration of Gascony,although not unlikeWales and Chester, was more 132 organised,specialised and localised. Theoffices of seneschal.and constable corresponded

to thoseofjustice andchamberlain. However, central administrative authority was

circumscribedby the manyprivileges of townsand feudatories. The prince's appointment as

129 Hatcher,op cit., 128-9,196-7. 129BPR, iL 65,82,87,142,155,180,18 1. 130 jbid., 84. This wasimmediately sub-leased on I Sept.1355 to William Sleghof Kenton,William SMaleOf Dartmouthand John Dabemon of Bradefordfor 100marks for the first yearand L80 for the succeedingtwo years. On 6 July 1359Burghersh gmnted a new sub-leaseto JohnDabemon, for L80.The waterof Dartmouthwas granted to Richardatte Brigge at no costby Burghershon 3 Sept.1359, ibid., 159,161. 131ibid., 101,105,147.

109 hisfather's lieutenant in 1355had theoretically involved an administrative reorganization

but it wouldbe anunderstatement to saythat muchof his time wasconcerned with military

matters.133 Nonetheless Westminster control was supplanted for the periodof his

lieutenancy.134 The prince's household treasurer's partly replaced the Gasconfinancial

administrationor bypassedit and,to a degree,the prince'sretinue governed the duchy.

The treaty of Br6tigny had createda greatly enlargedAquitaine and many of the

cededterritories had no reasonto lovetheir new master."' Thefirst stageof thetransition

beganin October1360 and the first majortown to behanded over was La Rochelle.136 There

weretwo maintasks, 'Worganisation administrative d'une part, d'autre part effort

consid6rablepour assurer I'application de la paix."137 On I July 1361John Chandos was

chargedwith annexingthe newterritories whilst on sameday Richard Stafford and William

Farleywere chosen to takeresponsibility of the administration.Stafford was appointed

seneschalon I July 1361,but hadleft office by 12January 1362, and may havebeen

replacedby Chandosin the greateroffice of constableof Aquitaine.Farley died on II

September1362 although his final accountswere not handedin until 1365.138Several other membersof the retinuewere important in overseeingthe transferof territoriesin accordance with the treatyof Britigny andothers were concerned with makingpreparations for the prince'sarrival, These included Loryng, William Felton,Adam Hoghton, Thomas Driffeld

132 A documentof 1373enumerates the 17 royal offices of Bordeaux,C47/24n, 10. 133 On21 Sept.1355 in thecathedral of Bordeaux,before Thomas Roos the mayor and others, the king's letters wereread describing the intention to recoverlost lands and rights and to reorganizethe duchy, s administration.The princewas to rulethe duchy according to customwith the rights of high,middle and lowjustice, Moisantý Nince Noir,31-2. 134 45 Thenumber of entrieson the Gascon rolls shows the decreasing influence of Westminster,in 1355there were entriesand only nine in 1356,Capra, "L'administmtion Anglo-Gasconne-, 129. 135 As a resultof thetreaty England acquired: Poitiers and Poitou with Thouars,Belleville, Saintes and Saintongc, Aunis,Angoul8me and Angournois, Limoges and the Limousin, Perigeux and Pdrigord, Agen and the Agcnais, Cahorsand Quercy, Rouergue, Gaure, Tarbes and Bigorre, Rodez and the Rouerguc, Rymer, III, ii, 667-80. 136 RobertFavreau, "Le cessionde La RochelleVAngleterre en 1360"La FrcviceAnglaise au Afqwn Age, Paris. 1988,217-31;Capra, "Vadministration Anglo-Gasconne", 835-50. , 137 ibid., 770. 138 Ifis executorWilliam Guildford was responsible for this.They are now held in E 101/176/4,13,20.

110 andStephen Cosington., "9 Theappointment of Chandosto receivethe cededterritories

seemsto havebeen an inspiredone. 140 He dealtwith the indigenousnobility andcivic

authoritieswith courtesy,patience and understanding and, following certainnegotiations and

agreementsto maintainancient rights and jurisdictions created an apparentlyamicable

milieuin whichthe princecould take charge. 141 He wasalso assisted in this by membersof

the council of Gasconywhich was madeup of local men and gave them a political role and

dignity.142 Chandos later had authority in Poitouwhere he won overthe nobility and

althoughadministrative offices tended to begiven to Englishmen,he ensuredpositions in 143 justice and financewent to Poitevins. Adam Hoghton was responsiblefor annexing

Bigorre. He ar-rivedat Rabastens,on 28 January1362, took oathsof a numberof nobles,

churchmenand urban authorities and occupied four castles.Like Chandoshe used many

144 Gasconofficers.

Theprince's first official taskwas to receivehomage from his new subjects.Many of the mostimportant of thesewere present at a ceremonyin Bordeauxon 9 July 1363,

139 Capiaop cit., 828,836,844n. 12,885-6,890n. 12.For Loryng's accountssee E372/206/10m 2; E403/408/31- 2; 411/34;413/15. 140,, Cbandosseems to haveacted with greatcircumspection and the Englishrule beganwith someprospect of successalthough his taskwas a far from easyone. " TheRouergue in particularwas most reluctant to become "English7aswere many towns but with no outsidesupport they were forced to submit,Lodge, Gascony Under EnglishRule, 93-4. Belleville was also a difficult area.It wascontested by the Frenchthat it hadnot formedpart Of thetreaty. Ponthieu and the viscountyof Montreuil alsoproved troublesome, Delachenal, Charks V, iv, 33-6,44-50. 141 'Me grantand confirmation of chartersof libertiesin Wales"corresponds closely in form andintention to the chartersof franchisesto Frenchrural communities." Davies, Lordship and Society, 463-4. Cahors and other towns wereparticularly unhappy at the transferof authority.The privileges of La Rochelle,Agen, Limoges and Bergerac, wereall confirmed,Delachenal, Charles V. iv, 17-20.In 1365 the town consulsof Limogesre-established the 13'h centurymunicipal couhmes, Louis P6rouas,Histoire de Lhncges,Toulouse, 1989,105,117. In Bordeaux concessionswere given in 1363restricting purveyance, suppression of arbitrarypeagesimposed by Albret on mercliants.Rights ofjurade wereconfirmed and two annualfairs of 32 dayswere established. Ancient Privileges wereconfirmed at Dax, Montauban,Millau andFigeac. There were tax concessionsfor Gourdon,Beaulieu, Moissac andMillau. Certainfines were lifted at Cahors.Contributions for river and caml repairswere lifted in Rouergue, Quercyand the Agenaisand river navigationwas improved. Individual rights werealso examined such as those of Arnaudde Durfort in theparishes of St-Gernme,St-Foy-du-Temple, Artigues, SerTcs-Cassou, St-Denis-Lagourge andM6rcns, Moisant, Prince Noir, 85,94-5.For furtherconfirmations of privilegessee Livre de coutwnes,ed- Ilenri Barckbauscri(Archives municipales de Bordeaux),1890,417-20,423. 142 in 1361-2this includedJean Socquiet, Arnaud de Plassan,Pierre Mossiet, Bartholom6 de Fayet,Geraud de Merite,Arnaud Comte, Guillaume Gaudin, Raymond de Beaulieu,Jean Guitard and Guillaumedc Longe, E101/176/6-9. 143P. Boissonnade,Ifisloire de Poilou,Paris, 1941,136-7.

III GastonFebus being a notableexception. 145. The countof Foix refusedto do homagefor

Warn, which he consideredto be a sovereignallod andtried to asserthis claimto Bigorre.146

At a secondceremony the followingweek the homagesof townsand fortress leaders were taken.Present were two othercommissioners who hadbeen involved with the implementationof thetreaty of Britigny, JamesAudley and John Streatley. 147 The chancellorof Aquitaineas well asJohn Harewell also attended. The official tour of the principality,in which Jeande Montfort, duke of Brittany,for a period,accompanied the prince,lasted nine months-until April 1364.148Theprince received 1,047 homages from all ranks.149At Agen, after the involvementof deMontfort, Louis d'Harcourt and John de

Saintre,Gaston Febus did homagefor the viscountiesof Marsanand Gavardan although not

150 eam.

Thepowers conceded to the princewere specified in his charterof institutionwritten by JohnFretton and illunlinated by the prince'sclerk, John Carleton. 151 His authority exceededthat of all previouslieutenants with the powerto appointthe seneschal,constable andmayor of Bordeaux.Edward M retainedthe sovereigntyand thus the right of hearing

152 appealS. Theuse of the greatseal of Englandvirtually endedwith the creationof the

144Capra, "Vadministra -tion Anglo-Gasconne',811-24. 145 The ceremonywas conducted in, the presence of the earl of Warwick,Chandos, now viscountof Saint-Sauveur, in William Seris,constable of Bordeauxand Peter ý4aderan. The princereceived homages in his father'sname then his own. The first to give homagewas Amauld Amanieu,sire d'Albret He wasfollowed by 17 barons,20 knights and 18 esquiresincluding Pierre Caillau, "bourgois de Bordeaux".Once the fornialitieswere completed IýIassc d'Aiguecave,probably one of the prince'ssecretaries, named the fiefs of thosewho baddone homage, MOisant, OP cit., 77-8. 146 ý He hadalso refused to do homagefor 136amto the king of France,Histoire de lAquitaine, ed.Charles IfigOunct, Toulouse,1971,217. 147Barberý Edwani, 171. 149 PeterMadcran, a royal clerk recordedthe verbalhomages, Moisant, op cit, 76-7. 149 Theresulting document was written in part bya' secretarycalled Aberford. For detailsof thosewho gave homagesee F, 407/37/10-, Trabut-Cussac, Livre dhommage,70-116. 150E36/189- 151See E30/1105; Rymer, III, ii, 667. 152 Chaplais,The Court Sovereignty Pierre of of Guyenne(Edward III - HenryVI) andits Anteccdents". Docmenfing thePast. Essap in MedievalHistory Presentedto GeorgeP&W Cuttino,ed. j. S. Hamiltonand PatriciaJ. Bradley,Woodbridge, 1989,137-53; Lodge, Gascony Uýder English Ruk, 96,137. In 1368the prince

112 principalityreplaced by the sealof the courtof Gascony.153 The prince concerned himself

with his personalauthority over his greatvassals, the clergyand the civil authorities.The

grantingof chartersof concessionsor ordinancesconcerned with localinterests manifested

this.He wasalso involved in the appointmentof officialsand, in theory,attempting to

establishgood relations with his subjects"but he hadnothing of his grandfather'sgood sense

andpolitical foresight. "154

Theprince's authority was uneven throughout the 13unequally sized s6nechaussees. 155 Someareas and particularly some towns enjoyed an independence denied to others. It was 156 alsocurtailed by the authority of the individual lords and tenants-in-chief The great

churchmenheld the largestestates, particularly the archbishopof Bordeauxand the abbotof

L.a GrandeSauve. There was some conflict and usurpation of episcopalauthority and,

althoughrecords are sketchy, there was papal opposition to the prince'sdemand that the

bishopstake an oathof allegiance."' Lesserlords might alsoband together to give mutual 158 assistancewhich could restrict the prince's authority. Tenurial practicewas also an

importantelement in the controlof the principality.The allod remainedthe prevalentform

landholding. All the lands the Bordeaux heldin this . of of archbishopof were manner

wherebyit wasfree from services,rents, homage or fealty.An allodcould be inheritedor

wasgiven authority to holdthe final courtof appealin Aquitainealthough his father's authority had only been suspendednot renounced. The principality was held by liegehomage and one ounce of golda year.The prince could ac,=pt homagesin hisown name, had certain feudal rights, the authority to mintcoinage and the traditional royal prerogativeof consentingto redemptionsand abridgements of fiefs. He couldraise commoners to the peerage, moisant,Prince Noir, 92-3. 153Tout, Chapters, v, 300-5. 154 Lodge,op cit. 97. 155 Eachgreat town bad its owncustomary code of rulesand procedure. The most important of thesewere Bordeaux,Bayonne and Dax. 156 'Me chieflay lordswere the counts of Annagnacand Fczensac, the viscounts of Fronsacand Bigoffc and the lordof Albret A numberof lesserlords and knights were also tenants-in-chief. Some had rights of highjustice. All hadrights of lowjusticeand many claimed greater authority. Ecclesiastical jurisdiction also impinged on the prince'spower. Ihe situationcompared closely to theWelsh March where lords proclaimed the "regal" quality of theirlordship having total judicial and territorial authority and maintained their rights to makewar and sign treaties asa formof disputesettlement, Davies, Lordship and Society, 217-20. 157Delachenal, Charles V, iv, 22-4.

113 givenaway and only revertedto the lord if the holderdied intestate. There were however, a

numberof modifiedconditions by which, for example,the archbishophad to saymasses or

prayersfor the ruler of the landwhich madethe systemof landholdingsimilar to

frankalmoign.Lands were essentially free but heldon conditionof hospitalityor military

service.Service was personal, not territorial.-However, there was an on-goingtendency for 159 landto becomefiefs.

Thethree great offices of statewere the constable,seneschal and chancellor. The

first to holdthese offices in the principalitywere Thomas Felton, John Chandos and John

Harewell. JohnHarewell was constableand chancellorof Bordeaux(13624). 160The

seneschal was the headof governmentxvitha' variety of changingduties. He presidedover

the counciland the judicial businessof the courtof Gascony.The constableof Bordeaux

wasthe nextmost important official accountablefor financialmatters. He paidthe salariesof

mostofficials, received their accountsand was guardian of the seal.161 The constables of

Bordeauxcame fibm a vaii6ty of backgroundswith previousexperience in the duchyor

havingserved the BlackPrince prior to his arrivalin Aquitaine.Bordeaux, with its

populationof 20-30,000,was the administrativecapital of the principalityand the constable wasthe chief financialminister. He wasbased at the castleof the Ombri6rewhere he receivedrevenue and made payments for which he hadto accountat the exchequer.He reviewedthe accountsof lesserofficials andhad a varietyof otherduties, which required an extensivestaff. These duties included the managementof suppliesand victuals, the

158 HenriMorel, "Une association de seigneurs gascons au'xiVsi6cle", Melanges dhisloire dedie-1a la memoire deLouis Halphen, 523-34. 159 Lodge,op cit, 194-6. 160 but Harewellreceived L17', 476 from the English excheqt'ier therewere no fintherreceipts before 1370, Harriss, King,Parlimnent and Public Finance, 476 n. 3. Gasconrevenues never covered the pay of thechief o ff iciaIs w hi ch totaledf750a year,FrankMusgrove, 7he)Vor1hqfFng1and. Allistory, Oxford,1990,160. 161 Lodge,op cit, 138-41,147-50. The court was a permanenttribunal in Bordeauxheld by thescneschal or his lieutenantthe judge of Aquitaine.It wassuperior to othercourts and could hear appeals from municipal courts and dealwith disputes between secular and ecclesiastical jurisdictions, for which,in 1365Edward III handedover

114 supervisionof coinageand the upkeep of castlesand fortresses. Authority in Bordeauxwas

concentratedin a very few individuals.If they failedto be effectiveit damagedthe whole

(28 April administration.John Streatley 1348- 12 September1350 and 18 January1354 -I

July 1361)162 assisted Chandos with the transferof landsand was a frequentmember of the

prince'scouncil and had also served him asan envoy.He waschancellor of Guiennefrom

1362to 1364.163Chivereston and Streatleystayed for a time at the headof the Aquitaine administration.William Farleyhad been keeper of the wardrobeof the dukeof Gasconyand succeededStreatley as constable (20 September13 6 1) at thetime of the hand-overof territorieswith William Loryng as his lieutenant.He travelled to Gasconyaround the same time as Stafford andNigel Loryng(c. july 1361).Farley receivedthe first accountsbut died 1641t of plaguesoon afler. wasafter this that the administrationbegan to develop.Bernard

Brocaswas controller and receiver of the moneydue to theking at this time.He wasthe mostexperienced Englishmen in southwestern French financial affairs having served as controllerto Nicolo Uso di Mare,John Streatley and Farley and in 1357he hadalso been keeperof the seal.He succeededFarley on 9 December1362 with responsibilityto collect all revenuesdue to the king until 19July 1362when he hadcreated the principality.If his activitiesand practice was followed by the prince'sofficials then accounts were very closely 165 scrutinised. JohnLudham graduated from beingthe prince'sclerk to become

responsibility.In 1370a curia superioritafis,largely composed of Gasconswas established. 162 In this time he receivedL86,227, Morgan, "Cheshire and the Defence of Aquitainer, 139.Capra, Anglo-Gasconne",249 his 4 Apr. 1354 "Vadministration gives datesof office as 15 Sept.1348 - 26 Dec. 1350and - 20 Sept 1361citing E372/207/14Ir.; 207/162r. 163 Ile badletters of protectionon returningto Aquitaineon 28 Nov. 1362,C61n5/2. A 1368audit showed him to benearly L94 in arrearsto the Crown,of which he waspardoned, Timothy Runyan, "The Constabularyof 13ordeaux:The Accountsof JohnLudham (1372-3) and Robert de Wykford (I 373-5y',MedidevalSludies, xm(Vii (1975),ii, 49 n. 44. 164 Capra,"Ladministration Anglo-Gascomd",826,83840; 843rL 3; C76/44/6;E361/5/3 r. -v. 165 FrangoiseWriac,"Uneprincipaut6 sans chambre des comptes ni dchiquier:L'Aquitaine(1362-1370Y'. La Francedes principaul0s. Lei chambredes comples xW et rs? sikles, ed. PhilippeContamine et Olivier Matt6oni, Paris,1996,109-10,113-15.

115 constable.1" The next most important fiscal officer was the controller who was alsobased in the Ombriereand kept a counter-roll of the constable'srecords and whose salarywas half 167 that of his superior.There was als6 a memorwidusto guardthe castlearchives. Other officers includedthe judge of Aquitaine, the provostswith authority over towns, the bailiffs 168 andreeves with responsibility for distncts.

It appearsthat the prince's early yearsin Aquitaine were benevolentand few changeswere madeto traditional rights and exactions.There were someadministrative alterationsafter Edward's appointmentas prince of Aquitaine. The paucity of documents concerningthe prince's administrationmakes it difficult to tell but governmentprobably becameincreasingly based on an English model with Estates,comparable to Parliament, 169 beingused as opposedto the French local assembly. New officers were appointedto governthe new territories,which were divided into sen6shaussees,and, if nothing else, 170 Gasconyhad to cometo termswith its first residentprince in over 150 years. Therewas an expansionin the authority of governmentand the number and complexity of departments.171 The first stephad beenthe appointmentof Harewell, followed by Alan

Stokesas treasurer.In addition 'Inglish" practicesof local government,bureaucratic and legal practicewere introduced.A higher court ofjudicial appealin Gasconyrather than

166 Priorto Hewas commissioned at La Rochelleon 25 Apr. 1372.M dudeswere those of treasurerof Aquitaine. thishe had served Nicholas Loveigne in 1362and was receiver of La Rochellefrom 26 Oct. 1364, Timothy Runyan,-1he Constabulary of Bordeaux: The Accounts of JohnLudham, (1372-3) and Robert de Wykford (1373- 5y,,Mediaeval Studies, xxxvL (1974), L 223-4. 167ibid., 221-2,239 rL 1.The Ombribre housed the court of Gascony,the council, the chancery of theseneschal and du perhapsthe court of sovereignty.It served as the local prison and was topped by two largetowers; the tour rol andthe tour Arbalesteyre. 168 Thedivisions were known as baillages in theAgenais and pHv6t0s in thesouth. The most important Provost Lodge. wasat thecastle of theOrnbri6re in Bordeauxwho safeguarded the prince's rights ofjustice in thetown, OP cit., 143. 169 JosephXi Tyrell,A Historyof theEstates ofPoitou, The Ilague, 1%8,28. 170 Gasconyhad consisted of six s6ndchaussdes,theprincipality had 13. 171 SeePierre Capra, "L'6volution de l'administration Anglo-Gasconne aumilieu du xiv, si&cle".Boideaur el les iks britaniquesdu xiii' aurl Wcle,Bordeaux, 1975,22-3. Also Pierre Chaplais, "The Chancery of Guymne,1289- 1453".Shdies Presented to HillcayJenkinson, ed., J. ConwayDavies, Oxford, 1957, esp. 81-7; Chaplais, "The Courtof Sovereigntyof Guy=6", 141-50;Runyan, "Constabulary of Bordeaux:" L 220-2;Lodge, op cit, 135-5L

116 Englandwhere it hadbeen previously was created. 1370 saw the establishmentof thecmir sup,Jrieure.

Thenew administration witnessed a numberof personnelchanges. It hasbeen armied4;-.? - that this "anglicizing' of the prince'sadministration contributed another element to thediscontent that eruptedin 1368.172Theprince's financial demands also had consequences.The expenses involved in runninga court(and what appears to havebeen a very splendidand lavish court) were considerable. The extravagance could be extreme;the

AnonimalleChronicle refers to "outragescostages et excessivedespene'. 173 Lavish feasts andtournaments were common. An extensiveretinue had to be paidfor in additionto sumptuousclothes and jewellery for himselfand his wife. However,the Anonimalle

Chroniclealso refers to his overbearingpride and disrespectful attitude to the Gascon 1ý4 nobility. The 1355chevauchie had beenconducted partly as a result of the appealof a numberof Gasconlords who felt threatenedby Armagnac,Jean H's lieutenantin 17' Languedoc. Theywere happy to acceptEnglish help but did not appreciatethe realityof a residentsovereign. Furthermore, there were great tensions between the nobility. It hadbeen

keep in it difficult to the peace Gasconybefore Br6tigny. -Calais, in the greaterAquitaine was nearlyimpossible. A policy of conciliationwas not successfulin endearingthe Englishto

172 For example,William Feltonbecame seneschal of Poitou,Musgrove, North ofEngland, 136.Ridwd Totesham wasappointed seneschal of Angournois,Saintonge and governor of La Rochelleon 6 Oct 1361with wagesof 2001 for Angournoisand 500L for Saintonge,E10 1/170 fo. 23r.; 175/2.He had succeededBernard de Montfcrrand as governorof La Rochellein Dec. 1360.In Oct 1361he alsoreceived the captaincyof the castleof St-Jean-dAng6lY with wagesof 1001Totesharn had been a Frenchprisoner and had fought a duel duringhis captivity,ChrOnique Nonnwde, 104-5;Favreau, "Comptes", 74-5. However, Capra, points out that throughoutthe 1350smany Offices his wereopen only to Englislunenand notes the nepotismof JohnStreatley who foundoffices for four membersOf famýy andother close friends, op cit., 249-50,253-4rn 7-10.This is counteredby Delachcnal,Chirles V, iv, 20 andn. 1,who statedthat the only evidencefor this supposedantipathy was Froissart,Chroniques, ed. Luce, viv 82; vii, 92. 173AnonimalLe Chronick, 55. 174. faist il hauteyn de de ...si si et si grauntport qil ne mettast nully et si voldroit soeffrerediverscs grauntz del seignours pais qe vendrayntau luy parler,demurer quatre iours ou cynk avauntqil dedeignaod euxparler; et quauntils veindrenten sapresence il lessoeffreit genulere et chaungerles genulesune quartre de jour avauntqiI les comaundaestere. " ibid., 56. 175 lieutenant He wasappointed in Nov. 1352.Two monthslater hostilities began with the siegeof Saint-Antonin. By the endof May 1354his conquestsbad brought him to the banksof the River Lot, 27 leaguesfrom Bordeaux.

117 176As theGascon people. in his dealingswith the Marcherlords strains quickly became evidentbetween the princeand his greaterGascon vassals. "... though admired as a commanderin the field [he] hadhis shareof harshness,arrogance and unthinking extravaganceto be foundin otherparagons of chivalry., 177

Theshort-term policies undertaken by the prince'sadministration were very effectivein Walesand Cheshire but with ominousfuture consequences resulting from a depletedand shrinking economy base. Michael Prestwich has referred to the "constantly 178 overbearingcharacter of the administration., This is perhapsan exaggeration,the prince couldbe brutalbut his administratorswere realists and the policiesintroduced in Cornwall andto a lesserdegree in Cheshirewere realistic, indeed Bean argues that the Cheshire administrationwas a victim of its own success.Political conditions changed radically after

1367and the financialsituation deteriorated accordingly. Wales was a differentstory.

Flintshireand those other regions appended to the Cheshireadministration did not suffer excessivelybut this wasnot trueof the restof the principalitywhere, for the mostpart, the princeemployed Welsh nationals to extortfrom their own.Traditionally, Plantagenet policy to Celticcountries was in completecontrast to their Frenchdominions. In Walesrule was 179 basedon conquestnot inheritance. Arguablythis changedunder the prince's administration,particularly after Najera. The administrationwas geared to war. Theprince wasvictorious in eachof his campaigns.The failureof the principalityof Aquitaineis traditionallyattributed to the administrativepolicies of the princeand in partthis is true.

176 On 4 My 1365letters of the princewere proclaimed at NaJacwhich statedthat he did not intendto prejudice episcopaljurisdiction (as he hadin Wales).On 9 July 1367David Cradock lieutenantof Amanieude Fossat,the scneschalof Rouergue,heard the complaintsof the consulsof Najacat a meetingnear Moissac and made restitution for goodspurveyed by the prince'stroops. 177Packe,, Ung Edward,260. 178Prestwick The 77tree Edwards, 278. 179 Johnle Patourel,"The PlantagenetDoniinions", Fetdal Empires.Normlin andplantagenel, ecL M Jones,

118 However,the administrationin itself was,on thewhole, very efficientand probably no more

brutalthan was the norm.Nonetheless, administrative efficiency was lost asthe needfor

patronagedeveloped throughout the prince'slife and,while it mayhave been overstated, the

behaviourof the prince'sretinue in Aquitaineturned the residentsmore against Edward than

mightotherwise have been the case.It is somethingof a dichotomythat theprince's retinue

wasresponsible for a greatincrease in administrativeefficiency which led to increased

revenuethat allowed him to participatevery effectivelyin the Frenchwars and yet which

wasalso responsible for the breakdownof relationsin Gascony,the lossof the principality

and perhaps,to a significant degree,the loss of all that the English had achievedin Francein

thefirst partof theHundred Years War.

London,1984,306.

119 5

Finance

The profligacy of the Black Prince is almost as famous as his victory at Poitiers.

However, the greatestpressure on the prince's treasury came from military costs, either in the form of campaignsor in the paymentof rewardsand annuities arising from those campaigns.Household expenditure was very considerable,but is muchmore difficult to quantify due to the very limited number of central householdaccounts. Financial demandsand resources fluctuated from yearto yearparticularly with the effectsof war andplague and the natureof the evidencemakes it difficult to assesstotal income.Estate accountsreveal both revenueand expenses but rarelythe conditionsof serviceor indeed the servicefor which an individual was paid andthere are particulargaps in the documentationfrom Walesand Aquitaine. The householdand military retinue,in its widestform, wasthe greatestexpense which the princehad to meet.He attemptedto do this througha variety of sources,estate revenue, government grants and gifts andloans from privatecreditors. As a consequence,expenditure on estatesand any form of internal investmentwas negligible, although household properties, particularly Kennington, were the focusof considerablespending.

Income

Theprince was provided with 500marks a yearon 16 September1330 out of revenuefrom Cheshiredespite the fact that hewould not becomeearl until 18March 1333.

Six monthslater, on 25 February133 1, the sumwas increased to providemaintenance for

120 ' theprince's sister, Eleanor. Theappointment as earl further augmented his incomethat cameto includeCornish revenue in 1337and Welsh receipts in 1343"confirming and strengtheningthe inalienabilityand coherence of the patrimonyof the king's eldestson. ")2

Marriageto Joanof Kent broughtwith it the incomefrom her inheritance.Together their estateshave'been valued conservatively at 18,600a year,3although L10,000 is a closer figure. The acquisitionof Aquitaine in 1362increased resources but also expendituresince the costsof runningthe principalityexceeded its revenue. I TheCrown provided the princewith resourcesfor military campaignsand assisted occasionallywith other expenses.The years 1346-60were profitable for the nation and this wasreflected in the sumsgranted to the prince.He did not havethe sameproblems to contendwith at theroyal exchequer,as did manyothers did seekingpayment or grantsfrom the Crown.4 In addition,he retained or madea numberof gifts to clerksemployed in the exchequer,which maywell havegalvanised payments to him. Thesepayments were made throughouthis life, apartfrom, arguablywhen he neededthem most, during the principality of Aquitaine.Despite its total value,the occasionalpayments from Jean'sransom proved to be completelyinadequate. From 1336,an additional1500 a yearwas granted to theprince andlater 1,000marks was paid annuallyfrom the customsof London,although this wasto 50ther offs6tAgrant to the earlof Salisburymade by the king out of Cornishtin revenue. occasionalpayments were also made. On 20 November1341,1106 13s. 3d., part of a grant 6 of 11,000for householdexpenses, was made to the prince. 11,500of the 1349lay subsidy

Rymer,11, ii, 798,811; 25 Feb. 1331,CPA]3304,78. 13.P. Wolffe, TheRoyal Demesnein EnglishHistory, London, 1971,54. 3 Tout saysthis was not an extraordinarysum and provedto be totally insufficient,Chapters, v, 293. 4 SeeG. L. Harriss,"Preference at the MedievalExchequer", BIHR, 30 (1957), 17-40for a discussionof the issuesand problems involved in securingpayment., 5 CCA 1333-7,625.A roll of customsaccounts shows the prince's receiptsfrom Londonfrom Michaelmas1361 to 4 Nov. 1375,E 122/193/19. 6 Issuesof theExchequer, 149. 121 wasassigned to him on 13October. This mayhave been to repaysome of the costsof the

Cr6cy-Calaiscampaign. In July 1353he received11,300 and in the Mchaelmasterm 1354-

5, theking madealmost 15,000 of gifts to theprince and Queen Philippa. 7 Thetransfer to

Aquitainewas underwritten by the Crownand on his returnfrom the principalityin 1370the

city of Londonpresented the prince and Joan with a fifteenthand half a fifteenth.8 In 1374 theking providedhis sonvAth instalments of a grantof 4,000marks, "in aid of maintaining his estate. "9

Plawic

The prince's resourceswere greatly compromisedby repeatedoutbreaks of plague.

TheBlack Deathhad enormous implications for Edwardas a majorlandowner and recruitingcaptain. It affectednot only his incomebut alsothe administrationof his estates.

TheGreat Famine, livestock epidemics, storm damage and a reductionin agriculturalprices had thetax this by in 1348 10 alreadyreduced yield and wascompounded the plague .

Althoughthe mortalityrates of tenants-in-chiefand those making up the prince'spersonal circlewas considerably lower than in othergroups, about 27% asopposed to monasticrates of 45%and up to 66%for the peasantry,the prince'sfamily werenot untouchedby the

BlackDeath. lEs sisterJoan died in the first epidemicwhile en routeto her marriageto 11 Pedrothe Cruel. ReginaldCobharn was another victim in 136 1.

7 Ilarriss, King, Parliamentand Public Finance,338,340. 8 CalendarofLetter Booksof the City ofLondon G, 275. 'Me city also madethem a presentof plate on 16 Dec. 1371. ibid, 283. SeealsoMemorials of Londonand Londonlife in theNlIthXVih, andXVIh Centuries.ed. HT Riley, London, 1868,350,3 52. 9 issuesof the Exchequer,196-7. 10 Carr,Medieval Wales,100. The traditionalview of the fourteenthand fifteenth centuriesas a seriesof crises pre-datingand resultingfrom the Black Deathhas been challenged with regardto Franceby JamesL. Goldsmith, "Ibe Crisis of the Late Mddle Ages: Ihe Caseof France",French History, 9, (1995),41748. 11 Plague,Population English JohnHitcher, and Ihe Economy,1348-1530, Ijoundsmill, 1977,13-14,22,68. Ihe populationhas been estimated in 1348as 4.5 -6 million and 2.75-3.00million in 1377. 122 Thehigh peasantmortality created immediate financial problems and plague

inflictedadditional responsibilities such as the enforcementof the Statuteof Labourers.12

Low leveladministration was heavily disrupted and the officesof beadleand reeve in Wales " werefarmed out for half the customaryfee andmany vacancies were not filled at all.

Estatescould also lay untilledand in 1360there was still someland at Berkhamstedthat had not beensown since 1349.14The prince's life annuity of 1,000marks from the customsof

Londonwas also affected. The seriousdislocation of tradeforced the farmersof the customs,

WalterChiriton and his associates,to defaulton a numberof paymentsto the princeand

Lancasterbetween October 1348 and March 1349.15

Nonetheless,despite further outbreaks in 1361-2,1369and 1375and the reduction of the populationby approximatelya third following the first onsetof the plague,agriculture remainedbuoyant and urban, industrial and commercial development continued. Revenue maynot haverecovered by the time of the prince'sdeath but it wasnot dramaticallylower thanin pre-plagueyears. In EastAnglia, Denbigh, Monmouthshire, Somerset and Dorset incomewas only 10%lower than in the 1340s.Cornish tin productionhowever, was devastatedand had not completelyrecovered by the 1380s.

Estates

As the administrationof the prince'sestates became more centralized so did the incomefrom themand a largeproportion of the resourcesand revenue of an individual

12BPP, iii, 415"16. 13 Evans, "Notes on the 11istory of the Principality", 79. 14 Seefor example BPR, iv, 194. On 26 Nov. 1356 Lacy, Delves, Walter Aldebury, Spridlington, I lockele, Thomas Gerveys and Thomas Eleford were ordered to make a fresh extent of Berkharnsted manor since "frequent divisions dismemberments had in changesintenants and the manifold and occurred the tenements...... is ... CPR 1354-8,255. According to Fryde the sum was L 1,000, E.B. Fryde, "The English Farmers of the Customs, 1343-51", TRHS, 5h ser., ix (1959), 15. 123 16 estatewere spent elsewhere. Theacquisition of the principalityof Aquitaineextended the 17 prince'sdemesne into a lordshiprunning from the estuaryof theMersey to theRouergue.

All theselands were committed, however unwillingly, to theprince's military andpolitical

ambitions- -I- and resources were shared between them. For example,the assumptionof the

duchycoincided with the greatestlevels of Cornishtin productionon recordand marked the intensificationof a processof siphoningoff revenuefrom the stannaries.18 Cornish resources,after 1362,were devoted to maintainingthe courtand retinue at Bordeaux.Inward investmentwas restricted since a largeproportion of revenuefrom the individualestates passedto centralcoffers or was grantedat sourceto annuitantsand others.Similarly, as in

Cornwall, Philip Morgan has drawn attentionto the burden placedon Cheshireby the 19 expensesof the principality of Aquitaine. The issuesof Cheshireand Flintshire had been

20 earmarkedfor the expensesof the householdand wardrobeand this continuedafter 1363.

Whenthe war resumedin 1369,almost the entire yield from the subsidywas used in paying wagesto troopsraised in Cheshirefor Gasconservice. 'Tor almosta decadethe ordinary resourcesof comitalpatronage were governed by considerationsof military servicein

Aquitaine."21 The direct recipients of this areuncertain since accounts are sadly lacking Ifrom theItime of the principalityof Aquitainealthough details from beforeand after can give

insig 22 some .

16 Althoughparticular conditions may haveaffected the situationin 1377it hasbeen estimated that out of a total revenueof E3,415over E2,219went out of the duchyof Cornwall.,Elliott-Binns, Aledieval Cornwall, 166. 17See Wolffe, Royal Demesne,240- 1. 18 Chartersfor Devon and Cornwall in 1305encouraged mining activity and relievedthe tinnersof ordinary taxafion,G. R. Lewis, TheStannaries. A Sh* of theAfedieval Tin Afiners of Cornwall and Devon,Truro, repr. 1965,39. 19 Morgan,"Cheshire and the Defenceof Aquitaine', 139. 20BPR, iii, 84,122,13 7,168,187,200,20 1. 21 Morgan,loc. cit, 144. 22 Capra,"Vadministration Anglo-Gasconne";Runyan, "Constabulary of Bordea&'based on E364/15/36; 16/48-9. 124 Althoughfunds were sent to Westminsterand Bordeaux, in general,it is uncertain howmuch revenue found its way into the centralreserves as the receiver-generalhas left no accounts.Regional accounts were a statementof potentialreceipts and not of collection.

Fluctuationsin revenue,particularly falls, wereusually treated as arrears and not attributed to a declinein productivitywhich undoubtedly occurred in plagueyears. 23 The valor of the prince's estates,calculated from an averageof the last three yearsof his life, reckonedthe annualvalue of northWales as 13,041 7s. 6V4d. (less the 's fee of 140),south Wales

11,8304s. I 11/4d.(less the life annuityof f. Iio grantedto Richardde la Bereand the justiciar's fee of L5O),-Cheshire, Flint and Macclesfield as 11,695 Is. 10d.(less161 6s. 6d. alms and 1129 grantedto Richard Stafford), Cornwall, L2,219 7s. 9V2d.(LI, 016 Is. 4d.

53/4d. was for the coinageof tin), Devon, 1273 19s. Oess120 grantedto John Sully and

1120 l4s. IId. to Nigel Loryng) and other estatesin England, 1922 1Is. 2d., a grosstotal of

19,982 12s.8%d 24This then Black Prince's income his life . was the at the end of and after his military expenseshad been reduced and when his householdwas no longera courtand did not haveto be maintainedaccordingly. It is difficult to tracechanges in income throughouthis life. Revenueincreased in Cheshireto a high point in 1353and thereafter suffereda fairly continuousdecline. However, the receiptsfrom 1353were exceptional and couldnot be maintained.Records from Walesare particularly scarce from the more profitablenorth. In the south,receipts appear to havevaried between 11,438 5s. 8d. in 1361

(a plagueyear) to a high point in the valor.The coercivepolicy adopteddid not resultin greatincreases in productivitybetween 13 54-5 and 1376. By contrast,Cornwall recorded a steadyincrease in revenuethroughout the 1360sand 170s despite the consequencesof the

23 On revenuecollection, a discussionof potentialreceipts and the evolutionof the valor in the 10 centurysee RR. Davies,"Baronial Accounts,Incomes and Arrears in the Later Middle Ages", Ec-HR,)od, ii (1968),214-17, 219-21. 24 C47/9/57,see also SC12/22/97 and for a summaryBooth, FinandalAdministration, 173-5. 125 plagueon tin mining.Therefore, the princeenjoyed an overall increase in estaterevenue duringthe courseof his life. This waspunctuated by particularhighs, such as Cheshire in

1353and particular lows, such as Comwall after the plague.The war andconditions in the principalitydid not alwayscoincide with suchfactors and in anycase the financial conditionsin Aquitainemay well havebeen unsustainable for a moreprudent and financial responsibleruler, let alonethe Black Prince.

Despiteincreasing administrative efficiency, estate income was often insufficient andthe princeand his officials,particularly John Wingfield, were forced to seekadditional revenueparticularly to finance military expeditions.William Shareshullwas particularly influentialin increasingrevenue. In the main,he achievedthis throughthe exploitationof theprofits ofjustice. Furthermore, by investigatingdelinquent estate and customs officials he increasedadministrative efficienCy. 25The development of certainlegal practices involvingchanges and innovations in the "feudal"order also had economic implications for theprince. His traditionalrights and revenue were reduced by suchmeasures as the 26 enfeoffment-to-usewhich wasof greatconcern to the prince'scouncil. Theprince's administrationfollowed a policy of increasingthe prince'sauthority and the revenue availableto him. The methodsimposed could result in disaffectionand revolt. Thefougge of

1368provided the Gasconnobility Withan excuseto rebeland the exploitationof Wales createdsome of the conditionsfor the Glyn DWAr revolt.

i. Cheshir

Similarprinciples were implemented in Cheshire,with the aim of restoringand then increasingthe incomeand authority of the earlof Chester.As in Gascony,efforts were

25 Harriss,King, Parlimnentand Public Finance,406. 26McFarlane, Nobility, 217-18. 126 directedat increasingcoercion and administrative efficiency rather than levels of productivity.27 Taking control from localgentry affinities and developing a newtaxation systemwas an integralpart in re-establishingcentral authority. Average annual Cheshire net

hasbeen 168228 In 1325-6liveries 11,470.By 1353this had revenue estimatedas . yielded increased 13,928 13s.7Y4d. 1957 18 I d. leavi 12,970 15 61/4d29 to with expenditureof s. ng s. .

This wasan exceptionalamount and resulted from deliberatepolicy anda concertedeffort.

In 1359-60,12,600remained after expenses and this figureincluded income from Flint as 30 well asproffers, amercements, f ees from the sealand forest administration. Incomefell againin 1361-2,0,208 19s.81/2d. was collectedwith expensesof L807 3s. 3d. leaving

12,40116s. 51/2d. of which 11,07612s. 9d. was delivered to thereceiver-general. -"

Cheshirewas exempt from parliamentarytaxation but a seriesof aids,gifts and " subsidieswere demanded to a figureapproximating to parliamentarylevels. Therule of the

Black Princeenforced and developed those exactions and brought the palatinateincreasingly into line with nationalpractice. There were two levies,the commonfine, a paymentmade by the communityin returnfor a grantor pardonand a straightforwardgrant. The most importantinstrument this the household33 Collection finesand in exacting was prince's . of grantswas very problematic.The "community" was persuaded to grantthe princea subsidy

27 Given,State and Society,247. 28 is Booth,"Taxation and Public Order", 24. How much of this was actuallypaid into the prince's treasury difficult to determine.The receiver'saccount of 1342.3records a paymentto Gildesburghof L414 9s. 8d. The 1350-l, chamberlain'saccounts record deliveries to PeterLacy of L814 IIs. 8d., 1349-50;L1,015 7s. II 1/4d., L2,2918s. I(Y/4d.,13534 (LI, 029 I Is. 101/4d.to the greatwardrobe, f 1136s. 8d. to Kenningtonmanor and L1,028 10s.8d. to the chamber);L221 Is. 4d., 1356-7;L2,605 Is. NW., 1359-60,Ches. Chconb. Accs, 118,130, 167.218,236,274. 29 2 4, The previous year's account showed debts of L324 9s. 4d. so that Bnmham owed L3,295 4. 1o ibid., 218. 30 VCH,Chester, ii, 23'This figure remainsfairly constant.In 1374income was L2,5245s. 2d., SC6/772/10. 31 Booth and Caff, AccountofMaster John de Brunhcon,1360-1,99. 32 Morgan,loc. cit., 141-2. 33 Morgan, War and Society,98-9. 127 , 34 ormise of 11,000in 1346"in aid of his great expensesin furthering the king's wae. No

hadbeen by April 1347 it in full 134935 The money received and wasnot paid until . sums demandedby the princetended to becomefixed by tradition.For example,from eachmise of LIOO,the Bucklow Hundred paid L14and the Northwich Hundred 113. The misewas income-relatedand demanded from no onewith lessthan 20s. in land,rent or chattels.In

1350,to greatresentment, 'i forest eyre was held for the first time. The chiefjustices were

RichardStafford and Gildesburgh, and Shareshull was also closely involved. In 1368 a- subsidyof 2,500marks payable within two yearswas demanded and in 1373a grantof

36 3,000 marks.

TheBlack Death'hada greateffect on the administrationand the socialfabric of

Cheshire.Plague fatalities in 1348-9,included the abbotof Chester,prioress of St Mary"s, prior of Nortonand at least24 parishclerks. In the manorof Drakelowe57 mendied and at least88 Macclesfieldtenants died. 37 However, despite severe short-term administrative dislocation,by 1355all but six of the 1348-9holdings had been let to newtenants. Robert

Legh,the deputysteward, throughout the plagueperiod continued to hold manorialcourts in

Macclesfield.,Rent arrears, despite an'early tough policy towardsrevenue collection, were ignoredin somecases as attempts were made to re-letholdings. 'The value of the lordship fell from 1291 19s. I Id. in 1348-9to L242 8s. 10d.in 1374-5.38

39 Between 1353and 1357 military concernsinitiated a large revenuedrive. It proved to bea highly successfuloperation conceived by Shareshull,administered by Delves,

34 SeeBennett, Community, Class and Careerism,ch. 2 for a discussionof the natureof the Cheshire 'communityps. 35 Morgan,op cit., 100. 36SC6n7215,9; VCH, Chester, ii, 23. 37 Griffiths, Conquerorswd Conquered,Far Thrupp, 1994,140. 39 Booth,OP cil, 108. 39 fallen Cheshirerevenue in 1353-4totaled L3,928 of which L2,291went to the prince.By 1359-60this had to L3,450of which the princereceived L2,605, Ilewitt, CheshireUnder the ThreeEdwards, 8-9. 128 executedby Brunhamand it involvedone of the prince'two personalvisits to Cheshire.The

1353visit wasoccasioned by "grievousclamours and complaints that havereached him of wrongs,excesses and rnýisdeeds, both against his lordshipand between parties which cannot befittingly redressedwithout his presence."40 The community averted a generaleyre by offeringa fine of 5,000marks payable over four yearsin returnfor a charterof liberties, grantedon 10 September.However, trailbastonsessions began on 20 August underthe authorityof Shareshulland Roger Hillary. Theyresulted in finesin excessof 11,000.Over

130cases were heard in just overthree weeks and revealed high levelsof official corruption in Edward's be he lord in the administration. authority was saidto suchthat was name- 41 only. Sincemembers of the local gentry were particularly influential in the provision of justice,it hasbeen suggested that the largefines imposed in 1353regulated that controllike a systemof licensing.Through this andhis military operations,the princeestablished considerableauthority in Cheshire.1353 proved to be a financialhigh point in Cheshire, " revenuewas unparalleled and virtually all wascollected.

Customsprovided other income and prisage of wine wasexacted at the rateof one tun on shipsladen with 10-20tuns and two tunson thosecarrying more than 20 tuns.The importof wine into Chesteris reckonedas being as high as250 tuns in 1334-5and 350 tuns

43 in 1347-8falling to 50 tuns throughoutthe 1350sand 1360S.

ii. Comwall

Thedeath of Johnof Elthamon 13 September1336 gave Edward 1H the opportunity to createthe first Englishduke and solve a financialproblem. Cornwall was usually reserved

40BPR, iii, III- 41 Booth,"Taxation and Public Order", 27. 42 Morgan,op cil, 101-2; Booth, FinancialAdministration, 121-2. 43 Wilson, "ChesterCustoms Accounts", 4-5,21-2,67. Gasconwine was notedin the accountsof 1369-70. 129 for a youngerchild but, asthe king's secondson, William, haddied it wasgranted to the

BlackPrince. I-Es increasing expenses had necessitated 1100 being paid to him in May 1336

anda further1500 in November.f1 000,about a third of thetin revenues,was already

assignedto William Montagueand Thomas West had been granted a further1100. The king

hadalso acquired 17,200 from the tin revenuesin Juneof that year.Additional income was

found for the prince from Exeter, Mere and Wallingford.44 Edward III continuedto usethe

duchyand adjoining lands for his own purposes.In 1344the elderBurghersh was paid the

income from the Devon sUnnaryin lieu of a 1200 pension.45

The Black Death had a great effect on tin mining but also on other forms of income. The annual value of Calstock weir fell from 110 to L6. In 1353, William Stacy, a prominentTavistock burgess, offered the duchyL8 a year for a sevenyear leasewhich wasaccepted. After nine monthshowever, the abbotof Tavistockoffered L 10 a yearand 46 wasgranted the lease.Stacy was given 13 compensationfor his expenditureon the weir.

Cornishincome included revenue from the foreignmanors linked to the duchy.

Thesewere augmented by estateswhich devolvedto the princeon the deathof his grandmother,such as Castle Rising, Norfolk, which recordedreceipts of L 101 7s. I Od.in

1371-2.47Cheylesmore manor with 198 6s. 8d. of rent in Coventry was also annexedto

Cornwallon Isabella'sdeath and 180 of rent of the castleand manor of Merewas granted by

48 theking.

44Barber, Edward, 19-20. 4511atcher, English Tin Production, 155. 46 On I Oct. 1354a perpetuallease of the fishery was gmted to the abbotand his successors.It coveredthe stretchof water from Okeltor to Gulsworthyhatch, HTR Finberg,Tavislock Abbey, Newton Abbot, 1969,162- 3. Stacyleased lands near Calstock (formerly held by RichardBakhampton), BPR, ii, 54,58,61,7 1. 47 SC6/932/28.In the valor it is calculatedas L90, Booth,op cit., 175. 48Cal. CharterRolls, 1327-41,423;Wolfe, Royal Demesne,24 1. 130 Tin ''

Tin wasa majorelement in Cornishincome. Revenue was exacted through coinage,

courtfees and tribulage, known as black and white rent in Devon.In 1342the "fine of tin7' 49 wasintroduced. A numberof duchyofficials were prominent in buyingand selling tin and

someheld shares in tin works.These included Nigel Loryng,Henry Nanfan5o and John

Trewyckwho bothserved as bailiffs of Helston-in-Kerrier.Richard Bakhampton, Dabernon

andSkirbek also had interests in the coinageof tin.51

Theprince exercised his pre-emptionrights in 1346and the exported-virtually whole annualtin productionto Flanderspresumably to pay for the Crdcy campaign.52 In

1347,despite protests, the princeturned over the stannariesto Tidemande Limburg,who

becamereceiver of the duchy, in return for an annualrent of 3,500 marks.53 However, the

plaguedevastated tin mining.Only 496thousand-weight was mined in 1355as compared

with 1,328thousand-weight in 1337.Revenue from coinagewhich hadrealised over 11,600

in 1303and 13,035 3d., in 1337fell to 19937s. Id. in 1355.Rates had recovered to a levelof

11,7078s. 7d. by 1368.54Efforts were made to revitalisethe industrybut, in the short-term,

JohnDabernon was able to farmthe Devonstannary for only 180 in 1359.55

49 Elliott-Binns,Medieval Cornwall, 168.Tribulage was only paid in the stannariesof Penwithand Kerrier and, after 1342,in Blackmorc.In 1349the yield was 20s.from Penvvithand Kerrier and about 10s.from Blackmore. In 13506s: 8d. from Penwithand Kerrier was raised.The Black Deathcaused the rateper capitato be increased. However,by 1369only 10d.was raisedin Blackmore,For a selectionof tribulagerates and revenuefrom court feesin Devonand Cornwall seeLewis, Stannaries,267,272,274. 50 Nanfanformed a businesspartnership with his brotherand 14 others,BPR, ii, 158.In 1379-80he owneda tin worksin Blackmore,Hatcher, English Tin Production,61-2. 51 E101/263/19;263/26; Hatcher, op cit., 57 andn. 7,58 andn. 1. 52 BPR,i, 27,66,92; Hatcher,op cit., I 11. 53 Lewis, op cit., 139,143-4.Tideman was EdwardIll's leadingfinancier after the collapseof the Bardi and Powzi and soonbecame linked with the Black Prince.In 1346he was receiverof coinagedues, received tin on theprince's behalf and then farmedthe whole revenue,BPR, i, 9-10,23,29,32,33; CPX 1345-8,373.He sufferedenormous losses as a result of the plague,Hatcher, op cit, 106-7;A. Bcardwood,Alien Merchantsin England,1350 to 1377: 7heir Legaland Economic Position, Cambridge, Mass., 1931,17-2 1. 54 Lewis, op cit., 39-40,156,260. 55 BPR,ii, 1.129,159; Hatcher,op cit, 77. 131 iii. Wale

In 1343Edward 1111 granted his sonthe principalityof Walesand in March 1346he

orderedthat the correspondingaccounts be enrolledat the exchequerbut few weresent or

survive,especially from northWales and most of thesepredate 1345.56 Wales was the

richestof theprince's estates. By the time of his deathit providednearly half his total

income.The majority of this camefrom the more administrativelyadvanced north Wales. In

additionto his estaterevenue the princealso received some revenue from thetourn courts.

TheCaernarfon tourn rolls revealmany incidents of violentquarrelling between all races,

sexesand classes.Some of the profits Of thesecases found their way to the prince"s

treasury.57 In a broadersense ".,.. it wasthrough the exerciseof its judicial powerthat

foreignlordship made its greatestprofits in post-ConquestWales. " This was achieved

primarily throughthe sessionin eyre.Far morewas derivedfrom uplandnative Welsh Anglizied lowlanders58 As communitiesthan the . elsewherethe prince'could prevail on

communitiesto makegrants to him. For example,in 1370the menof Denbighgave a 59 subsidyof 480 marks. Massivecommunal fines were demandedfor' offencesagainst the lord. As a resultof suchmeasures the prince'sestates in the principality andFlintshire broughtin over 15,000a year.60

TheQuo Warrantoof 1348is a primeearly example of the prince'spolicy in Wales to increasehis influenceand to payfor military expeditions,in this casethe Cr6cycampaign.

It wasalso very concemedwith ecclesiasticalrights and both Delves and Shareshull were

56 E101/387/25;388/12; 389/6,13. - 57 'CaernarvonCourt Rolls, 1361-14OT',ed. G.P. Jonesand Hugh Owen,Caernwvonshire Historical Society RecordSeries, i (1951),9,66. 58Davies, Conquest, Coexistence and Change,401-2. 59SC6/1183/3. 60 Davies,op cit., 402. 132 in 61The drive increase in extremelyinfluential the operation. to revenuewas also notable

1347with theaudit of the lordshipof Bromfieldand Yale, made prematurely, well before 62 thedeath of the earlof Surrey. Financialdemands were restricted by the effectsof the

Black Deathbut effortsto maintainand even augment income were madein the faceof

the mountingeconomic crises. In additionto quowarrantos, measures taken included

surveys,the use of central officials to counter administrative slackness,heavy criminal

fines and subsidies.To ensurethe morerapid collectionof local revenues,local officials

were maderesponsible to the prince'sauditors not the local chamberlain.In Flintshirein

135 1, the prince ordered the seizureof all Welsh land purchasedin fee without his

permission.There was a carefuland profitable control of the land marketand every

opportunitywas taken to declareWelsh lands escheat and lease them on Englishterms for "' an annualrent, bringingthem more firmly underseigneurial control. Thesereforms

increasedincome from'the early fourteenthcentury level of 12,258(north Wales)and

11,059(south Wales) to 13,041and 11,619 respectively. Davies perhaps overstates his

casewhen he describesthe policy asthe "systematicfinancial rape of the country"64but it wasa vigorousand sometime oppressive process and could resultin considerable

opposition.FitzAlan warnedthe princethat someof his commands"seem to the Prince's 65 goodmen in thoseparts to be very grievousand damaging to them".

TheBlack Deathentered Wales from the southeast and reached Abergavenny and

1349.66 Carmarthenshireby March It spreadnorthwards via Whittingtonand Chirk.

61 SeeG. A. Us6r, "7he Black Prince's'QuoWarranto'(1348y', WelshHistoryReview, 7(1974), 1-12. During the investigation only three individuals put forward claims to exclusive rights; Queen Isabella, the bishop of Bangor and Walter Manny (in Merioneth), Given, State and Society, 76-7. 62 It was valued at 2,000 marks a year, BPR, i, 96-7. 63 Davies, op cit., 400-1. 64 ibid., 403 and n. 11. 65 Calendar ofAncient Correspondence, 244. 66 For examples of increased heriots seeE137n7/1. All the tenants died in Llanflwch manor. By 1353 the courts were still suspendedand many tenementsremained uncultivated. Mscellaneous revenues such as mill tolls and 133 Flintshirewas particularly hard hit andin June1349 the plaguearrived in Ruthin.In

Dyffiyn Clwyd, 193died in two weeks.In a fortnight,ten peopledied in Llangollen,13 in

Llanerchand 25 in Dogfalen.These figures probably soon doubled. Denbigh was also greatlyaffected. The northof the countryprobably suffered most. However later outbreaks in 1361-2and 1369brought the highestmortality rates to the southand south east, although

Flint,,,Denbigh, Anglesey and Caernarfonwere againvisited. Effects on revenuewere immediatesince the mortalityrates were especially high amongthe bondsmenwho carried thegreatest burden of rentsand dues. As a resultthe burgessesof Rhuddlanwere granted a

67 rebateof a quarteron their farm of L40for certainMiIIS. In Carmarthenshirerents were not 68 collecteduntil 1351at which point the "Great Roll of Debts for SouthWales" was begun.

Somearable land, particularly in the mid-easternmarches, became pasture. Tenements were amalgamatedas the rural populationdiminished, some remained vacant for a generationand 69The someurban areas were turned over to granng. plaguecontributed to the virtual demesnefanning by abandonmentof the last quarterof the fourteenthcentury. -Pastoral resourcesoffered greater opportunities, especially through sheep farming. 70 Income from miningwas also affected. Pre-plague revenue from Englefieldwas 100s.a year.By 1352it 71 wasnon-existent due to the deathof the miners. However,escheats increased, as did fees 72Certain from the chanceryseal. policy changesfollowed. It mayhave been thought that the 7' appointmentof Welshsheriffs would increaserevenue. Anti-Welshlegislation was

fisherieswere seriously diminished and fairs could not be held, William Rees,"The Black Deathin Walee'. Essay,,in AfedievalHistory, ed.R. W. Southern,London and New York, 1968,185. 67 ibid., 183-4and n. 1. Griffith ap Madoc,rhingild of Uwcholetcommote, was allowed0 2s. Id. from the customsof the tenantsof Barok and Petruel.Many had died and their heirs wereunable to buy their inheritance. 68Lloyd, Carmarthenshire,i, 246. 69CarrMedieval Wales,100-2. 70 Davies,Conquest, Coexistence and Change,399-400. 71 Evans,-Notes on the Ilistory of the Principality", 83. 72 Rees,16C. cit, 186. 73 In Flintshire, 1350-64,three Welshmen were sheriff. Ithel ap Cynwric;Sais; Rhys ap Robertap Gniff ydd and Kenwric;ap Robert,The History offlintshirefrorn Earliest Timesto the Act of Union,ed. C.R. William, 134 reinforcedsuch as Edward I's restrictionson Welshmenholding land in Englandand the

acquisitionof propertyelsewhere through purchase, marriage or inheritance.Trading was

alsolimited as Welshmen were forced to selltheir producein the localborough market. As

elsewhere,many were fined in 1360for takingwages above those prescribed by the Statute

of Labourers.Not all legislationwas unforgiving of the plaguehowever. In July 1352,a generalorder from the councilto the chamberlainand deputy-justice of northWales relieved thevilleins andmen of the advowryof eachcommote from their obligationto contribute " cattlefor the munitioningof castlesuntil suchtime asconditions improved.

iv. &ILitaine

Thegrant of the principalityof Aquitainecompounded the prince'sfinancial difficulties.An analysisof that situationis similarlycomplicated as the sourcesavailable

the constabularyof Bordeauxare not ascomplete for the periodof the prince's regardingV.7 rule in Aquitaineas for the yearsimmediately before or after.The princedid not enrol accountsin Englandand the Gasconregister has been lost. The mainsource for the prince's financesin Aquitaineare the accountsof RichardFillongley. At the endof 1370Fillongley handedin a summaryof the financialadministration of the principality.75 It doesnot provide a greatdegree of detail,payments were combined under a singleheading, annuitants and thosereceiving wages were unspecified and little is knownof the lesserofficials and administrators.Accounts did continueto be enrolledfor revenuedue to EdwardIII for some yearsinto the principalitybut againdo not greatlyilluminate the periodafter 1363.76Some of theresults of the prince'spolicy in Aquitaineis evidentin the accountsof the constables

Denbigb,1961,101, 74 Rees,loc. cit, 196-7and n. 1. 75E 101/3 8/15,17,18. 76 E 101/ 175/2; 176/2,7. Receivers in c. 1363 -4 were:Angournois, Bernard Grandin; Rouergue, I lugh Mercier; 135 who cameto office afterhe had returned to Englandbut theyundoubtedly do not showthe trueextent of the prince's'largesseto his retinueand household.

Gasconrevenue fluctuated throughout the 1350sas a resultof plagueand war. The financialadministration of the duchyduring the prince'slieutenancy has been covered in greatdetail by PierreCapra and space does not allow anymore than a brief resume.The chevauchiesof 1355 and 1356,combined with Derby's campaignshad financial consequencesfor the principalityof Aquitaine.The deliberatelydestructive tactics designed to limit revenueand inspire fear did little to endearthe princeand his mento thepopulation and weakenedthe areaas a sourceof revenue.Financial supportfrom Englandthat was lost in the 1360shad coveredabout 48% of Gasconexpenditure and in 1373-5contributed over

40%.77 Payments from the Englishexchequer to the constableof Bordeauxfell after 1356 from 13,000to an averageof 11,500.The appointmentof Edwardas prince absolved the

Englishexchequer of financialresponsibility for Aquitaineonce it hadcovered the initial costsof equippingthe prince'sarmy. These were recorded as about L2,500 (S. 2,662 6s. 8d 78 and12,452 in differentaccountS). Just prior to the creationof the principality,during MI William Farley'sconstableship, 20 September1361 - 19July 1362,revenue from the " levelsit hadattained under John Streatley's regime. Therewere however, financial advantages."Au temps de Chiverestonet de Streatley,Pune desprincipales pr6occupations duch6. du gouvernementanglo-gascon, dtait la defensemilitaire n6cessaireau maintien du

En 1361-1362,cette preocupationa disparu."80 Unfortunately it was also a time of plague and famine. The relocation of the prince to Aquitaine in 1363brought with it an exploitation

Saintonge,Pierre Bernard; Agenais, Guiraud Faure; Bergerac, Guiraud Laurent; Bigorre, G6audde Menta; Poitou,Pierre le Berton; Limousin, Jeanle Berton. 77 Capra,"Vadministration Anglo-Gasconn&",452; Runyan,"Constabulary of Bordeaux",i, 229, basedOn E364/16/48-9- 78 Harriss,King, Parliconentand Public Finance,476. 79 Capra,op cit., 455-6. soibid., 884. 136 of landedresources and need to realisecertain assets in England.These included the saleof

8' 84 PS82 timber'81 wardshi andlease of land. Availablefinance was to besent to London. The king alsoprovided money from a numberofsources, particularly customs revenue from variousports. " Supplieswere also needed of military anddomestic items. 86

Theprincipality always ran at a deficit.This led the princeto demandextraordinary subsidiesfrom the estatesgeneral of Perigord in 1364,of Bordeauxin 1365 and by the

Aquitainein 1366:"11 itait deja bout de il estatesof presquea resourcesquand entrepit , l'imprudentexpedition dEspagne. 9587 It has been suggested that theprincipality was doomed from the outsetand for specificfinancial concerns unconnected with theNajera campaign.

Theprince was granted 115,004 19s. 4d. andthe constableof Bordeaux19,350 for the prince'sretinue, totalling approximately 124,000. At thepre- 13 56 figureof 13,000annual deficitin Gasconythis subsidyshould have sustained the princefor eightyears, running out, conveniently,in 137 1. - The only additionalrevenue the princereceived in this periodwas

88 from the Frenchransom.

81 From Kirkbymoorside,20 Feb. 1363,BPR, iv, 483; Saleof wood, underwoodand land, 20 Sept./I Oct. 1363, ibid., 505, seeibid., 506 for referencesto the saleof wardships,timber and land lease.Walter atteGrene and JbomasDoket sold up to 33 acresof woodlandin Barnburghand Spridlington,19 Oct. 1363;felled wood was to be sold on 8 Nov. 1363,ibid., 508-9,511. 82 For examplethat purchasedby William Bondeof Harewell, 16Nov. 1363,ibid., 511 93 Northumberlandestates were leased for two yearsfor LIO a yearto RobertTillyol, 18 Oct. 1363,ibid., 509. 94 Themanors of Torpel,Eston, Upton, Caldecoteand Wissendenwere to sendavailable money, 23 Feb. 1363, ibid., 487, as was Greethammanor, Lines. The reeveof Brotelby passedthe moneyto JohnTone, receiver of Cottingham.He was alsoto bring all availablefunds on his next visit to London, 12 Apr. 1363,ibid., 489-90. This processcontinued, 1364-5, Lincoln resourceswere to be sentto JohnPryme, 5 Feb. 1364,ibid., 522-3. Fundsfrom Larnarshand Kerseyewere sentto Lacy, 20 May 1364,ibid., 527. Wood was sold in Nettlebed manor,10 May 1365,ibid., 552. 95 Londoncustoms provided 200 marks,L900, L1,316 12s. 6d. and fl, 570 Is. 4d. between15 Feb.and 26 July 1362.In July of the sameyear Boston produced L433 6s. 8d. and L213 6s. 8d. for the prince.Kingston gave him L212on 26 July. L97 camefrom other sources,E401/19,20; Capra, op cit, 916 n. 22. 86 on the preparationssee ibid., 909ff. 128letters of protectionwere made out ibid., 921-2n. 56 (including 40 knightsand sevenclerks). Seealso BL Cotton Julius IV f291.400 bows, 1,000sheaves of arrowsand 2,000 bowstringswere purveyed, 23 Feb. 1363.;E217 I Is. YA waspaid for purveyeditems, 22 May 1363,BPR, iv. 488,495. 87Moisant, Prince Noir, 125. S& Musgrove,North ofEngland, 161.However, this was partly to dischargedebts from the Reimscampaign, Harriss,King, Parlimnentand Public Finance,494. 137 Thepolicy of maximizingrevenue through the profitsofjustice in the prince's

Englishand Welsh estates was not adoptedin Aquitaine,rather there was a relianceon

traditionalfeudal dues. These were named and applied differently throughout the

principality.They included profits from manors,urban rents, income from prevo^t6sand

bailliages,rights of escheat,wardship and relief, customs,profits ofjustice, confiscationof

holdings,emoluments of sealsand grants by towns."' Thecommuniumpacis, which had

beenintroduced for the maintenanceof the Peaceof God wasstill collected.90 Fillongley's 91 accountsreveal a steadyincrease in incomethroughout the periodof the principality. 'Me fouage, which brought aboutthe prince's downfall in Aquitaine, was exactedon many 92 occasions. Thetotalfouage may have raised 120,808 Z b. This howeverindicates tax-

payers'debts and little of this sumprobably reached the treasury. It wasnot anunusual form

of taxationand in 1368was not arbitrarilyimposed. In Januarythe Estates of Aquitaine

votedat Angoulemefor it to be leviedat 10sous per hearthfor five years.The people 93 apparentlysubmitted without difficulty, the noblesresisted.

89 Moisant,op cit., 110and n. 2,111-12,116-18and m. 2-3. Someareas had taxesfor investiture,inheritance or acquisitionof fiefs, usuallypaid at the rate of oneyear's income.There were alsofines for exemptionfrom by certainfeudal obligations and otherdues included the capilagia, headtax. The censusdenarius was paid each tenantand was fixed by custom.It appearsto havehad effect in 20 bailliagesof the Rouergue.Logres was a tax on a life interestin certainareas. It wasnot very profitable.There were many forms of revenuefrom judicial and legal sources.Not all weredestined for the prince's coffers.Chandos received the issuesfrom the bailliagesof Montarouche,Langon, Saint-Louberg, Samazan, Montpouillan and Bouglon. Garcias Arnaud de Favarsreceived the revenuesof Labenneand Cap-Breton.Guichard d'Angles in Rochefort Gobertde Beauville in Sauvetat-de- Sav6resand Castelsagratand othersalso had rights to profits ofjustice. In 1368the rights to the pr6v8t6Of 01&on weregranted to JamesAudley. Rights of confiscationand/or the saleof goodsof criminalswere income profitable.The combined of the variousseals increased over the period of the principality dueto the developmentof civil and commercialinterests. 90 It was not a standardpayment and was not mentionedin the accountsregarding the 13 bailliagesof the Rouergueit reachedits maximurnin 1367in Laguile,NaJac, Villeneuve, Roqueceziere, Cassan and Compeyre, ihid., II 1-12. 91 Morgan,"Cheshire and the Defenceof Aquitaine", 143. 92 In the Limousin it was exactedon four occasionsin five years,in P6rigordfive times in threeyears, in Poitou, four timesin sevenyears, in Quercytwice in threeyears, in the Angoumoisfour times in sevenyears and in the Rouergueon four occasionsin six years,Moisant, op cit., 112n. 1. In 1364it was setat the high rateof I guyennoisd'or (25 sous)per hearthwhich led to resistance;Armagnac did not let it be levied in Rodez,Barber,, Edward,181-2,185. 93 Lodge,Gascony Under Engfish Rule, 101. For detailsof the concessionsmade by the prince in return for the tax seeLtvre desBouillons (Archives municipales de Bordeaux),172-7 no. li; "Le livre noir et les etablissements deDax7, AHG, xxxvii, 369-76no. xlix. 138 Coinageprovided another aspect of theprince's income. He introduceda numberof gold andsilver coins, Mopardandguyennois, -from mints at Bordeaux,Agen, Figeac, 94 Limogesand Poitiers. Profitsvaried but thereturn on mintinggold wasestimated as being four timesthe costof productionand silver returned three times the mintingexpense. The princealso had certain rights over the silvermines of Rouergueand there was profit to be madefrom contraventionsof ordinancesregarding coinage. Edward IH hadconfirmed the ancientrights and privileges and exemptions of the moneyersbut the princelater ignored this, forcinga responsefrom his father.

Wine Trade

Winewas the mainsource of revenue.Ihe constableof Bordeaux'slargest single elementof incomecame from various duties on urine. 95 Bordeaux was the port forMne of the Bordelais.,the UpperGaronne and Bordeaux. To the south,wine was shippedfrom

Bourgand Blaye. Dordogne wines were loaded at Libournebut this sitewas used much less afterthe outbreakof the war. Saintongewas active in the tradethrough La Rochelle.The largestsingle receipt in the 1360-1account of Saintongewas 3,000 royals raised from a levy of 10sous per ton of wine and4d. per fivre of goodssold in La Rochelle.96 Wine customs wereof two sorts,"la grande'coutumdIlcustumavinorum, paid on exportedBordelais products,and "le petitecoutumeleustumayssacBurdegalensis. 97Bordeaux customs were very high and althoughthe burgesses,nobles and ecclesiastics" were free from the great

94 Capra,"Lapogde politique", 388-9. 95M. G.A. Vale, English Gascony,1399-1453, Oxford, 1970,11. 96 RobertFavreau, "Comptes de la.s6n6chauss6e de Saintonge,1360-2" BEC, 117,(1959), 82 and n. 2. 97 Thereceiver of theyssac was Bernard"de Magistro", Moisantýop cit., 121. 98 Thearchbishop of Bordeauxwas a principal wine exporters,Goldsmith, "Crisis of the Late Nliddle Ages", 435. 139 9' customthey still hadto payRoyan, a tax, asships passed the town from the sea. Winewas subjectto additionalexactions including keelage, levied on the first visit of a ship,gauge and "0 a levy on wine soldin Bordeauxtaverns.

Bordeauxmerchants were extremely influential. They "were not unlikethe great merchantprinces of Italy in their wealthand power and their constantloans to king and governmentgave them a hold over the public administrationof Gascony."101 The prince's courtmay have provided them with an attractivemarket in the 1360sbut their incomeand 102 consequently,customs revenue was reduced nonetheless. In 1364,a policy was introducedof restricting merchantsto trading in only one sort of commodity although

Gasconscould also deal in fish. In 1369,the princecomplained that the prohibition of

Englishmerchants meant that muchwine remainedunsold and consequently receipts from

103 customswere greatly dimini e.

Otheragricultural exactions included levies on cerealand bean production and' harvest,transport and sale. These also, were not regularthroughout the principality.Flour andwheat carried an indirecttax in Poitou,Bigorre, Gaure, the Agenaisand the Rouergue.

Therewere also financial impositions on grazingand moving herds in certainareas and on thecutting and harvesting of herbs.As elsewherethe forestsprovided an importantsource of income.104 Tolls on rivers and bridges and the right to fish also brought in money.Customs on thetrade in armourand salt from the pansof Bordeaux,Poitou and Soulac were also

99 M. K. James,Studies in theMedieval Wine Trcde. ccL E-M Veale,Oxford, 1971,1 and n. 4. 100 had The sire de Mussidanwas appointed"gauger" to checkthe quality of the wine for which the merchants to decreed pay.After numerouscomplaints that they had beenforced to pay the gaugetumseveral times the prince in October1365 that only a singlecheck per shipmentwould be demanded,Moisant, Prince Noir, 120-1.See also Livre desBuillons (Archivesmunicipales de Bordeaux),146 no. xxxix. 101 Lodge,Gascony Under English Rule, 168.A furthertax on wine in 1373was usedto pay for repairsto the walls of Bordeaux,Livre desBouillons (Archivesmunicipales de Bordeaux),149 no. x1i. 102 James,op cit., 23-4. 103 Sargeant,"Wine Trade", 309. Full Ref Seealso Y. Renouard,'Vexportation desvins gascons",Bordeaux sousles rois d Angleterre,Bordeaux, 1965,23 3-66. 104 The forestsconcerned were Mouli6res-la-Chapelle, Colombier, Chauvigny, Montreuil-Bonnin and 140 profitable.The return trade was predominately corn although there was also wool, clothand fish,particularly from Devonand Cornwall. Corn imports had increased as more land was turnedover to thevine. When the princehad travelled to Gasconyin 1355he reserved corn 10' grownin two of his manorsfor military use. Theeffects of the plaguein Aquitainewere considerableand whilst the princedid not haveto contendwith mattersthere after the first 106 epidemic,the outbreakof 1361left an impressionstill evidenton his arrival.

Expen iture

Theprimary areas of expenditurewere the prince's household and retinue. Edward's personalexpenses such as gambling, the purchase ofjewels, gifts, alms and other items were paidby thechamber. It wasfinanced through fees on rendering homage, through certain manorssuch as Watlington, Wisley, Risborough and Byfleet, loans, gifts from the king and throughthe transfer of moneyfrom the exchequer and wardrobe. jo7 When military expenditurewas the majorburden on the prince'spocket his personalextravagance was considerable.Whilst preparingto embarkin 1359it wasnoted that L387was owed to his 'O' painterand L340 to his embroiderer, althoughthese could have been military expensesfor heraldicpurposes, such as'banners, or evenfor tent making.]Prior to the same,Reims, campaign,a numberof Cheshireknights were paid out of fundsassigned to theprince's

Montmorillonin Poitouand Braconnein the Angournois,Moisan% OP cit. 122-3. 105 CP,% 1354-8,482;Sargeant, loc. cit, 257-8. 106 For a contraryview suggestingthat socialand economicstructures in Francewere largely unaffectedby the plagueand that the famineswhich occurredup to 1348had little effect on populationtotals seeGoldsmith, "The Crisisof the Late Nfiddle Ages", 446-7. 107 Tout, Chapters,v, 356-60.For an exampleof purchasesfor the chambersee BPR, iv, 324-5. log BPR,iv, 327-8. 141 wardrobeand chamber, provided that sufficientresources remained for the building 109 programmeat Kennington.

Mlitary expenseswere the largestburden but theywere irregular and were partly fundedby the Crown.Annuities were, inevitably, a constantexpense, usually paid twice yearlyat Easterand Michaelmas. Household annuities, as distinct from thosegranted for military service,tended to bepaid from the manorwhere the recipientwas employed and thesewere often in the form Ofcontinuing wages, in effecta pension.Wallingford, the most valuableof the foreignmanors associated with the duchyof Comwall,paid a large proportionof thosefor whichrecords remain and it is probablethat theprince kept a large ' 10 numberof staffthere. Thoseannuitants "inherited" from the earlof Kent andthose who weresimilarly rewarded'after the prince'smarriage for serviceto himselfand his wife, tendedto be financedfrom the issuesof Kent's manors.With oneexception, all the lawyers retainedby the princewere paid out of centralreserves.

Theexpenses noted in Fillongley'saccounts of the principalityof Aquitaineinclude "' alms, gifts, honorarypayments to envoysand messengers, wages of officials,military

112 Costs, certainextraordinary payments and allocations from the constableof Bordeauxand theprince's household treasurer. They are indicative of the areasof expensewhich the princehad to fundthroughout his demesne.Public spending, the buildifig andrepair of

109 Lettersof protectionand half their wagesof war weregiven to: Ralph Mobberley,L 1113s. 4d.; JohnDaniers, LI I l3s, 4d., William Carrington,10 marks; Hanio Mascy, 100s.;John Danyers, 100s. (the remainderof his fees wereto be takenout of a debtto the prince to the valueof LI I 13s.4d. ); ThomasStathum, 100s.; Robert le Bruyn,66s. 8d.; RobertLegh, 66s. 8d., ihid., iii, 200. 11OThe valor calculatedWallingford to be worth 040, Booth,FinancialAdminisimlion, 175. Alms do not figure in the Limogesor P6rigordaccounts, Moisant, Prince Aroir, 107. 112 Theseincreased towards the start of the Spanishcampaign and beyondinto the rebellion.in Bigorre the area nearestthe hostilities spendingdoubled, 1366 it was 2,229Ig., 1367,4,500Ig. 10s.,1370,14,028 19.13s. 4d. In theBordelais it rosefrom 6,119 Ig. 14d.in 1367to 23,322Ig. 10s.6d. in 1369.In Rouerguespending in 1366 was3,3 10 I. g. and the following yearit roseto 5,611 Ig. The more that was spenton military mattersthe lower the expenditureon public works, ibid., 108and nn. 2-3. 142 wardrobeand chamber, provided that sufficientresources remained for the building - 109 programmeat Kennington.

Mlitary expensesWere the largestburden but theywere irregular and were partly fundedby the Crown.Annuities were, inevitably, a constantexpense, usually paid twice yearlyat Easterand Michaelmas. Household annuities, as distinct from thosegranted for military service,tended to bepaid from the manorwhere the recipientwas employed and thesewere often in the form of continuingwages, in effecta pension.Wallingford, the most valuableof the foreignmanors associated with the duchyof Cornwall,paid a large proportionof thosefor whichrecords remain and it is probablethat theprince kept a large ' 10 numberof staffthere. Thoseannuitants "inherited" from the earlof Kent andthose who weresimilarly rewarded'after the prince'smarriage for serviceto himselfand his wifý, tendedto befinanced from the issuesof Kent's manors.With oneexception, all the lawyers retainedby the princewere paid out of centralreserves.

Theexpenses noted in Fillongley'saccounts of the principalityof Aquitaineinclude ' 11 alms, gifts, honorarypayments to envoysand messengers, wages of officials,military

112 Costs, certainextraordinary payments and allocations from the constableof Bordeauxand theprince's household treasurer. They are indicative of the areasof expensewhich the princehad to fundthroughout his demesne.Public spending, the buildifig andrepair of

109 Lettersof protectionand half their wagesof war weregiven to: Ralph Mobberley,L 1113s. 4d.; JohnDaniers, 10 LI I 13s.4d.; William Carrington, marks-,Hamo ý&scy, 100s.;John Danyers, 100s. (the remainderof his fees wereto be takenout of a debtto the prince to the valueof Ll I l3s. 4d.); ThomasStathum, 100s.; Robert le Bruyn,66s. 8d.; RobertLegh, 66s. 8d., ibid., iii, 200. 110 The valor calculatedWaffingford to be worth L340,Booth, FinancialAdministration, 175. 111 Alms do not figure in the Limogesor Wrigord accounts,Moisant, prince Noir, 107., 112 Theseincreased towards the start of the Spanishcampaign and beyond into the rebellion.in Bigorre the area nearestthe hostilities spendingdoubled, 1366 it was 2,229I. g., 1367,4,500I. g. 10s.,1370,14,028 19.13s. 4d. In theBordelais it rosefrom 6,119 I.g. 14d.in 1367to 23,322I. g. 10s.6d. in 1369.In Rouerguespending in 1366 was3,3 10 Ig. and the following yearit roseto 5,611 Ig. The more that was spenton military mattersthe lower the expenditureon public works, ibid., 108and m. 2-3. 142 fortified buildings sitesand civic aswell asthe prince'sown residencesand other costs were alsoincluded.

Ile prince'shousehold was lavish and his courtin Aquitaine,luxurious. "' Specific be occasionscould also very expensive.In March 1365a sonwas born to the princeand Angouleme. princessat If we areto believethe Chronicleof the GreyFriars of Lynn, on 27

April a greattournament was held to celebratethe churchingof the princess.At this, 154

lordsand 706 knights were present, 18,000 horses were stabled at theprince's expense and

24 knightand 24 lordscomprised Joan's retinue. It lastedfor ten daysand the costof the

candlesalone was over 1400.1 14

Theprince's and his wife's love of fine clothesand jewellery is well knownand only 115 addedto thisburden. In 1355payments totalling 13,375 l3s. 4d. forjewels and11,829 116 12s.for embroiderywere recorded. Suchspending was not controlledwhen the prince

gainedresponsibilities for Aquitaineand its very limited finances.Indeed it wassaid that

betweenthe victory at Poitiersand his arrival in Bordeauxin 1362much of the prince's

personalfortune had been spent on tournamentsand other frivolities. 117 He tried to allay

113 The prince'shousehold expenditure remained very high throughouthis residencein Aquitaine.It wasnot reducedin accordancewith increasedspending in otherareas such as during theNAjera campaign. In fact it exhaustedthe treasury,". Jor sincethe birth of God suchfair statewas never kept as his, nor morehonourable, for everhe had at his tablemore than fourscoreknights and full four times as manysquires. Ibcre wereheld jousts andfeasts in AngoulEmeand Bordeaux;there abode all nobleness,all joy andjollity, largesse,gentleness andhonour, and all his subjectsand all his men loved him right dearly,for he dealtliberally with them.Those who dwelt abouthim esteemedand lovedhim greatlyfor largessesustained him... ", ChandosHerald, v. 1607ff., ed.Pope and Lodge, 148. 114 SeeAntonia, Gransden, "A FourteenthCentury Chronicle From the GreyFriars at Ly&, EUR,lxxii (1957),276; CPA 1364-7,180;Eulogium Historiarwn, iii, 236; Froissart,Chroniques, ed. Luce, vi, 93,285. 115 For contemporaryattitudes to dresssee Eulogium Hisloriarwn, iii, 230-1; StellaMary Newton,Fashion in the Ageofthe BlackPrince: A S&ly ofthe Years1340-1365, Woodbridge, 1988. Much is madeof the sartorial extravagancesof the prince andprincess. Gascon suppliers at Saint-Antonin-de-Rouergue,Montauban, Villefranched'Averyon and Rodez:provided luxurious garments for them as well as their courtiersof velvet, cloth-of-goldand damask.Silk was importedfor the ladies' dressesand Joanmade use of gauzymaterials in shimmeringcolours. She introduced the fashionof "split bodices"and ermineborders. Girdles of silk werewom with enameledor goldenbuckles. Garments were fir-lined, cloaksof silk and linen werebought from LYon, Aleppoand Alexandria, Moisant, Prince Noir, 109.See also BPR, iv, 324-5,476,626. 116ibid., 151-2. 117 EulogiumHistoriorwn, iii, 227.

143 thefears of his creditorsprior to his departureordering his executorsto pay off his debts

118 in the eventof his death. The situationsoon'worsened "Tant quele PrinceNoir gouverna

119 I'Aquitaine,1'6quilibre entre les revenus et lesdepenses n'existajamais. "

Military Finance

Despite suchpressures, military campaign-S, much more'thin the prince's

extravagantlifestyle, were the causeof his'financial difficulties that were brought to a head

after the battle of NAjera.The administrationof his estateswas primarily gearedfor war and I in the later 1360sthose sameestates, particularly Cheshire,paid the price, in equipment,

wagesand rewards.The increasein the'princevsincome and authority throughout his

demesneserved to financehis military campaigns.In a numberof ways,and 'particularly

throughthe work of William Shareshull,the princemimicked his'father's fiscal policy.

'Trom the very outsetof his military careerEdward III appreciatedthe- contribution which

theprofits ofjurisdiction could make to hiswar finances.v2120 In terms of sourcesavailable

for the studyof military financesthe daybook orjoumale of Sir JohnHenxteworth is 121 uniqueand not only for the campaignsof the Black Prince. Therehas been little to addto the comprehensiveuse of this documentby Barberand HI Hewitt andthe majorityof citations,f6r easeof reference,will be givenfrom 7heBlack PiInce's Fxpedition, 1355-5 7.

Herixteworth'srole in the 1355-6campaigns was that of a cashierand he madea numberof - paymentson campaign.The majorityof his work wasundeitake'n in Bordeaukboth before

11826 Aug. 1362,Rymer, III, ii, 676. 119 Moisant,op cit., 106. 120 Haniss,King, Parliamentand Public Finance,40 1. 121 Dwhy of Comwall office, Henxtewoilh. 144 thecampaign began and during the winter of 1355-6.His accountwas not organisedin any 122 realsense; payments were simply recorded with few dates.

Thefinancial burden engendered by Edward'spolicy of payingforeign allies was partlyresponsible for the changein inilitary strategyto the shorter,less expensive chevauch&The remarkable success of the Edwardianwar policy wasreflected in a high taxationyield for the Crown. Thereafter,for 20 years,direct war taxation becamea normal 123 andapparently permanent featuie of government.

Thewar hadserious economic consequences both positive and negative. Individuals couldacquire wages, booty and ransoms, the governmentcould benefit through the systematicexploitation of occupiedprovinces, principally Brittany and Gascony.By contrast,the demandfor soldierscould starve agriculture and industry, although the profits of war duringthe earlyphases tended to offsetthe effectsof falling agriculturalprofits.

Therewas also the threat of occupationand/or devastation by enemyforces and markets couldbe gained or lostwith changingterritorial control and as the spendingpower of those involvedrose or fell. Tradewas also restricted when the requirementfor shipsaffected the merchantfleets. Such factors were particularly apparent during the Crecy-Calaisexpedition.

Over30,000 troops were involved in the Calaissiege, probably equivalent to about1% of

124 thepopulation.

Nfilitary costsdid not disappeareven during periods of truce.Fillongley's account doesnot specifythe purposeof the paymentstotalling 171,305I. g. 2s. 10d.(nearly 134,000) madeto soldiersduring the principalityof Aquitaine.These were probably not payments

122Hewid, Black Prince ý Expedition,81-2. 123ibid., 313-14. 124 K.B. McFarlane,"England and the Hundred Years War", Past andPresent, 22 (1962),3-5,10. 145 connectedto theNijera campaignbut werefor borderdefence against the FreeCompanies

125 andother potential incursions.

GovemmentPayments

TheCr6cy-Calais campaign initiated the compositionof the registersof theprince's lettersbut providesrelatively little detail about the financial arrangementsof 1346-7.The campaignswhich were led by the king havetended to leavefewer central records since they wereadministered "on the spot"by the king's own officials.The prince's preparations for the Reims expeditionhave provided considerableinformation which overcomesthis.

However,this wasnot the casein 1346which, while lessof a drainon the royalwardrobe thanthe expeditionsof 13384 1,was nonetheless very expensive.In the period4 June1346

- 12October 1347, total wageswere 1127,201 2s. 9d. andover 116,000was still owing whenWetewang closed his accountin the following month.126 The contribution to theprince is not clear.He waspaid 13,752 at Easterin 1349but presumablythis wasnot the only such 127 payment. As an individualthe princewas paid 20s. a dayfor military servicecompared 128 with an earlwho received6s. 8d. As a recruitingcaptain he receivedmore substantial amounts.The lossof accountspresents problems not only for a financialassessment of the prince'srole in the campaignbut also'fordeterminations of manpowerand periods of

129 servi -

125Delpit, Documentsftanfais, 176. 126 Harriss, op cit., 332; J.H. Ramsay,Genesi's ofLmcaster; or, the 7hreeReigns qfEdward ff., EdwaniIII, and Richwdll., 1307-1399,2vols, Oxford, 1913,L 352.Wetewang's pay rolls no longersurvive. His bookof receipts, E101/390/12,is partly transcribedin Wrottcsley,Crecy and Calais, 205-14 and there is an issueroll, E403/336. Partialtmnscripts were made in the 16'hand 17'hcenturies, for commentson themand particularly Wrottesley, op cit seeAyton, "En&h Army'%260-7. 127 E403/347;Harriss, op cit., 332 n. 6. 128Ramsay, Revenues, 199. 129 Ayton, "English Army", 259 andnn. 42-4. 146 On 6 April 1350the princewas assigned 12,750 and on 5 May 12,755to paythe

earlsof Arundel,Wwwick, Huntingdonand Northampton who wereaccompanying him to

Calais.13' During the monththe princereceived L1 3,000 for his own expensesand those of

131 thecapWns for a quarterof a year. ,

Theeconomic implications of thePoitiers campaigns were very considerablefor the princeand the war effort asa whole.The war restartedin 1355just asthe triennial subsidy expired.On 10July the BlackPrince was appointed the king's lieutenantin Gascony.The princemet part of the costof the expeditionbut muchof it wasunderwritten by the Crown.

In 1355and 1359the princewas granted the proceedsof profitsofjustice. From

Shareshull's1354-5 sessions in the westcountry, 11,067 8s. I I%d. wasmade over. 132

Contributionswere also made from customs,including 1,000 marks from Londonand some

forwardedfrom duties in Ireland.133 The balance by the fundswere on wine . wasprovided exchequerwhich paidthe princeand his principalcommanders more than 119,500. On 8'

May 1355,1380was brought to Southamptonby William WenlOkto pay28 dayswages to sailorshired for the fleet assembledto transportthe princeand his army.In July a further 134 135 J400was taken to the sameport. Wagesfor the armywere paid in the samemonth. 136 Priorto sailingmore than 17,242 was paid in bothwages and supplies. Thisincluded

137 paymentsto a numberof the foreignknights were paid in September1355. Provisions wererequired for the periodof the assemblyof troops,before embarking for France.The

130E401/401. 131E404/5/32. 132 BPR,ii, 86.They were worth over L2,500 in total,B. H. Putnam,7he Place in LegaillistorYOfSir iFill"I Mareshull,Cambridge, 1950,3 9. 133See 10 July 1357,CCR. 1354-60,368. 134 Hewitt,Horse in MedievalEngland, 46. 135 Notedin the indenturesigned by the prince and his father,BPR, iv, 143-5. 136ibid., 156. 137 Hewitt, op cit., 82.

147 delayat Plymouthprior to sailingincreased the financialpressure on the princeand, to pacifyhis creditors,,his executorswere empowered to holdhis landsfor threeyears in the eventof his death.13' This extendedan arrangementof oneyear made in August1350. The bill for provisionswhile at Plymouthamounted to nearly11,100. Additional payments included,10,000 marks to the constableof Bordeaux,14,000 to thetreasurer of Calaisand

13,300was spenton shipping.The total cost of all military operations(1355-6) was over

1110,000.The king's messenger,John Padbury, delivered further sums to theprince in

Bordeauxfrom Englandjust prior to his return.In May 1357 parliamentgranted him additionalmoney to dischargehis debts,about 110,500was assignedto him and his chief

139 commandersfrom the 1357lay subsidy.

No generaltaxation was demanded for the 1359-60 expedition but the king provided his sonwith somerevenue from "irregular"sources. A grantof 500marks was made from " thecustoms of GreatYarmouth. Theprofits ofjustice were again employed, in particular

Shareshull'srecent of oyerand tenniner in Devonand Cornwall. 141 The prince receivedlittle financialsupport after he movedto Aquitaineand none for the Spanish campaign,but followingthe resumptionof thewar with Francein 1369 fundsagain began to 142 flow ftom England. On 3 February 1369 16,200was paid for wagesof war. In total

120,000was to be sentas well as 60 men-at-anns,and 880 archers.143

Estate Resources

138CPA 1348-50,562;1354-8,264. 139 llarriss, op cit., 343-5and nn. 2-3,344 nn. 2-3,345 n. 2. 140 355 marksof Us surnwas in an-earson 14 SepL1359, BPR, iv, 311. 1411 Sept.1359, CPJý 1358-61,265. 142 Issuesof lhe Exchequer,ed. Devon, 192. 143 Ramsay,Revenues, 252 n. 1. 148 t, I Theprince's demesne contributed to his military expeditionsand solely "funded" the

Nijera operation.In Englandand Wales, a numberof commoneconomic procedures 1359 precededa campaign.-In 1355and all availableestate resources were sent to London.

In 1355the prince'sauditors assessed available revenue and determined that Cheshirecould provide fl, 3 83 8s.- 2V2d.,north Wales, 1857 16s.,5d. and southWales, L1,093,13s.lOV2d. All 144in sumsdue were to be leviedby the endof Septemberand sent to PeterLacy. 1359John

Delvesordered the chamberlainsof Chesterand north Wales to bringingall availablefunds includingrecent fines to ]Londonby 9 August.145An initial demandfor moneydue from the

Cheshireforests had to be rescindedafter a report by Wingfield that payment'couldnot be madein time.Escheated lands were to be rentedas quickly aspossible and wardships and 146 marriageswere also sold. As the princewas "in greatneed of money"in 1359,part of the underwoodin the manorsof Calistockand Liskeard and elsewhere in the duchyof Cornwall 147 wereto besold. Wood was also to besold from a numberof othersites. Measureswere 148 alsotaken for ificreasingthe profitabilityof the stannaries.

On returningfrom GAsconyin 1357flifther revenuewas exacted. A Cheshireforest 149 in eyre raised11,000 ftom the'Wiffal and 12,000 from Mara-Mondrem'50and Delamere, 151 communalfines. It metat Chesterand Macclesfield under the presidencyof Richard

144BPR, iii . 214,2115; Hewittý 6p cit., 25. 145 1101t BPR,iii, 349,354,355. Delvesreceived 60s. for his costsin connectionwith this operationtransacted at castleand the carriageof the moneyto London,ihid., 364. 14625 Sept.1359, ibid., 368. 14711 Apr. 1359,ibid, iL 155,158-9. 149ibid., 157-8. 149 The foresteyre in Wirral in 13534 raised0,928 comparedwith averageearly 14"'centuryCheshire income inhabitants of L1,30041,800,Bolton, MedievalEngfish Economy, 213, On his death-bedthe prince askedthat the of the Wirral be no longersubject to forest law as theyhad sufferedunder his officials, Prestwich,Aree Edwards,278. William, son of JohnStanley of Wirral,was hereditary mastcr-forcstcr acting in 1377,Stewart Brown,Serjeonts, 119. 150 Booth,FinancialAdministration, 121-2. Richard Doune was keeper of theforests of Mamand Mondrcm, acting2 Sept.1348, Brownbill, "Ledger Book of ValeRoyal", 24-5. 151On 30 Sept 1357 pleas in Delainereforest were made before Willoughby, Stafford, Delves and Brunham. Claimswere made that all thelands were deforested and thus outside the authority of forestofficials. References weremade to an earlier case heard by ThomasFerrers. It wasnot solved until 23 Aug. 1359 when a compromise 149 Willoughby,Stafford and Delves, but Macclesfieldrefused to paythe commonfine.

Individualfines there only amountedto L63of which no morethan 123 hadbeen collected

by 1361.152The resumption of the war in Francewas supplemented by financefrom

elsewherein the prince'sdemesne; particularly Cheshire, which at the sametime thatthe fouagein Aquitainewas granted gave a subsidyof 2,500marks payable over two years.In

1373the palatinateadded a further gift of 3,000 marks.153

Priorto campaignsloans were called in suchas those from the countessof Hainault

and deanof Soigniesin 1355.154The prince also madeuse of crediý Tideman de Limbergh

loaned the prince 500 marks "in his great need at the siegeof CalaisP.155 1500 was

borrowedfrom ThomasWogan and the chamberlainof northWales obtained I 100for the

A- 156 princeprior to the- 1355 chevauchee. Theloans which the princewas forced to takeout

beforethe Reimscampaign, demonstrate that despitethe valueof the captivestaken at

Poitiershe was, by 1359, in a precariousfinancial position. The 1359 campaignwas

exceptionalin that it wasfinanced without taxation. Due to this andthe expensesaccrued as

a resultof thePoitiers campaign, the princewas forced to takeon increasingloans. The

successof the 1355and 1356chevauchees may have placated his long-standingcreditors but

theywere clearly worriedat the prospectof a furtherdangerous campaign and an additional 157 extensionof time wasallowed to Edward'sexecutors to repayhis debts.

Oneof his mostregular creditors was the earlof Arundel.Their financialassociation

beganwhen the princebegan to payFitzAlan L200 annually for life from the fee-fannof

wasreached involving the redefinitionof forestboundaries, Brownbill, loc. cit., 13842. 152 Booth,op cit., 122-3.For attemptsby the prince to preventthe destructionof Cheshireforests see I I.J. Hewitt Medieval Cheshire,(Chetharn Society, 87) 1929,90-3. 153 Morgan, "Cheshire and the Defence of Aquitaine", 143. 154BPR, iv, 139,14 3; Hewitt, Black Prince's Expedition, 24. 155BPR, i, 29. 156 ibid., iv, 143;Hewitt, op ciL, 124. 157Rymer, III, i, 445; CPA 1358-61,268. 150 Chesterand the mills of the Deein lieu of 500marks Arundelwas owed from the'accounts 158 of the justice, constableand sheriff of Caemarfon. In 1349the'earl loanedthe prince L20 andin 1353-41253. In 1349he hadpaid the prince800 marksfor the wardshipand marriageof JohnLe Strangeof WhitchurchThe sums increased for the Reimscampaign andthereafter. 12,000, %ýas advanced by the earlof Arundelon the securityof a crownand'a jewelled startaken from the King of France'atPoitiers. 159 On the following day JohnDelves wasnotified that 11,000would be deliveredto him to be broughtto the prince.In 1360/1

350marks were lent andin July 1362the princeborrowed L1,000 ftom the earl.2,000 marks were loanedin c. 1371.The link with FitzAlan was enhancedsince, in 1364,his daughter,

Alice, marriedThomas Holland, the prince'sstepson. Furthermore, Joan borrowed 1,000

160, marksin 1376and John Delves was loaned 500 marks. ý-ý

Arundel'wasby no meansthe prince'sonly creditor.In 1359,500 markswas made 161 availableto the princeby the earl,of Herefordand Essex. JohnWingfield, in association, with others,raised the hugesum of 20,000marks from varioussources. He wasto berepaid from estateincome and out of debtsowed to the princeby EdwardK but ashe died soon afterit is questionablewhether he or his estatewere ever reimbursed. Part of the sumwas - lent by Wingfieldhimself "and othersof the Orince'sfiiends" andthe resthad been raised by '6' Sir Johnfrom otherunspecified sources. AntonyMalebayafla, merchant of Asti andHugh

Provane,merchant of Carignano,loaned 1,000 marks, Ralph Nevill, 500marks and the

15911 Nov. 135 1, Cal. Recog.Rolls, 8. 159 24 July 1359,BPR, iv, 302,333.1he chamberlainof Chesterwas to levy all availablefunds on 20 May 1360 for paymentto RichardFitzAlan for paymenton Friday in Whitsun, ibid., iii, 381. 160 discussion Arundel's loans his business Credit For of and wider affairs seeC. Given.ýWilson, --Wealth and public and Private:The Earls of Arundel 1306-139T,EHR, cvi (1991). 1-26;Llinos BeverleySmith, "Seignorial Incomein the FourteenthCentury: The Arundelsin Chirk". Bulletin of the Board ofCeltic Studies,28 (1979), 443,451-2and his "The Arundel.Charters to the Lordship of Chirk in the FourteenthCentury"t BBCS (1969). pt. 2,153-66. 161 30 July 135 9, BPP.,-iv, 304. 162ibid., 326. 151 163 bishopof Lincoln,500 marks. 1,000marks were borrowed from the bishopof Winchester 164 and 1100 eachfrom Hemy Pickard and Adam Franceys. JohnPeche borrowed 11,000 from variousLondon merchants on the prince'sbehalf as well asrepaying 250 marksto

William dela Polefor him.165 Peche was appointed the prince'sattorney in a matter regardingthe transfer of certainjewels from the sirede Lesparreand Sir PetitonCurton and alsoreceived the crownwhich hadbeen pledged as security for the loan madeby the earlof

Arundel.166 Peche's service in thesematters may have been responsible for the grantof a licenceto huntand take game in anyof the prince'schases, parks and warrens in Devonand

Cornwall whilst he was on pilgrimage to St Michael's Mount, 167The prince had closelinks to a numberof the merchantcommunity in London.Adam and Simon Franceys were active in Cornwallin the 1340sand 1350sand advanced a numberof loansto the princeand his

168 tenantsas did JohnPyel.

In additionto money,the princealso required supplies for his expeditions.There was extensivepurveyance throughout the southerncounties for bowsand arrows for the prince's andLancaster's expeditions in 1355.In Cornwall,the prince'sofficials were involved in purveyingvictuals and war materialsfor which over 11,000was still owedin 1357 despite anorder that the sumbe repaidin September1355.169 Resources were insufficient and whilst in Gasconythe responsibilityfor keepingthe princesupplied was undertaken by merchants

163 Seeibid., 304,305,319, alsoManuel "de Malebaille", ibid., 403. 164ibid., 327. 165ibid., 321,327. 166ibid., 333. 167ibid., 332. 168 ibid., i, 65; ii, 58,79; iv, 284,327,402. SimonFraunceys was alsowell connected.He was associatedwith HumphreyBohun, he was the earl of Pembroke'strustee and his daughter,Maud, married John Montague, 3 fd =1 of Salisbury.Pyel's brotherHenry was clerk to the elderBartholomew Burghersh, SI O'Connor,""A Calendarof the Cartularies;of JohnPyel and Adam Fraunceys"tCwnden Miscellany, 5h scr.,ii (1993),21,25. Seejhv., pp, Merchant Ckus, 326-7,260-2,367for detailsof NicholasBrembre, Adam Bury, Franceys,Henry pi=xL JohnPuitcneye, Pyel andJohn Stodeye. 169BPR, ii, 86,103,107,116. 152 170 operatingunder royal patent. Furthermorea merchantwas appointed to buy gold for the prince'suse as it servedas a universal currencyfor overseaspurchases and expenses.171

TheNfijera Campaig

Thefinancial implications and consequences of the Spanishcampaign are clear and well known.The failureof Pedroto honourhis debtsin accordancewith the treatyof

Libourne(1366) necessitated anotherfouage which, althoughnot rare,and by no meansan inventionof the prince,encouraged the appealto CharlesV, the re-openingof the war, and ultimately the loss of the principality, "Pour trouver les resourcesnece ' ssaires les exp6dients ne suffisaientplus; il fallait instituer,comme on I'avait fait enFrance, un regimefiscal qui, parI'aggravation et surtoutla permanancedes charges, leserait fatalement des finances traditionelles.5A72 But it was'notmilitary actionalone that broughtabout the collapseof the principality.The Nijera expeditionserved only asa catalystto forceswhich werealready at work. These,in conjunctionwith the post-campaigntaxation policy andthe failureof the

1369-70defence, led to the lossof greaterAquitaine.

Pedrooffered at Libourneto paythe prince550,000 florins for six months'active service.The prince would covercosts up until 10January 13 67 andPedro would payfor the following six monthsin two instalments.This wasin additionto the 56,000florins he owed to Charlesof Navarre.It musthave been clear that hewould not be ableto repaythis or providethe territories offered to the princeand,, among others, John Chandos. "As for the landdemands of the Black Prince,chosen for their importanceto Englishnaval and - commercialinterests, it would almostappear as if Pedrowere smiling up his sleeveat the

170 GeoffreyHamby of Kingston-upon-Hull,lbomas Drayton,Hugh Fastolf,Adam Kentish,John Kesteven and lbomas Santon,provided wheat and salt-fish,CPR 1354-8,467-8,471. 171Hewitt, Black Prince's Expedition,24. 172Delachenal, Charles V, iv, 55. 153 prince'snaivete. "173This was particularly so in the caseof Biscaywhere the peopleelected

theirown lord andwho werefierce commercial competitors of theEnglish. The prince may

well haverealised the scaleof his financialliability andso tried to reducehis wagebill. This

mayaccount for the fractiousexchange with the sired'Albret who wascontracted to bring

1,000troops and later ordered to reducethis to 200.174In comparisonwith suchsums,

revenuefrom the Cornish stannarieswas insignificant. Nonetheless,in 1367,perhaps to

meethis military costs,the prince exercised his rightsof pre-emptiononce again purchasing

tin at 20s.per hundredweightand selling it to the merchantsat an advancerate of 6s.8d. 175

By the end of April, Pedro's debt had beenrecalculated at 2,720,000florins. To ensurethis waspaid the princewanted Pedro to cede20 castlesto him. This wasrefused. On 2 May, at the cathedralof Burgos,Pedro swore to paythe adjustedsum, half in four monthsand the remainderby the followingEaster. The prince planned to keephis armyin Castileuntil the

Septemberpayment was made but illnessforced him to returnto Aquitaineand nothing was paid.

Ransomsand Booty

Theeconomic attractions of military servicewere very considerable.General plunderresulting from campaignsin Francein the 1340smeant that there was a greatdeal of

Frenchcoinage in circulation.In 1355the prince'streasurer received 10,000 marks at

Plymouthof which all save252 gold noblesand three silver pennies were in the form of 176 French6cus. Suchplunder also attracted the membersof the prince'sretinue. In 1355the prince'sarmy, "Chevaliers, escuiers, brigants, garchone' were loaded down with 'I eurs

173 Elstow,Pedro the Cruel, 233-4. 174Labarge, Gascony, 159. 175Lewis, Slannaries,144. 176Prestwick ThreeEdwwds, 238. 154 177A]though prisonnierset leursrichese'. hewas, in manyways, a generousemployer the

princedid employsome rather harsh conditions of service.The indenturesof Thomas

Furnivaland John Willoughby of I May 1347specify that the princewas entitled to half of 178 179 anyransom collected. This iýasstill the casein the late 1350s. It wasonly by the 1360s

thatthe proportionhad fallen to the moreusual third. This mayhave been a consequenceof

the demiseof paymentsof restauro equorum.180,

Thefinancial benefits of military servicewere particularly evident after Poitiers. The

Crecycampaign had not resultedin suchgains from ransoms,with the notableexception of

ThomasHolland who was paid 2,000 marks for the count of Eu. capturedat Caen.The prince'spersonal finances wer6 strengthened after Poitiers as a consequenceof the 181 ransoms. In 1359the king acknowledgedthat'he owed his son120,000 for the purchaseof threecaptives, Prince Philip, the countof Sancerreand the lord of Craon.182 He alsotook five othersvalued at LI 0,000.The mostnotable capture at Poitierswas King Jean.Moneys arisingfrom his captureincluded, after March 1361,payments of 111,66613s. 4d. to the

BlackPrince and Lancaster and S. 2,000 received by ChandoSwhich was paid into the chamber.Ransom receipts from July 1362to July 1363included payments of 110,000to the princeand 15,000 to Chandosfor military purposes.Receipts to April 1364involved a paymentof 125,000partly to dischargethe debtsaccrued during the Reimscampaign, and 183 16,740to Chandos. RichardFillongley, seneschal of Guienne,received 120,767 10S. 9d.

177 jean le Bel, Chroniques,ii, ed. Viard et D6prez,222 quotedby Hay, "Division of the Spoilsof War", 9 1. 178BPR, i, 128-9. 179ibid., iii, 251-2,294-5;iv, 249. ISO CCR, 1374-7,337-8;Rymer, III, ii, 800. For further discussionsee Ilay, loc. cit. 91-105;Ayton, Knights and Warhorses,123. 181 After the battle someof the othermost importantcaptives were held at the archbishop'spalace. For detailsof the ransomsof Jacquesde Bourbonsee Rymer, III, i, 346; countof Auxerre,E30/l/506; sire de Derval, E404/500/243;Arnaud d'Audrehem,E404/500/24 1. 182 Ile receivedL3,333 6s. 8d. of this sumon 25 July 1362,Issues ofthe Ejwhequer,174. 183 Harriss,King, Parlimnentand Public Finance,485,493-4. 155 ' 841n fromthe royalransom paid via William Felton,John Roches and others. 1369, the king 185 paid 126,000from Frenchransoms to his son. The financial consequencesof the ransom wereconsiderable, "I readethat King lohn of Francebeing taken prisoner by Edwardthe

BlackPrince, at the batAilleof Poyters,paied a raunsomeof threemillions of Florences, wherebyhe brought the realmeinto suchpouertie, that manieyeares, after they used leather money,with a little stud or naile of silver in the middestthereof """

Theprince's captains also profited from the captureand ransom of prisoners.John

Wingfieldreceived 2,500 marks for the sired'Aubigny who wassold to the king.Robert 187 Ufford was paid 3,000 florins for a captive. According to Froissart, a mercenary fighting underthe captalde Buchtook threeprisoners at Poitiers.The princepurchased the countof

Vendomefor 3,000florins, the countof Joignyfor 15,000florins and25,000 florins for 188 Jamesde Bourbon. In 1358,the prince orderedhis treasurerto pay 18 12s.6d. to certain

Cheshiremenfor their sharein a silver ship taken at Poitiers.189 Although otherwise disastrous;the ransomsfrom the Nijera campaignwere profitable. They included20,000 sueldosfor the masterof Calatrava,,30,000 gold florins for the marquisof Villenaand

100,000gold florins for Du Guesclinof which ThomasCheyne, his captor,received 11,4 83

6s. 4d. 190-

184 I E101/177/1.See also Capra,"Ladministration Anglo-Gasconne",916 n. 23. 185 Harriss,op cit., 50 1. 186 A SurveyofLondon by John Stowed. C.L. Kingsford,Oxford, 1908,i. 57. 187 Issuesofthe Exchequer,167-8. 188 The captal,Stephen Dax, Menaudde Casaux,Amald Tuyll de Puch,Levand Raymon, Drostauch, Amaud de Puy,and Peter de Casauxreceived half of the 25,000owed for Jamesde Bourbonon 14 Nov. 1358,ibid., 168. 189 BPR,iv, 254; Froissart,0euvres, ed. Lettenhove,xi, 108-9.For ransoms,rewards and pardons accruing from M90,.cipation in the 1355 and 1356 chevaucNes see Hewi tt, Black Prince's Expedition, 152-65. E404/6/404;Rymer III, ii, 599,635.

156 Rewards

After eachimportant military engagementthe princeneeded to give rewards.All his

estateswere used to supplyoffices, annuities and other favours. Of 12,538received in

Cheshireift 1369-70,annuities accounted for 11,5377s. 6d., although these were not only 191 grantsmade for military service. Paymentsfell soonafter the collapseof the principality,

to about;E850 by 13734,but increasedsomewhat thereafter, perhaps to 11,2452d. in 1374- in 5 out of a total incomeof 12,52317s. 2d. - this alsoincluded the paymentof annuity

arrears.Financial constraints reduced the valueof a numberof the Cheshireassignments in

1370.192Military expenditurefrom Cheshireresulted in a lack of investmentduring the 193 prince'slifetime, particularly following the rewardsgranted after the victory at Poitiers.

Securingpayment once the granthad been made was often harder than acquiring the initial bequest.The Register is scatteredwith referencesto nonor latepayment of annuitiesand

grants.As at the royal exchequer,the speediestmethod of paymentwas through a cash paymentmade from availableresources, or a particularrevenue source decided by the treasureror, in somecases, the recipient.Available resources were often very limited,so that

"office holdingmight provide the opportunityfor the satisfactionof personalclaims. "194 In

somecases offices were invented, sometimes at the costof administrativeefficiency, such as thecreation of the office of master-foresterfor Chandosin 1353at a feeof L53 13s.4d. and 195 manywere sinecures.

Althoughhe did not pay asmuch as either his fatheror Gaunt in total annuitiesthe prince'sindividual grants were extremely generous. The sourceof suchrewards was

191SC07215. 192SC072110; Booth,Financial Administration, 135-6. 193 eg.revenue from Drakeloweand L40 from the rentsof Rudheathwere grantedto Chandosfor fife, ibid. 129. 194 Huriss, "Preferenceat the MedievalExchequer", 23-4,26. 195 Booth,op. cit., 136. 157 somewhatarbitrary but mayreflect the favourwith which the annuitantwas viewed. Two

mainforms of annuitywere granted, an assignmentfrom the exchequerand a paymentdirect from source.The latterwas more popular as they tended to be stableand geographically convenientalthough, as many of thesewere military grantsand the annuitantswere often abroadon service,the sumwould be paidto an attorney.There tended to be a general distrustof the centralexchequer. Such annuities were often a long-tennsubstitute for land and/orrent. In this way the princeexerted considerable influence over his servantssince they '96 could be dependenton his favour. This processcan also be seenas part of a wider bastard feudal developmentthat saw rewardsfor servicechanging from grantsof land to life

197 annuities.

Annuitiesfor military servicewere paid from at least25 sourcesincluding manors, lordshipsand central reserves. The bulk of the burdenfell on Cornwall,Chester, the receiver-generaland, to a lesserextent, Wallingford. These figures are distorted by the paucityof recordsconcerning Aquitaine and Wales. Resources from Cheshirewere devoted to thosewith little or no connectionto the county.Roger Swetenham, John Eton andRoger

Pagewere granted land, money and minor office.Larger annuities were also paid out of

Cheshirecoffers. Robert Neville received100 marks a yearfrom 1361.After Nijera five life annuitiesof 140 eachwere granted and by 136925 annuitieshad been'granted to men servingin Aquitainein additionto a numberof petitionsfor officesand pardons following "' servicein Spain,Aquitaine and Brittany. Cornishincome increased over the last 15years of the prince'slife. This maywell reflecta recoveryfrom the depredationsof the Black

196 j. Bothwell, "'Until he Receivethe Equivalentin Land andRent': 'Me Use of Annuities asEndowment Patronagein the Reign of EdwardIH", BIHR, 70 (1997), 149,157-8,160,163-4. 197 Booth,op cit, 67. 199 ibid.; SC6n72/3m. 2d.; 772/5m. 2d.; 773/6;CHES 2/45 m. 2d.; 2/47 m. 3; 2/48 m. 2d.; 2/46 m. I d., m. 2; 2/47m. 1; 2/48 m. 2, m. 2d. 158 Deathwhich allowed the prince to rely increasinglyon the duchy as a sourceof annuities.199

In 1360-1LIV45 8,17s. I d. 200In 1365-6Cornwall 11,2839s. 9d., was received. produced 201 annuitiesaccounting for 1248 1Is. 3d. and wages,Ll 18 1Od. This remainedfairly

constantover thenext couple of years.In 1367-8income roseto L1,363 10s. I Id. with

1196 17s. I Id. LI 18 7s. 7d 202 Someincrease annuitiescosting randwages . was achievedover

the next five years.By 1374-5L1,790 Is. 2d. was (theoretically)received and annuitieshad

203 risen to 1733 5s. IId. Aquitaine also provided resourcesfor paymentsfor annuitiesand

pensions.The value of theseis uncertaindue to the natureof Fillongley'saccounts. The

Bordeauxrecords show amounts of 173.8,12283,f-1554,11547 and 11431 before falling to

L295in 1370(all in fivreguiennois, sterling equivalents would fall from a high pointof

1451in 1365to only 140in 1370).These figures were represented the total of wages,fees 204 andannuitieS. While wagesfor variousservices are mentioned throughout the accounts

the entryfor Bordeauxis the only oneto mentionannuity payments. However, duchy

accountsfor 1372-3enrolled by JohnLudham shows that nearly50% of expenditurein this

yearwas in the form of grants,many of whichwere annuities. A numberof thesewere

grantedby the prince and were still being paid in 1373-5as notedin Robert Wykford's 205 accountas constable. The great majority of thesewere paymentsto Gasconknights,

noblesand administrators,the exceptionbeing a 3001i.annuity to Mathew Gournaywhich 206 was to pay his wagesand thoseof the men-at-armsand archersserving under hiM. Most

'"Cornwallaccounts, SC6/81219,13604,total received:L1,458 l7s. lcl; 812/10,1365-6,total receipts: L1,283 L248 1 3d.; 9s. 9d; total annuities, Is. wages,Ll 18 10d.;812/12,1367-8, total receipts:LI, 363 log. I Id., total annuities,L196 l7s. I Id., wages,LI 18 7s. 7d.; 812/14,1374-5,total receipts:LI, 789 l3s. 2d., total annuities, 03 2 l7s. IId. 200SC6/812/9. 201SC6/812/10. 202SC6/812/12. 203SC6/812/14. 204Delpit, Documentsfranqais,136. 205 E364/1'5/336;16/48-9; Runyan, "Constabulary of Bordeajvý",i, 235-58;iL 42-83. 206 ibid., iL 70. 159 of the annuitieswere granted out of customsrevenue, primarily wine, but also'ýmoveables! ' andcharges on the smallseal.

Military servicewas not the only form whichrequired rewarding. Household service andhousehold expenditure was a very considerabledrain on the prince'streasury and, for once,the accounts from Aquitainemay be morerevealing than the English sources.

Fillongley'saccount notes the prince'shousehold expenses during the time of office of

HughBerton and Alan Stokes(treasurers of the wardrobe)as being 211,773 1 g. (approx.

SA1,800).This mayinclude a wide varietyof householdand wardrobe payments but is still anextraordinary amount and accounted for all the foreignreceipts for the wholeperiod of the account(192,579 I. g. approx.138,040) and nearly half of all the principality'sincome

(445,8491 g. approx.188,070) On this basisthe prince'shousehold expenses were generally in line with thoseexpected of a greatmagnate, about half his annualincome. However, the figuresrecorded in Fillongley'saccount only dealwith the periodof Berton'sand Stokes' treasurerships(at mostfrom c.1359-c. 1365). It is uncertainif householdaccounts from beforethe creationof the principalitywould be included.If so,and assuming a periodof five yearsfor the accounts,average household expenditure in Bordeaux and elsewherewas in nearly 18,400a year and this included only two yearswhen the prince was resident

Aquitaine. Details are not included of the treasurershipof John Carleton,from c. 1365.

Fillongley's figures only allow him about 18,000 before going into "the red", lessthan one year's expenditureat averagelevels over the last five years.There seemslittle doubt that this fund averagewas much lower than the true amountthe prince spentand that Carletonhad to 207 annualexpenditure on the court at a much higher level.

207 Delpit, op cit., 176;Wriac, "Une principautdsans chambre de comptesn i 6chiquier-, 120-1-, B arber 's f i gure of 30,000I. g. per annurnexpenditure on thehousehold is presumablybased on thetotals for Bertonand Stokes coveringabout seven years for theprincipality. It seemsprobable that the realfigure was far higher,Edward, 209. 160 Theprince's financial position was closely connected with his ability to retainand reward.A numberof thoserewarded were also involved in trying to developand extend the revenuewhich was available to the prince.Despite his very considerablewealth and additionalfinance from othersources, the princecould rarely cover his expenses,a situation worsenedby the effectsof the Black Deathand regular campaigning. Like his fatherand brotherthe princewas renowned as a generousemployer and the valueof the annuities which hegranted clearly demonstrate this. Thepicture of annuitypayments is cloudedby the largenumbers of grantsmade or extendedin the lastyears and months of his life. Thesemay havegone someway to redressthe balanceafter the return from Aquitaine. Some individualswere found revenue from othersources but manywere not andit wasat this pointthat servicewith Gauntand others became attractive. There would be no more I campaignsand no chanceof rewardfrom the princefor military serviceor from gaining bootyon the battlefield.It wasalso the casethat manyof the prince'schief retainers died in the lastmonths of the principality.When it too collapsedand was returned to the king, the princegave financial reasons for its failure.They were true in part andthese financial his considerationsbrought to a conclusiona phasein the prince'slife andin the natureof retinueand household.

161 APPENDIX

Annuities for Military Service (life grants unless otherwise stated)

Name Amount Source Date Ref. Sir Richard L20 Wallingford I Sept.1346 BPR i 14. FitzSimon , , Sir EdmundKcndale L20;08 Cornwall I Sept.1346 BPR,L 13. Sir lbomas Daniel 40 marksF09 Frodsbarnmanor BPR,i, 45. HughVenables Anderton 1348 Ches.Recog. Rolls, 5.

100marks Bradninchmanor, 28 Jan.1348 Sir HenryEanP BPR L 163;H 46 Devon , , . 100marks Rceeiver-gencral 25 Mar. 1350 Sir Stephen VOO I Jan.1357 BPR,iv, 178-9,555; CosingtoWl1 + L40 Cornwall SC6/812/14. L46 l3s. 4d. 1375/6 LIO l3esington Feb.1351 William Welham212 manor. BPR iv 1 27. Wallingfiord 24 Oct. 1351 , , , LIO Moresk, 21 Feb. 1351 Walter Sir 100 Tywomail, Woodlan&13 marks 5 June1363 BPR,iv, 2; H,203. Penmayn BPR,K 2; Ches. L40 Deemills 4 Mar. 1351 Sir JohnByntre214 Chamb.Accs, 166.

20 marks Wardrobe. 3 May 1351 SirEdmund L40 Carmarthen 25 Apr. 1353 BPR iv 12 91 manchester21*5 convent& Robert , , , . Hambury

209 Until 20 marksof land or rent wereprovided. Still in receipt 24 Oct. 1351, BPR,iv, 28. 209 Grantfor the taking of the chamberlainof Tancarvilleand "replantine, the prince'sbanner at Cr6cy.40 marksto be provideduntil L20 of land was available. 210 After Eam's deathpart of his annuitywas paid to Sully and the remainderto the prince's household. 211 100mark annuitygranted after battle of Winchelsea,increased to L 100on day of battle of Poitiersand to includemale heirs + L40 annuitygranted after battle, 16 May 1365,BPR, iv, 555. 212 Sergeant-at-arms.Grant in lieu of 12cLa day wagesdue to illness.NII a William Wcllum, a clerk of the estreats- originally retainedat 20s.a year, increasedto 40s.,22 Dec. 1351, BRP,iv, 36. 213 He was knightedby the princeand grantedthe sumto maintainthe rank, 214 Annuity madein recompensefor the loss of the constableshipof Chestercastle. He was grantedthe same office at Rhuddlan20 June 1348on the surrenderof William Shaldeford.He was knightedby the prince and from 31 My 1350held the castlefree of the 100s.rent to maintainhis rank. He also receivedL30 ashis feebut was to ýa chaplainto celebratemass daily from this sum,Ches. Recog. Rolls, 77. ,Ia Retained,during pleasure,in peaceand war with oneesquire, with bouchea court or 2d. a day, sevenhorses at livery, six grooms,I d. a day for shoeinghorses and restauroequorum.

162 L20 Receivcr-gcncral, 10 May 1351; 8 BPR iv 13 206-7; ii, Sir NigcI Loryng L83 6s 8d. 216 Henry July 1354; 1 July , , , . 217 61 136. Trc 1357; 8 Mar. 1358 , John Bradestonc VO Wallingford 24 Oct. 1351 BPR, iv, 27.

Sir Thomas Brcrclcy L20 Wallingford 24 Oct. 1351 BPR, iv, 27.

50 marks Liskeard, 31 July 1352 Sir William BPR, H, 34. 218 Grampound, Aubigny Launceston

L40 (+ 40 marks Bradninch manor; 27 Jam 1353, = 100 marks) Devon; 10 Mar. 1353, BPR, iv, 80; Sir John Sully219 + L20 Exeter, Dartmoor. I Oct. 1356,24 ii, 45-6,99,130; CPR, + L20 Nov. 1357,28 Feb. 1377-81,193. 1370. 220 L53 13s.4d. Chester 19 Sept. 1353,8 +600 dor Mirmand toll ecus Apr. 1357,19 July BPR, HL 122; iv, 358-9, +L40 Rudhcathmanor 1357,22 Jan. 1361 Sir John Chandos LI0221 466; iii, 267,404,482; (later Chestcrricld 27 Au& 1362 10 , SC6n72/5. cancelled) manor July 1365,1369nO + L20222 Chester

Hugh Maffcys L6 Wallingford 28 June 1355 BPR, iv, 137.

Robert Claydon 60s. R&cciver-gcneral 7 Sept. 1355 BPR, iv, 156. L400 Stannary 6 Dec. 1356, I of BPR ii 105 182; iv, Audley (life +I ) Comwall. 3 May 1359. , , , Sir James yr. 291 358-9. 600Ocus dor Mirmandtoll 24 Aug, 1360 , ýSir RogerCotcsford 40 marks Wallingford 1 Jam 1357 BPR, iv, 196.

216 Cirantmade for pastand future good service.In practicethe sumpaid was L80 madeup in the following free from manncr:L 14 6s. 4d. from the tenantsof Calistock,Climesland, Liskeard and Trematon; L 10 the abbot from Liskeard of Tavistockfor the rent of Calistockweir; L55 13s.8d. the manorsof Calistock,Clymeslond, and Trematon.On 8 Sept.1359 L50 waspaid from Trematonmanor and propertyin the town of Ash; E20from Calistockmanor and LIO from the abbotof Tavistock,BPA ii, 161-2.,171.1 Oct. 1370granted office of surveyor of forestsof h1acclesfield,Mere and Wirral with 100marks a year,CPA 1377-81,264. 217 Loryng was grantedthe arrearsof a debt of L 1,7432s. II 1/4d.from JohnCrochard, former receiver Of comwall, which had beenundertaken by Henry Trethewy,6,11-12 Apr. 1356,BPP4 ii, 94,95. 218 Retainedfor life in peaceand war. 219 seeJones and Walker,CmndenMiscellwýv, =U, 73-4.Ile 40 mark grantwas annulled at Sully's "urgent request"in exchangefor L20. It was renewedI Oct. 1360, BPP, ii, 171. On I Sept.1377 Richard Abberbury was L80 grantedDelamere forest, he was to pay L20 of the profits to Sully. Richard II confirmeda total annuityof 1353,1 andtwo tunsof Spanishwine. However,this confirmationgives different datesfor somegrants, 12 ýAar. Oct 1360,1Nov. 1367,CPA% 1377-81,23. 220 fI d As surveyorof all Cheshireforest grantedin additionto L 10 fee as stewardof hundredof NUcclcs ie and 60s,for a riding-forester.In additionto the later grant of E40from Rudheathhe was grantedDrakclowe manor at roserent after Poitiers. 221 from After aL 10 grantfrom the prince to William ap Ll', Chandos'esquire, a similar sumwas deducted his Cheshireannuity. 222 Thiswas originally granted by ThomasHolland, earl of Kent,BPR, iv, 537. 163 50 marks Kennington& 20 Jan.1357 BPR,iv, 197; Vauxhall. NicholasBondc L86 13s.4d. Chester I Feb. 1365 Ches.Recog. Rolls, 42; + L100223 5 Mar. 1366. SC6n7215;CPR, 1377- Confirmedby Ric. H 81,375. Sir Edmund L20 Wallingford I Feb.1357 BPR,iv, 198; WaUncyM4 L100 Chester 1369/70 SM72/5. L40+ Chester. I Feb. 1357 BPR,iii 237 419,452, 100 Rhuddlan 7 July 1361 , marks 468-9;Ches. , Chamb. Sir Alan Chcync?25 + L400 3 Oct. 1362 - Accs 242-3;Ches. 1385 24 May 1364 d. by Recog., Rolls, 105-6; I Dec. 1369 SC61772/10. Confirmedby Ric. H 10 I Feb.1357 BPR,iii, 234;Ches. marks Chestermills & (LIO?) Macclesfield Chamb.Accs, 243; RichardDoXeye226 Ches.Recog. Rolls, ovcn Still 1374/5 148;SC6 772/10. William Shank-227 40 marks Receiver-gencral I Feb.1357 BPR,iv, 203. William Harpeden228 40 marks Rcccivcr-gcncral I Feb.1357 BPR,iv, 203. 200 marks Rcceivcr-gcncral 1 July 1357. BPR,iv, 207,218; Sir Tiderickvan Dale Lioo229 Sout hW a l es 2 Sept.13 57 CPR,1377-81,202. L40 Receiver-gencral, I July 1357 Felton BPR,iv, 207,306. Sir Thomas Haverford - 50 Chester 1 July 1357 BPR,fiL 251; Ches. Same ld marks John sf: Chamb.Accs, 243. L20 Receivcr-general. 20 July 1357, BPR,iv, 209,360,525, del Haye Various. I Oct. 1360 John 5334. + L20 Risborough 31 July 1364

223 lie authorisedJohn Delves to receivethe sum on his behalf,Whilst he was in Aquitaine.The grant was increasedto maintainthe status of knighthood.It is uncertainif thetotal sum was floo or L18613s. 4d. as seems morelikely fromthe Richard's confirmation, which made the L 100grant payable from Cacmarfon, CPA 1377- 81,159-60. 224 L200annually was also granted for theransom of PrincePhilip at Poitiersuntil 4,800marks were paid, 223 Thiswas reward for serviceat Poitiers"ubi exassigruitione nostra, pro corpore nostro extitit". T11c grant extendedto oneyear after his death,22 Oct. 1359,BPR, iii, 373and ftirther extended to includeJoan, Alan ,s wife,6 June1363, ibid., 458. The confirmittion of 18Mar. 1381provided loo marksfrom Chester, E40 from Rhuddlanand L40 as wages as constable of thecastle. Ile wasappointed constable of Rhuddlan13 Dec. 1366, Ches.Recog. Rolls, 105. He also received L40 wages as constable of Becstoncastle, an office he held until 24 Nov. 1382. Annuity confinned by Richard11,18 Mar. 1381. CPA 1377-81,613. 226 Baker,reward for servicein Gasconyand England. The enrollment of thewan-ant and grant in the recognizancerolls is probablymistaken. He was still in receiptof thegrant in 1374,SC6n72110 m. 2. 227 Yeoman.At Poitiershe was appointed to attendthe prince's banner. 228 At Poitiershe was appointed to attendthe prince's banner. 229 Knightedby theprince. Confirmed by RichardII, cancelledon 29 May 1380after a paymentof 500marks, CPA 1377-81,202. 164 Newport manor. CarmarthcIn BPR,iv, 190,215,252; L40 (payment 000 Sir BaldwinBotetourt convcnt,Robert 3 Aug, 1357 of war Hambury[See E. expenses), (L20+ L20) SC6/1221/11 Manchester] . 100marks Rcccivcr-gencral. 20 Sept.1357 BPR,iv, 219-20;Ches. Sir RobertNeville Chester 1358-9 Chamb.Accs, 254; 1369no SC6n7215.

Sir Danielvan Pcsse 100marks Rcccivcr-gcneral 9 Dec. 1357 BPR,iv, 234. Sir Bernardvan 100marks Rcccivcr-gencral 9 Dec. 1357 BPR,iv, 234; CPR. Zcdclcs Confirmedby Ric.11 1377-81,209. Sir HansTroucr 100marks Rcccivcr-gencml 9 Dec. 1357 BPR,iv, 234. Henry Landand money Bcrkhamsted Poitiers/Gascony CPR,1377-81,223-4, Bcrkhamsted230 2d.a day 5 June1376 279. William Braaz 20s. Rcceivcr-gencral 15Feb. 1358 BPR,fit 292. L40 Cheilesmorc - 8 Aug. 1358 manor,Coventry. 231 BPR,iv, 259 427; Sir BaldwinFrcvill 100 marks COVCntr?2 25 Mar. 1362 0 ? Chester 1369nO SC6n7215;772/10. 200marks? Chester 1374/5 200 Northwich 30 ScptJI Oct. 1358 marks town, Ches.Recog. Rolls, Stafford (L66;L60; V 6s. HopeHopedale, Sir Richard 441 8d.) ()VCrnjarshB3 - .

Henryof Grosmont 100marks Fordingtonmanor [16 Sept.1359] BPR,iv, 313. RichardPunchardoun 40 marks Receiver-general I Aug. 1359 BPR,iv, 304. 100 (40 & Risborough, 4 May paVC15ý34 marks 1361 BPR,iv, 384. Sir Walter 60) Carmarthen

JohnWyken, yeoman 10marks - Risingmanor 7 June1361 BPR,iv, 358. LIO Wallingford. 15 Sept.1361 Edmund L40 Chester. [I Aug 1361] BPR,iv, 393;HL 471; Bradcstonc?33 L 100+ 40- marks SouthWales, 6 Nov. 1368 CPR,1377-81,317. Dyncfwr 100marks Gave for land 21 Oct. 1361 Sir NicholasLoveync up BPR,iv, 396. in northWales 100 Fordington SirEdward marks manor 7 Nov. 1361 BPR,iv, 404. Courtcnay I I 1 Sir ThomasHereford L40 Rcceiver-gcncral 18Mar. 1362 BPR,iv, 425.

230 27 Nov. 1356, constableof Berkhamstedcastle with 4d. a day wages.Leased land for f 10 15s. I Od. from 16 Nov. 1357and from 25 Dec. 1363held themrent free. 2d. daily grant in lieu office of porter of castle.42 acresof landin Berkhamsted+ varioussums from the lordship; 3d., 23&.ý 5s., I Vd., I V2d.,X, 3s., 8d. 231 Retainedin peaceand war, seeJones and Walker,Cawden Miscellany, xxyji, 77-8. 232 This waspaid by the prior and conventof Coventry. 233 If repairsare necessary they were to be doneat the prince's expense. 234 To be paid 40 mark annuity(Risborough manor) in arrears,20 Mar. 1363,BPR, iv, 489. 235 EdwardIII's yeoman. 165 236 JohnCavendish, 100s. Rccciver-gcncral I June1362, BPR,iv, 440. 60 RCCCivCr-gcnCral.18 July 1362 marks BPR iiL 461; Sir William L40 Chester. (Poitiers).16 Nov. , 237 iv 458; ChesRecog. TrUSSC1 + 40 1363;26 Aug. , . marks Rolls 476; SC6772/10. + 100marks 1366;1 July 1372. , 100s. Lynn tolls I Oct. 1362 JohnCarclton BPR iv 469 550. LIO 31 Mar. 1365 , , , L20 Wardrobe. 11Nov. 1362 marks Wallingford BPR,iv, 480,489,558; Sir AdamLouchcs -50 I July 1365. (Mayor& Confmnedby Ric II CPR,1377-81,170. burgesses) Sir JohnGarnboun L10 Wallingford I June1363 BPR,iv, 496. 20 Chester 20 Nov. 1363 BPR,iii, 453; Danycl marks Sir John 1374/5 SM72110.

'100238 Comwall 20 Nov. 1362, BPR,ii, 198-9; JohnKcntwo& 10marks Still 1375/6 SC6/812/14. BertramSt Omer L40+ 50s.239 Chester 4 June1363 BPR,HL 458. Stratton, 10 Cornwall 5 June1363 John nikki BPR H,202. yeoman Confirmedby Ric.II , Sir JohnHcnxteworth LIO Reccivcr-Gcncral 31 July 1363 BPR,iv, 534. L100240 Chester I Aug. 1363 BPR,iiL 462; Hampton Sir Ilomas 1371/2 SC6n7215. 10 Wallingford 5 Feb. 1364 Simon marks BPR iv 522 552. Lcngucnhulf4l 72s.6d. 4 May 1365 , , , 100s. Rcccivcr-gcncral. 5 Feb. 1364 BPR,iv, 522; Crayc John Cornwall 1375/6 SC6/812/14.

John MontiWOW42 L50 Cheshire 20 Feb. 1364 BPR,iii, 465.

243 L20 Cornwall 28 Feb. 1364, BPR,H, 206; William Unche Still 1366/7 SC6/812/10. [Chester] Nov. 1363, 244 Ches.Recog. Rolls, Danie1 2d /d 14May 1364, John . ay. 135;SC6n7215. 1369/70

236 Retained "for certain affairs" 237 from Confirmedby RichardH and notedas being f4O (15 Dec. 1363)+ 40 marksfi-om Exeter and 100marks northWales for the keepingof Beaumaris'castle, 22 Mar. 1378,CPA 1377-81,153-4. 238 Paymentfor captureof Philip of Valois at Poitiers.To be paid until L 1,14613 s. 4d. paicLRansom was 2,000 marks,f 186 13s. 4d. was paid out of the wardrobe.On 20 June 1362 he receivedL25, BPA iv, 442. 239 50s.-for his vesture",Ches. Recog. Rolls, 367. 240 Arrearsto be paid by Lacy or "to makehim an assignmentto receivesaid sumby the handsof MasterJohn de Bnmham,chamberlain of Cestre".By adviceof Staffordand Delves, 14 May 1365,BPR, iv, 554-5. 241 Grantmade after "having beenmaimed in the prince's service." Ile also receiveda life grantof the office of Fate-keeperof Wallingford castlewith 2d. a day wages+ fee,4 May 1365,BPR, iv, 552. 7.42Marshal of the hall. Confirmedby Richard, 1376n, Ches.Recog. RoILY, 356. 243 He alsoreceived the keepingof Liskeardmanor during pleasure. 244 Archer.Initially grantedunspecified pension. 166' Sir Henrydel Haye L20 Aylesbury 20 May 1364 BPR,iv, 529. Hugh Strctcley 100s. Wallingford 24 May 1364 BPR,iv, 527. L40 Cornwall& 31 May 1364; BPR,ii, 206; JohnTrivet , yeoman 100marks Fordington 1366/7;2 Oct. 1370 SC6/81VIO;CPR, & knight manor =200marks 1377-81,237. 20 Comwall& 19 June1364, marks BPR H 211; L20 Devon , GeoffreyHarnelyn 1375/6 SC6/812/14, 10marks . L40 Cornwall 5 Aug. 1364, L46 13s.4d. BPR, ii, 208; Sir Lewis Clifford SC6/812/10;812/14; 100 marks I Sept. 1368 + 000 CPR, 1377-81,157. 20 marks Chester 28 July 1364 Ches.Recog. Rolls, 85; Sir William Longendalc 10 Apr. 1368 BPR, fiiý 473; SC6/ 245 C,Ifington manor, Still 1371/2 772/5; Ches.Recog. 40 marks Chester Rolls, 495. VO Advowrics 13 July 1357 246 of Sir Richard MascY Chester. Ches.Recog. Rolls, 50 marks Chamberlainof I Mar. 1365 328; BPR, iii, 477. Chester

William LIO Chester I Mar. 1365 247 BPR iii 475-6. Grcncway, , , LIO Chester. 2 May 1365 BPR, iii, 477. John Farendon248 , North Wales (5 June 1365) CPR, 1377-81,195.

Sir Geoffrey L40 [Chester] 6 June 1365 CamdenMisc, wdi, 49 Warburtoný 80.

Sir Hugh CaIvCleY 200 marks Ches.Recog. Rolls, 80, ? Cornwall 1366/7 Kcndale SC6/812110,12. John 13s.4d.? 1368/9

50 marks Cornwall 1366/7 Florak SC6/812110,14. Thomas L40 1375/6

ThomasKendale 10 marks Cornwall 1366n SC6/812/10. L40 Cornwall II Feb. 1366 CPR, 1377-81,190. Peter Cusance Confirmedby Ric. H

L50 Chester 27 Jan. 1367 1377-81,382. John Sandes CPR, Confirmedby Ric. II L50 Chester 27 Jam 1367 John Alcyn CPR, 1377-81,382. 1 1 , Confirmedby Ric. H ,_I

245 William was appointed steward of Langendale in 1368, Ches. Recog. Rolls, 85. 246 Theinitial grantwas for serviceat Poitiershe was later retainedfor life. 247 Retainedfor life in peaceand war. 248 Grantmade since Farendon was incapableof servingthe princedue to "a diseaseof the eyes". 249 Retainedwith two esquires.

167 100 marks Newportmanor & I Oct. 1367; Chester, CamdenAfisc, xxxii, Sir AubreyVcreo LIOO Cornwall; 80-1,n. 105;CPR, L140 Cornwall& 31 Aug 1369; 1377-81,161. L150 Wallingford 22-3 July 1375.

401g. Constableof 23 Sept. 1367 ChandosHcrald, Life of John Cresswell Bordeaux the Black Pfince, cd. Popeand Lodge, 244.

Sir Baldwin E40 Coventry I Oct. 1367 Camdenkfisc, xxxiL Bcrefor&51 81. L40 Chester 6 Nov. 1367 Sir Richard CPR, 1377-81,155. Abbe 252 L40 Chester 6 Nov. 1367 Ches.Recog. Rolls, Robert Roos253 Sir Still 1369nO 408; SC6n7215.

L40 Chester 6 Nov. 1367, Sir Gerard Ches.Recog. Rolls, 5 1; Still 1369/70, SCM7215. Braybrook234 Conflu-medby Ric. H E40 Chester 6 Nov. 1367. Ches.Recog. Rolls, William TborPe255 Sir 1369nO 470; SC6/772/5.

L40- Chester 6 Nov. 1367 Ches.Recog. Rolls, GolofrC256 Sir John Confirmedby Ric. H 201; SM72110.

LIM Chester 10 Nov. 1367 Ches.Recog. Rolls, dc la Warrc Roger 1369nO 142; SC6/772/5-

L50 Cornwall; 11 Nov. 1367; 189 257 Sir Peter CourtcnaY + L50 Cornish stannary 8 Sept. 1369. CPR, 1377-81, - Confi.rmcd by Ric H John Burley L40 South Wales 17 Nov. 1367 CPR, 1377-81,197. L26258 Chester 18 Nov. 1367. Ches.Recog. Rolls, Sir Walter Urswyk L40 1369/70 278; SC6/772/5-

250 Retainedfor life in peaceand war. He was paid L40 as constable and steward of Wallingfordand St Vallery. LIOwas later granted to payhis deputy.The grants were confirmed by Richard,15 Feb. 1377, Ches. Recog. Rolls,494 gives the date of theinitial (50marks) grant as 31 Oct. 1369,to bepaid from the Chester exchequer. 251 Retainedfor life with two esquires.Confirmed by RichardII, granttransferred in 1394/5to manorsof Fortingtonand Clarendon, CPA 1377-81,209- 10. 252 Retainedwith two esquires.Confirmed by Richardwith grantof manorsof Ilelston-in-Triggand South Teign JohnSully asfirst masterto princeof Wales,18 May 1377.Granted Delamere forest for life rentfree but to pay E20as granted by theBlack Prince, CTR, 1377-81,23. 253 Retainedfor life to serveat all timesand in timeof warwith two shields. 254 Retainedwith two esquires. 255 Retainedfor life to servein warwith two shields. 256 Retainedfor life with two shields.On 30 July 1390he was appointedsheriff of Flintshire,constable of the castlethere and raglot of thecounty, Ches. Recog. Rolls, 20 1. 257 Confirmedby RichardH. On25 Nov. 1383the king replacedthe separate grants with a singlesum of L100. 258 Grantfor beingbearer of thenews of thesafe delivery of theprince's niece. Richard, prince of Wales confirmedthe E20 grant on I Mar. 1377,Cal, Recog. Rolls, 48 1. 168 Sir Reginald 40 marks Chester 18 Nov. 1367 Ches.Recog. Rolls. wyns259 Confirmedby Ric. 11 322.

200 marks Montgomery + Spain Aquitaine John Devereux and CPR 1377-81 27-8 Builth castle Confirmedby Ric. H , , Richard Taunton L20 Cornwall 1368/9 SC6/812/12.

Sir Philip L50 Cornish 8 Scpt 1369 stannary CPR, CoUrtCnaY260 1377-81,246.

E50 Cornwall & 1368/9261 Sir Edward Berkeley f SC6/812/12. ,40 Devon 5 marks Chester I Jan. 1368 Ches.Recog. Rolls, Roger Swctcnham L40 1369/70 461; SC6n7215.

40 Cornwall 20 Aug. 1368 Angctil Malory marks CPR, 1377-81,172. Confirmedby Ric. H 10 marks Lordship 26 Oct. 1368 Ches.Recog. Rolls, Walter atte MU02 of Moston 356.

263 L20 Wallingford I June 1370 Thomas Aldrington CPR, 1377-81,195. castle Sir Roger Mascy L20 Chester 1369no SC6n7215.

Robert Mascy 110 Chester 1369nO, 1375 SC6n7215,10.

Thomas Chand!W64 L18 5s. Chester 1369nO SC6n7215.

Sir Thomas L40 Caernarfon 5 Oct. 1371 CamdenMisc, xxxiL Guysine' 85.

Sir William L40 Caernarfon 5 Oct. 1371 266 CPR, 1377-81,249. Wasteneys Sir StephenHales 100 marks Cornwall 13 Nov. 1372 CPR, 1377-81,413. L40 Cacniarfon 30 May David Cradock 1373 CPR#1377-81,315. Confixmedby Ric. H

Sir Ralph 50 marks [Chester] 8 June 1373 Ches.Recog. Rolls, DavcnportF67 137.

Richard HamptoW68 20 marks Middlewich 8 June 1373 CPR, 1377-81,169.

259Confirmed by Richard,24 Feb.1377. 260 11Nov. 1377,transferred to Cornishand Devon revenue. Surrendered on 26 July 1393when Philip and his wife,Agnes, were granted E200 annually. 261 Theconfirmation by RichardII datesthe grant from 30 Nov. 1371,Cpjt 1377-81,232. 262 Confirmedby Richardas prince of Walesand king, 22 Mar. 1378,ibid., 194. 263 Householdservant Richard's yeoman. Grant made "in considerationof his havingbeen often wounded in the r64.ncels service. ' Constableof Chestercastle. 265 Retainedwith oneesquire. Confirmed, 5 May 1379,CPJt 1379-81,345. 266 Retainedwith oneesquire. I July 1389the payment was transferred to Worcestcr. 267 Retainedwith oneesquire. Ile alsoreceived custody of Flint castle.Confirmed by Richard,29 June1382. 269 Chandos'esquire became Richard's esquire. 15 Feb. 1377 received Tintagel castle and 10 marks and became havenerof Devonand Cornwall with six marksa yearand held the offices of pesageof tin andkeeper of Lostwithielgaol, CPA 1377-81,618-- 169 floo Conway 8 Apr. 1374 Sir Edward St John castle CPR, 1377-81 230. Confirmedby Ric. H ,

John Charriels LIO Cornwall 1375/6 SC6/812/14. LIO Cornwall; 8 Dec. 1371; Henry Kirkstede +5 marks Lynn toll I Oct. 1375 CPR, 1377-81,171. Confirmedby Ric. H

Robert Mathol 46s. 8d. Cornwall 1375/6 SC6/812/14.

John Cary 10 marks Cornwall 1375/6 SC6/812/14. Fulk? Corbct L20 Cornwall 1375/6 SC6/812/14.

John Bretony 46s. 8d. Cornwall 1375/6 SC6/812/14. . DO Cornwall 6 Apr. 1375 John Mo CPR, 1377-81,172. rganesq. Confirmedby Ric. H

Roland Dcstrich 10 marks Cornwall 1375/6 SC6/812/14.

William Cody 10 marks Cornwall 1375/6 SC6/812/14.

50 marks [Chester] 28 Mar. 1373 Ches.Recog. Rolls, John MascyZ9 Sir 329.

Sir Nicholas 50 marks [Chester] 6 May 1373 Ches.Recog. Rolls, Vernon270 495.

L20 Sutton town Ches.Reeog. Rolls, StandiSle7l Ralph 443.

Simon Burley LIM Carmarthen 26 Sept. 1375 CPR, 1377-81,223.

L20 Whitchurch 5 June 1376 William Drayton CPR, 1377-81,212. manor LIO Advowries 5 June 1376 Ches.Recog. Rolls, Scolehalf 72 of John Chester 423.

L10 [Chester] Confirmed 25 Feb. Ches.Recog. Rolls, Roger Cogshall 1377 115. 1

No or uncertaindate:

JohnEsquet, 50 marks,replaced with L20from Chester,CPR, 1377-81,535 DavidHulgreve, L40, Chester,ibid, 492,confirmed, 6 June1380. NicholasSamesfield, 150 marks, confirmed, 22 Mar. 1378,! bid, 163.50marks granted 5 June1376, alreadyin receiptof 100marks from Mcrioncth. BernardDalcm, L400 from BlackMoney, Aquitaine, wine customs,ibid, 191, Du Gucsclinransom annuities: William Berland,500 marks(until L1,42714s. 6d. paid),north Wales, II July 1371,ibid, 199;Thomas Chcyne, 500 marks, (until 0,483 6s. 8d. paid),south Wales, 20 JulY1371, ibid, 2 10.

269 Retainedto servethe prince at all timeswith oneesquire. Confirmed by Richard25 Feb. 1377. 270 Retainedfor life and in war with oneesquire. Confirmed by Richard,25 Feb. 1377. 271 After Edward'sdeath the annuitywas assignedto Standish'smother, 16 Feb. 1378,Ches. Recog. Rolls, 443. 272 He becameescheator of Cheshireand stewardof the foreign courtsthere on 26 Mar. 1365and on 14 June 1367,sheriff of Chester,Ches. Recog. Rolly, 423. Annuity confirmedby Richard28 Feb. 1377. 170 Household and "Sustenance" Annuities

William le ! =s - 2d./day Cardiganshire 16 Mar. 134773 BPR, i, 58 Gilbert Strattonf LIO Chester By 8 Aug. 1347 BPR i 109 Eh- Margaret Tranemol ViVday estcr 20 Sept. 1353 BPRP iL 122. John Priour 2d./day Berkhamstedmanor 4 July 1355 BPR, iv, 140 17 Oct. 1359 2d./day BPR, iv, 320,394; John Wersele Wallingford 30 Sept. 1361 3d./day CPR, 1377-81,296. Confirmedby Ric,11 10 William GyleS275 marks Cornwall 14 June 1360 BPR, ii, 170. HOUStiel276 William 3d./day 20 June 1360 BPR, W, 352. 20 marks (+ _ William Blackwatcr277 40s. for Receivcr-Ge,ncral 10 July 1362 BPR, iv, 454. -' clothing) ! ýunys Marion Id/day 13 Au& 1362 BPR, iv, 465. I Life Eston William Cleidon 2d./day grant,of park 18 Scpt.1362 BPR,iv, 468. andwarrcn RalphAckcs 6d/day Wardrobe 9 Nov. 1362 BPR,iv, 479. 278 JoanWilleye 100s. Wallingford II Nov. 1362 BPR,iv, 479. ThomasDene " 2d./day Wallingford 15Nov. 1362 BPR iv 480 ' ' * Robertdel Heth 2d./day Berkhamsted 5 Feb.1363 BPR,iv, 484. Johnle Clerc Ches.Recog. Rolls, of 2d./day Chester 24 May 1363 Tuttcbury 110. ThomasBiflect 2d./day Byflect manor 24 May 1363 BPR iv 495. William Gorman 2d./day Wallingford 24 May 1363 BPR9ivq 495. Chcylesmore StacyWisman 3d./day manor& Coventry 9 June1363 BPR,iv, 501. HenryKcvcrcl 2d./day Receiver-Gcneral 28 Aug, 1363 BPR,iv, 504. 3d./day WalterCanoun Cornwall I Feb. 1364 BPR,ii, 205; L4 Us. 3d. 1365,1375/6 SC6/812/10,14. BPR,ii, 206;CPR, _ William Wrotham?20 10marks Cornwall 1 Feb. 1364 ConfumodbyRic. 11 1377-81,326. 81 Wardrobe 5 Feb. 1364 William Halc? 2d./day BPR,iv, 522. Wallingford I Oct. 1364 7ZZ WalterPayn 2d./day Bvfleet manor 20 May 1364 BPR,iv, 527. RichardWatfore' t 2d/day Bcrkhamsted 20 May 1364 BPR,iv, 527. oos. Exchequer 16Mar. 1365 I BPR,iv,;, lg

273 Ile original grant was made by Edward III. 274 The prince's wardrober. 275 Yeoman of the buttery. He also received the office of under-forester of the chase of Dartmoor. 276 Yeoman of the pantry. 277 Prince's physician. 278Former laundress. 279 Yeomanof the saucery. 280 Yeomanof the kitchen. 281 Groomof the bakehouse. 282 Groomof thescullery, gift of l3s.- 4d. towards his outfit for themove to Aquitainein 1363,BPR. iv, 496.The he annuitywas granted since "canno longerserve the prince in Aquitainebecause of a grievoussickness". Despitethis hewas still alivein 1378when the grant was confumed by Richard,CM 1377-81,194. 283 "hasnow become feeble through old age" 284 Yeomanof buttery,grant for fiitureservice.

171 William HarpelCY285 100 Cheshire 3 Apr. 1365 marks Confirmcdby Ric. 11 CPR 1377-81460. - , , JohnB0 r Un286 2d./day Wallingford 4 May 1365 BPR,iv, 552. NicholasAdamN7 - 10marks Berkhamsted 22 June1365 BPR,iv, 558. JohnChelmcsford 2d./day Recciver-Gcncral 28 Aug. 1365 BPR.iv, 561. Stcphcregg 5 marks I LIO Cothigharnmanor I Sept.1365 BPR,iv, 561-2. RichardCodingtoe9 2d./day_ Wardrobe 8 Sept.1365 BPR,iv, 561. JohnGrCY290 100s. Cornwall 5 Feb.1366 Confirmedby Ric. 11 CPR,1377-81,249. ThomasBcnschcf L20 Bcrkhamstcd 5 Mar. 1366 Confirmedby Ria 11 CPR,1377-81,169. SimonNottingbaxe 11/2d/day Coventry 21 Nov. 1367 Confirmedby Ric. 11 CPR,1377-81,293. William Halle?92 2d/day Wallingrord I Oct. 1368 CPR,1377-81,201- Confirmedby Ric. 11 2. SimonUngenhull 10 Wallingford 3 Oct. 1368 marks Confirm 11 CPR,1377-81,163. -Ric, WalterMerle 10 Muston 26 Oct. 1368 marks Confirmedby Ric. 11 CPR,1377-81,194.

293 LIO Cornish 8 Dec. 1371 Walwayn stannary CPR,1377-81,196, Philip LIO Cannarthen 12M ar. 1372 Confirmedby Rie- II 25 RichardWiltshire, L20' Devon 8 Dec. 1371 esq. starmary Confirmedby Ric. 11 CPR,1377-81,374. 10 marks + 8 Dec. 1371 CPR 1377-81193- LambertFenner 10marks + Cornwall 11 Aug. 1374 , , 4. 66s.8d. 5 June1376 Anne LatirnCj194 E20 Caernarfon 8 Feb. 1372 CPR,1377-81,234. _ Rogeratte Gate LIO Althurstmanor Cheshire20 Feb.1372 CPR,1377-81,548. ThomasTroghfore 2d./day Berkhamsted 21 May 1372 CPR.1377-81,159. Confirmed by Ria 11 2d./day 26 Oct. 1372 Tyle296 Byflect CPR,1377-81,214, Thomas LIO 5 June1376 Confirmedby Ric, 11 216. 10 297 24 Jan.1374 RotclynDostry marks Cornwall CPR,1377-81,228. +5 5 June1376 marks Confirmedby RiQ 11

285 yeoman,Richard's esquire. 3 Feb. 1381granted Hellwell manor,Lincs, and Strcttonmanor, Rutland, valued at L40 3s.2d, part of 100marks grant CPP, 13,77-81,595. 286 Lateporter of Wallingford castle,lost office dueto "bodily weaknesel. 287 yeomanof the "porterie". 18 Oct 1366,granted keeping of honourof Berkhamsted.confirmed by Richard, ibid., 194. 288 Yeomanof the princess'wardrobe. 289 Yeomanof the catery. 290 7 June1376, re-appointed rider of forestof Delamerewith 3d. a day wages.He had beenremoved from off ice b Delvesduring the period of the principality of Aquitaine. 2ZI At this time he receiveda housein Cheylesmoreas well as an unspecifiedgrant made in Calais. 292 Groomof the bakery. 293 Usherof the hall, RichardH' esquire.The 2d grant wasexchanged on 28 June 1378for Ashurstmanor. 294 ,s Broughtnews of Richard's birth to the prince. 295 Life grantof keepingof Berkhamstedpark and its venisonwith 2d. a day wages. 296 Butler andparker of Byfleet. 19 June 1366,granted Taverne ferry, CPA 1377-81,236. 297 1he prince'sand Richard'syeoman and keeperof Restormelcastle.

172 ' 11 Aug, 1374 SC6/812/13;CPR, Nicholas Pcgcý98 10 Devon marks stannary Confirmedby Ric 11 1377-81,168. _ _ 40 Devon 11 Aug. 1374 CPR, Edmund Noonýý marks stannary Confirmod by Rim 11 1377-81,373. LIO Wallingford I May 1375 CPR, 1377-81,173. Richard Exton Confirmed by Ria It 66s. 8d. Wallingford I May 1375 CPR, 1377-81,191. William Wyke300 Confirmod by Ria If Sept. /day Wallingford 10 1375 CPR, 1377-81,238. Tboma.-; Hatficld3ol 2d. Confirined by Ria 11 5 June 1376 Roger Hurs e02 2d/day Wallingford CPR, 1377-81,199. Confirmed by Ria 11 5 June 1376 William Harcwcll 303 2d./day Berkhamstcd CPR, 1377-81,199. Confinned by a 11 10 Bcrkhmsted 5 June 1376 CPR, 1377-81,160. William WigmorOO4 marks confirmed by RiQ 11 100s. Berkhamsted 5 June 1376 CPR, 1377-81,160. John Wishele3o Confirmed by Ria 11 5 June 1376 CPR, 1377-81,227, Kcndale306 L10 Wallingford Thomas Confrmed by Ric. 11 497-8. 5 June 1376 John Campe 66s. 8d. Wallingford CPR. 1377-81,248. Confirmed by Ria. 11 66s. 8d. Wallingford 5 June 1376 CPR, 1377-81,248. John Bastard Confirmed by Ria 11 66s. 8d. Wallingford 5 June 1376 CPR, 1377-81,246. John Warde Confirmed by Ric 11 1376 66s. 8d. Wallingford 5 June CPR, 1377-81,544. John Clement Confirmed by Ria 11 5 June 1376 Snel 100s. Wallingrord CPR, 1377-81,246. William Confwmed by Ric 11 66s. 8d. Wallingford 5 June 1376 CPR, 1377-81,246. Oliver Martin Confirmed by Ric, 11 5 June 1376 CPR, 1377-81,225- Robert Bracy 307 L10 Risborough Confwrnod by Ric. 11 6. 5 June 1376 John LcukcnorOm 40s. Risborough CPR, 1377-81,214. mill Conrwrned by c. 11 5 June 1376 CorbY309 15 Bradninch CPR, 1377-81,228. William marks Conrwrned by Ric. 11 June 1376 CatcwY L10 Cornwall 5 CPR, 1377-81,425. Lawrence 1 1 Confirmed by Ric. It

298 Yeomanof the chamber,Richard's esquire. Also received confirmationsof offices of controllerof winesof 1370). prise,wrek of seaand coket,bailiff of Blackmore(30 June 1361),water bailiff of Dartmouth(I Jan. 299 Esquireof the chamber,Richard's esquire. On I Oct 1375he was grantedthe bailiwick of the water of Wiggenhale. 300 Yeomanof thekitchen. 301 Chamberservant also received keeping of Nettlebedwood. 302 Yeomanof thechamber, Richard's , servitor". 16 Aug. 1375,granted Shilllingford ferry. 5 June1376 appointedporter of Wallingfordcastle. M Groomof thewardrobe. Amuity waswages as Porter of Berkharnstedcastle. 304Richard's "servitoe' 305 Servitor,, 306 Whisley Messengerto the prince and Richard. It was probably granted earlier and transferred in 1376 from manor. 307 Richard's porter, grant transferred to Drakelowe and Rudheath. 308 , Richard's "servitoe, Parker of Risborough, I Feb. 1369. 309 Yeoman of the prince and Richard. After the grant to Sully he received L 10 from Cornwall until Bradninch becamemore profitable. 173 5 June 1376 Richard Meaws, csq. LIOO? Cornwall CPR, 1377-81 396. Confirmedby Ria 11 , 5 June 1376 John Stratton 10 marks Cornwall CPR, 137 7-81,3 4 7. Confirmodby Ric. 11 5 June 1376 William Norton LIO Chcylesmore CPR, 1377-81 201. Confirmedby Ric 11 , 5 June 1376 StynauxTydryk LIOO? Caernarfon CPR, 1377-81 201. Confwmedby Ria It , 5 June 1376 William Joce L100? Lynn tollbooth CPR, 1377-81,340. I Confirmedby Ria 11 1 1376 John Hci? ' 01 40s. Rising Mill 5 June CPR, 1377-81,245. Confirmedby Ric I 1

No or uncertaindate:

Wilkyn,groom of theldtchcn, 2d. a day,confirmed by Ric. H, 22Mai 1378,CPR, 1377-81,208. JohnBreton, ycoman of thechamber, 5 maft fiom Wallingfordand St Vallery,CPR, 1377-81,247. JohnRemington, LIO, Wallingford & St Valley,CPR, 1377-81,214. CokFcrrour, 10 marks, Macclesfield, CPR, 13 77-81,225.

310 Groomof thechamber. Porter of CastleRising, appointed 27 June 1374. 174 6

Parliament, Politics'and Diplomacy

Unlike Johnof Gaunt,the Black Princehas rarely been viewed, either by

contemporariesor later commentators,as a political animal. It also appearsthat his retinue

wasnot shapedwith suchinterests in mind.The reason for this canbe attributedto thetimes

in whichthey were fonned as well asthe preoccupationsof thosewho createdthem. The

BlackPrince was seven when war wasdeclared and he becameheir apparentto thethrones

of Englandand France. At 16he won his spursand was given the glory for the triumphat

Crecy.Membership of the Orderof the Garter,the stunningvictory at Poitiersand finally the

of the principalityof Aquitainefollowed. The rise anddevelopment of the prince's 4ý-grant-- retinuemirrored the successesof the Englishin France.Thus the retinuewas a chivalricand

military ordernot a politicalorganisation, in so far asthey canbe distinguishedfrom each

other.Parliaments at thetime tendedto be compliantand supportive and there was little need to exertinfluence in the Commonsbeyond the naturalauthority of the royal family and

Houseof Lords.The prince'spolitical life andthe concernsof his retinueinvolved matters

of personallordship and the controlof local society,the extractionof revenueand provision

of military support.This wasnot so for Gauntwhose power-base was moulded by his politicalconcerns at homeand dynastic ambitions abroad. The Black Princebelieved that

oneday he would be king andon his coronationhis retinuewould be augmentedwith his father'sretainers, officials and servants. The retinue was a dynamicassociation, constantly

changingto meetthe military demandsthe princeplaced on it andabsorbing members from theestates to whichthe princewas given title. Gauntsought a crownelsewhere and his

affinitywas shaped with that objectin mind.The changingfortunes of war andincreasing 175 independenceof the Commonsalso shaped the Lancastrianaffinity. Thesewere forces to whichthe prince's retinue was only briefly exposed.However, whether it wasa direct concernof the princehimself or of his ruling councilor if it wasa coincidenceand consequenceof the prince'sstanding and that of his retainers,it is the casethat heand his followerswielded considerable political authoritynot only in the localitiesand at courtbut alsoin parliament.

Thepolitical communityexpanded at both a local andnational level andin termsof numbersand social diversity in EdwardIII's reign.The developmentof a self-defined gentry, extendedpolitical society as did the acceptanceof mercantile,municipal and legal classeswithin the polity. Socialgradations were becoming more intricate and the developing yeomanryand other members of the peasantelite alsohad a partto play in political society.

TheBlack Prince's influence at Westminsterwas curtailed by the anomalousparliamentary positionsof Cheshireand Wales. He washowever, to haveconsiderable authority at this lower level.He wasalso very influentialat court,which despitethe burgeoningpower of parliament,remained the centreof highpolitics.

Many of the prince'sretainers and servants had direct links to the courtan in many casesserved the king personally.Thus, whilst the princewas a very valuablesource of patronageand a conduitto theking, in a numberof casesthere was already a link between thecourt and members of the prince'sretinue. Such associations are demonstrated through his witnesslists. Members of the peeragewere close confidants of the monarchand also son.

Theseincluded Ralph Basset of Drayton,Bartholomew Burghersh, elder and younger, Hugh

Courtenayand Edward Despenser who all witnessedEdward III's charters.' During the minorityof RichardH, formerretainers of the Black Princewere themselves placed in

I ChrisGivcn-Wilson, "Royal Charter Witness ListS", Medieval Prosopography 12: 2 (1991),65-71. 176 positionsof greatinfluence at court.This was not alwaysto their benefit.The (undue) influenceexerted by SimonBurley aschamberlain brought about his execution.Thomas

Trivet,Nicholas Dagworth and William Elmhamwere also targets of the Appellantsin

1387-8 The the to it a major political issue.3 .2 court remained political centreand access Richard'sfavouritism contrasted with his grandfather'sinclusive policy which incorporated manymember's of his son'sretinue.

Theprince also sought to secureinfluence in the royal courtsof law andretained professionaljudges to controland exploit his rightsthroughout his lands.He alsoattempted to exertleverage at theking's exchequer.Soon after he reachedhis majoritythe prince 4 retainedHugh Appleby, remernbrancer of the royal exchequer,at 40s.a year. RalphHull servedfor a long time asthe prince'sattorney and agent in the exchequer5and the prince's interestthere expanded considerably in the latermonths of 1361.This mayhave been after planswere put into effectfor the establishmentof the principalityof Aquitaineand the princewished to ensurethat heretained some influence in the exchequerwhilst overseas.

Fromat leastMichaelmas 1361 Roger Charwalton, a remembrancerof the exchequer,was in receiptof a yearlyfee of 60s.as was William Hauleywho waspaid 40s. More importantly,

William Skipwith,then chief baron the exchequer,was granted I 00s.a yearat the same time.The princealso made a gift of 40s.to theushers of the exchequeron 29 January1362.

Thesemeasures May have been undertaken to expeditethe grantinvolved with thetransfer

6 to Aquitaineor to ensurea measureof controlwhile the princewas abroad. Howeverhis

2 AnthonyGoodman, The Loyal Conspiracy,London, 1971,41. 3 Ormrod,Political Life, 23. The formerretainers and associates of the Black Pzincewho held importantpositions at courtare again notable in the witnesslists to royal charters.Hugh Stafford,I jugh Seagrave,Michael de la Pole,John Dcvercux,Aubrey Vere, Richard Stafford and others are all evidentas witnesses, Given-Wilson, loc. cit., table6. 4 22 Dec. 1351. BPR, iv, 36. 5 See20 Jam1361, ibid., 370-1. 6 ihid., 414.

177 interestswere maintained chiefly through the actionsof PeterLacy. He receivedan increase in wagesfrom 5s.to 7s.a dayto payfor a clerkand to coverhis expensesin the king's chanceryand exchequer on 9 June1363.7 Furthermore, John Weye, a clerkof the exchequer, received20s. and the gift of a doeto payfor his expensesin goingto Cornwall"to affeerthe estreatsof the saidExchequer there, the profit of which belongsto the prince."8 William

Fulbum was rewardedwith 50s. for prosecutingthe prince's businessin king's exchequeron

15April 1364.9The exchequer was not the only royal administrativeoffice wherethe prince maintainedindividuals. Michael Ravendale provided a link to the chancery.As a clerkthere ' 0 he was grantedan annualfee of 20s.just prior to the prince's departureto Aquitaine.

Parlia-m-e-nA

Theimportance of Parliamentdeveloped in accordancewith the fiscaldemands of theHundred Years War. Attentionis oftendrawn to the burgeoningauthority of the

Commonsbut this is not to saythat the high nobility wasdistanced from parliamentor from " politicaldebate. Theking's advisorswere drawn from a broadcross section of military and politicalsociety. In a sense,the Black Princewas a part of the newnobility raisedto prominenceby EdwardIII. This wasnot only in a literal senseof beingthe first English duke,created in March 1337at the sametime as six new earls,and later Prince of Aquitaine, butalso in thathe formed the most important element in thenew cadre of nobleswho supportedEdward in his aggressiveforeign policy., The expansionof the peerageensured the

7 ibid., 500. 83 Feb.1364, ibid., 521. 9 ibid., 526. 10Mchael=s 1361, ibid., 459. 11 Omirod,op cit, 32. 178 supportof the Houseof Lordsfor the king sincemany of the peerswere dependent on royal favour.12 In 1341there were 53 lay peers,this roseto 60 by 1377.During foreigncampaigns thenumber attending parliament could be muchlower than this. Absence from parliament wassaid to imply consentbut the king waskeen to ensurehis peersattended. A few formal exonerationswere granted but, in the main,Edward 1H demanded the personalsupport of his nobles.It was not always forthcoming and was particularlyapparentin the parliamentof

November1355 although this waspredominately due to absenceson military service.13 In additionto the earlsand dukes, the king summoned61 new mento parliament.They had not beensummoned before and nor hadtheir fathersor grandfathersand were dependent on the king for their new-foundposition. 14 For example,in the parliamentsof Januaryand March

1348of the 30 lay magnateswho weresummoned four hadnever before received parliamentarywrits. Theywere Reginald Cobham, Thomas Bradeston, Thomas Dagworth 15 andWalter Manny all ofwhom haddistinguished war records. This consciouspolicy of promotioncontinued with the elevationto thepeerage of RalphStafford in 135 1. Michael de la Poleappeared for the first time in parliamentin 1366.Richard Stafford was summoned in

1371and Guichard d'Angle, as earl of Huntingdon,in 1377.16Furthermore, Burghersh and 17 Manny,both mere knights at thetime, wereraised to be membersof the Council.

Many of thosesummoned to parliamentwere closely associated with the prince.It wasin the lordsthat, to anextent, his "tenurial" parliamentaryinfluence was offset through

12 Hugh Courtenayreceived the earldom of Devon two years earlier on 22 Feb. 1335. 13 J.S. Roskell, "The Problem of the Attendance of the Lords in Medieval Parliaments", BI11R,xxix (1956), 155, 168. 14 JamesBothwell, "Edward III and the 'New Nobility: Largesse and Limitation in Fourteenth Century England", MIR, 112 (1997), 1112. 15 J. Enoch Powell and Keith Wallis, The House ofLo?ds in'the LaterAfiddle Ages: A 11isjory of the English House of Lords to 1540,London, 1968,355. 16 ibid., 365,369,381. 17 From 1351-6Burghersh spent an averageof 177 days a year on council business.I Ic also held a number of administrativeoffices and was generouslypaid 20s. a day, Scott L. Waugh, Englxxl in the Reign ofEdwani III, 179 the summonsof mensuch as James Audley of Heleghand Reginald Grey. In addition,there

wasthe newand established peerage with links to the prince,Robert Ufford, RalphStafford,

RichardFitzAlan and representatives of the Bohun,Beauchamp, Courtenay, Clinton and

Montaguefamilies. 18 The prince himself was first summonedto the February-March

Parliamentof 135 1. During his adultlifetime 21 parliamentsand great councils were called

(1351-76).Place-date evidence from the Register qfBlackPrince indicatesthe likelihood of

his presenceat a numberof these,although the usualcaution associated with suchdata must

betaken-15'The prince's campaigning in 1355-7and his laterresidency in Aquitainewould

only allow him to participatein perhapsnine assemblies,including the council of August

1352.The prince may havereturned from Cheshirein time to attendthe council of 23

12 October 135320 During the 28 April- 20 May 1354he spent September- . parliament of

time at ByfleetýLondon andPoplar and thereforecould have beenpresent at someor all of

1357 the meeting.The parliamentsof 23 - 30 November 1355 and 17 April - 8/16 May took April 1357, placeduring the prince's time as lieutenantin Aquitaine. He left Bordeaux on II

21 arrived at Plymouth on 5 May and at London on 24 May. It seemsvery likely that the 1360,24 princetook part in the next three parliaments, 5 '27 February 1358,15 May -?

1361 he is have beenin London, Lambeth Westminster January- 18 February as saidto and

Cambridge,1991,194. 18 Thomas otherssummoned to parliamentwith links to the princeincluded; the abbotof St Albans,Ralph Basset Berkeley?,Thomas Bmdeston, Burghersh father and son, John Carleton, Reginald Cobham, Edward D`csPcnser, William &Eyncourt,William Fifith, JohnFitzWalter, Thomas Furnivall, Ilenry Green,Roger Ilillary, Warin, Peter Gerardand Robert del Isle?,Wilharn Kerdeston,John Knyvet, William Latimer?,Thomas Lodelowe?, Mowbmy,John Mohun?, Molyns, Michaeldo la Majory,Walter Manny, John John JohnNeville?, Ilenry Pcrc-y? , Shareshull,William Stonor,John Polo,Thomas Roos?, John Seagrave, Skipwith,Ilugh Stafford,Richard StalTord , Stretele,Gilbert Talbot William Thorp,Thomas Ughtred, Roger la Warre,John Willoughby d'EresbY and Richard Councils Willoughby,Wilharn Dugdale, A PerfectCopy of all S ummonsof theArobility cmd Genhy to theGreat and Parliamentsofthe Reabnfi-omthe xfix qfKing Henry until thesePresent Times, London, 1885. 19 O. SaYlcsdrCW Theprince's participation in the 1351parliament was noted4 BPR, iv, 44.1I. G. Richardsonand G. BIIIR, attentionto the distinctionbetween parliaments and great councils, "The Parliamentsof Edwardl1r, viii (1930),65-7. 20 Thiswas called to securethe assentof magnatesand commons on a numberof issuesconcerning the wool trade. 21Dclachenal, Charles V, iL 54. 180 throughout.The prince was in the processof embarldngfor Bordeauxduring the assembly of 13October - 17November 1362 as his letterswere sealed at Plympton.On his return from theprincipality Edward is saidto havebeen closely involved with the counciland parliament.A councilmet 8- 17June 1371 and parliament from 3- 24 November1372 and

21 November- 10December 1373. The prince's illness was too far advancedfor him to participatein the Good Parliamentof 1376.

Theincreasing importance of taxationto fundthe military operationled to a commensuraterise in'theauthority'of the Commons.A strikingcomparison may be drawn between1340 when political remediesfor misgovernmentwere first soughtand 1376when the Commonswere in a positionto launcha full-scaleattack on the king's ministerswith 22 little supportfrom the magnateS."In a fiscal contextat least,there is no doubtthat the

, 223 commonshad taken the leadin parliamentand reduced the lordsto a subordinaterole.

Royaldependence on taxationforced the crowninto political dialoguewith its subjects.

However,control over taxation was rarely an effectiveweapon in a powerstruggle between

17A monarchand subject-

Taxationwas an issuethat alsogreatly affected the lower clergy.Whether the prince hadany influence over this elementin parliament,which hasbeen shown to havebeen " activefor muchlonger than was previously thought, is uncertain. However,particularly in

Wales,the prince may have been able to exerciseconsiderable authority over the

22 MichaelPrestwich, "Parliament and the Communityof the Realmin FourteenthCcntury England! '. Parliament andCommunity, ed. Art Cosgroveand JI McGuire(Ilistofical Studiesxiv), Belfast,1983,14-15. 23Ornirod, Political Life, 33. 24 G.L. Ilarriss,"The Formationof Parliamcn41272-137T, Yhe English Parliament In theAfiddleAges, ed- R-G. Daviesand Ill. Denton,Philadelphia, 1981,42. 25 SeeAK. Mel lardy,"The Representationof the EnglishLower Clergyin ParliamentDuring the LaterFourteenth Century",Sanctity ad Secularity(Studies in ChurchIlistory, 10)ed. D, Baker,Oxford, 1973;Jeffrey H. Denton andJohn P. Dooley,Representatives ofthe Lower Clergv in Parliamen41295-1340, Woodbridge. 1987. 181 26 appointmentof clerical representativesfrom vacant . Suchinfluence would only havebeen limited,, as attendance by the lower clergynever reached double figures after

1340." Membersof the higherclergy also had a parliamentaryrole andthe prince"s influencein parliamentmay have been extended through such individuals.

A numberof the retinuesat as MPs but thereseems to be little evidenceto suggest that the prince was following a deliberatepolicy comparableto that of which Gauntwas accused,namely trying to packthe Commonsfor certainvotes. Those claiming the prince's supportin the GoodParliament only numberedsix. In threesessions, 1358,1365 and 1369, sevenmembers of the retinue sat in the Commons.There do not appearto havebeen any 28 sessionsfrom c.1344 until his deaththat did not containat leastone member of the retinue.

However,some of thesesat in parliamentbefore they had a firm associationwith the prince. 29 Thosesessions when he was best represented were tax grantingparliamentS. But beyond this, parliamentarymembership does not seemto havebeen a majorfactor in recruitmentto theretinue. It maybe arguedthat theprince's authority in the Houseof Lordsand the authorityof his friendsand others of his father'ssupporters was sufficientto influencethe

Commonsas they wished.

Thatthe princehad influence in parliamentis not in doubt.It is moredifficult to judgeif hewas gaining active support through that influenceor if membersof the retinue for wereencouraged to becomeMPs. The highernobility usedpetitions to pressclaims

26 27/1323.It For example,Bangor returned representatives from 1344-57,SCIO/24/1169,1191; 25/1237; 26/1296; waswithout a bishopand in the prince's control in 1357,1366,1375-6,A. 11amiltonThompson, "Medieval WelshDioceses", Journal of theHistorical Societyof the Church in Males,i (1947),90-111. 27 McHardy,loc. cit., 100. 28 Gaunt'sparliamentary representatives were concentrated in a handU of counties.The prinre,s werewidely had few spread.Members of the retinuerepresented at least21 of the 36 countieswho returnedmembers. Gaunt as in asthree and as many as 13Ws in everyparliament from 1372to 1397(five or six in the 1370s,seven Or eight the 1380sand 10-12in the 1390s),Walker, Lancastrian Affinity, 238-9. 29Omirod, FdwardIff, 208-9.

182 lands,franchises and money. The practicedeclined over the period,particularly after 1349 whencommon petitions became more usual. These focussed on war burdens,both purveyanceand military obligations,trade regulations and local government, particularly law andorder. They often took the form of complaintsof maintainingand retaining royal justices,the partialityof oyerand terminer commissions and the readyissue of pardonsto criminalS.30 In all thesethe BlackPrince was a leadingexample of badpractice. Petitions couldbe put forwardor suppressedby the memberor on behalfof another.There is no evidenceof petitionsbeing made directly on the prince'sbehalf but sincethey couldbe Also for later proposedorally no recordmight remain .31 thereare no parliamentaryrolls the partof EdwardIII's reign.The prince was influential among those appointed to try the petitionsand despite the increasingstrictness in admittingpetitions these men continued to be 32In the 1351-2 Shareshull,Roger Hillary RichardWilloughby appointed. parliament and wereselected to try the Englishpetitions and Shareshull, Richard Talbot, Thomas Bradeston 33 Stafforddealt foreign They by HenryGreen in 1354 andRalph with matters. werejoined .

A comparisonwith "Lancastriarf' MPs is somewhatdisingenuous due to the atypical parliamentarypositions of Cheshireand Wales where the prince'sauthority was strongest.

Thushis territorialinfluence in the Commonswas restricted to landsheld of the duchyof

Cornwall.If the princedid wish to haveinfluence in parliamentit wasto be achieved throughthe greater authority which hewielded in the lateryears of his life andthrough havinginfluence over individuals representing areas where he himselfhad little land.

30 flarriss,"Fonmfion of Parliament",50-1. 31 J.R. Maddicott,"Parliament and the Constituencies,1272-1377", Me EnglishParlicanent in iheAfiddleAges,ed R.G. Daviesand J. H. Denton,Philadelphia, 1981,76-7. 32 Richardsonand Sayles,"The Parliamentsof Edward111". pt. 2, BIIJR, ix (1931),34. 33 Rot.ParZ, ii, 236,254.On the role of receiversand auditors of petitionssee Richardson and Sayles,"The King's Nlinistersin Parliamenf',MR, x1vii(1932), 381-2. They suggestthat the receiverswere given "an honoraryoffice to ensuretheir presencein parliament" 183 A surveyof parliamentarymembers throughout the prince'sadult life is usefulbut

still fails to answerthe questionof a deliberate'Vestminster" policy.The presence of a

numberof membersof his retinuein parliamentwas not necessarilythe consequenceof a calculatedstrategy. The prince recruited widely andamong men of high calibre.It is of no surprisethat a numberof thesesat in parliament.

Members of the Retinue Sitting in Parliament

Name Constituency Parliament 34 Appleby, Edmund 12 Feb. 1376,28 Apr. 1376 Alveton, John Oxford 13 Jan. 1352 7 June 1344,11 Sept. 1346,9 Feb. 1351, Nov. Banastre,William 1355,17 Apr. 1357,5 Feb. 1358,15 May 1360,24 Jan. 1361,4 May 1366. Belesby,William Lincolnshire 9 Feb. 1351 23 Sept. 1353,28 Apr. 1354,5 Feb. 1358,15 Bere Richard de la Herefordshire , May 1360,3 June 1369. II Sept. 1346,14 Jan. 1348,17 Apr. 1357,1 Berneye,John Norfolk May 1368. Bedford 14 Jan. 1348,31 Mar. 1348,9 Feb. 1351,28 Braybroke,Gerard Apr. 1354,Nov. 1355,17 Apr. 1357. 7 June 1344,5 Feb. 1358. 3 June 1369,24 Feb. 1371,8 June 1371,21 Brocas,Bernard Southampton Nov. 1373. Norfolk, Bishop's Lynn Brunham,John I May borough 1368. Catesby,John Warwickshire 3 Nov. 1372 Nov. Jan. Oct. 1363,20 Jan. Cergeaux,Richard Cornwall 1355,24 1361,6 1365. Cifrewast, Robert Dorset 7 June 1344,11 Sept. 1346. Cotesford,Roger Oxfordshire 3 June 1369,8 June 1371.

34 Referencestaken from Reftam ofMembersofptvlitwl en4 1213-1705,Pu blic Reco rd 01,free Londo n, 1878; ReturmofMembers ofParlianent - Supplementmy,Public Record Of rice, London, 1878-9 1. 184 Dabemon,John Devon 20 Jan.1365,4 May 1366. Cornwall, Dabemon,Mathew? borough 13 Oct. 1362,20Jan. 1365. Felton,William Northumberland 16 Aug. 1352,23Sept. 1353. Fifhide,William Sussex 12 Feb. 1376,28Apr. 1376. Bucks,Wycombe 7 June1344,17 Apr. Gerveys,Thomas 1357,5Feb. 1358,15 borough May 1360,24 Jan.13 61,3 June13 69. Cornwall, ii Helston borough 15 May 1360. Gissing,Thomas Norfolk 12 Feb. 1376,28Apr. 1376. Golofre,John Berkshire 7 June1344,13 Jan. 1352, Nov. 1355,5Feb. 1358. Hakelut,Edmund Herefordshire 28 Apr. 1354,5Feb. 1358. Henxteworth,John Hertfordshire 3 June1369. Hoghton,Adam Lancashire 14 Jan.1348,6 Oct. 1363,20Jan. 1365. Hungerford,Thomas Wiltshire 13 Oct. 1362. Kendale,Edward Comwall,Launceston Kendale,Richard borough 3 June1369. Cornwall,Lostwithiel ii borough 20 Jan. 1365. Kentwode,John Berkshire 12 Feb. 1376,28Apr. 1376. Malyns,Reginald Oxfordshire 21 Nov. 1373. Mussingden,Thomas Buckinghamshire 6 Oct. 1363,20Jan. 1365. Cornwall,Lostwithiel Nanfan,Henry borough 24 Jan.1361. Petyveyn,Thomas Herefordshire 24 Jan.1361,6 Oct. 1363. Ughtred,Thomas Yorkshire 7 June1344,16 Aug. 1352. Upton,John Shropshire 9 Feb. 1351. 9 Feb. Nov. 1373,12 Verdon,John Staffordshire 1351,3June 1369,21 Feb. 1376,28Apr. 1376. Wakebridge,William Nottinghamshire 13 Jan.1352. Walkefare,Richard Norfolk 5 Feb. 1358. Wauncy, und Suffolk 6 Oct. 1363,20 Jan. 1365,4 May 1366, Wingfield,William Suffolk 12 Feb. 1376,28Apr. 1376.

185 On the basisof this evidencethe princeretained or hadlinks to menwho satin constituenciesthroughout the country.He doesnot appearto have"swamped" any particularregions with his familiars althoughNorfolk, Herefordshireand Cornwall tended to returnmembers who canbe associatedwith the princeon a fairly regularbasis, the latter areasbeing under his control or adjoininghis lands.As duke of Cornwall,the prince was linked to many of the leading figures of the duchy. The majority, although by no meansall the appointments,are datedto the last decadeof the prince'slife. This may indicatean increasinginterest in domesticpolitics but thereis little evidenceto corroboratethis. More probably these years marked a period in which the membersin questionwere older, morerespected in countysociety, less militarily activeand thus more likely to takeup seatsin the commons.However, if the princewas trying to develop

influenceit happen his from Aquitaine ..... king parliamentary would after return . neither nor particularmagnates tried to havetheir own menreturned to parliamentwith any

Evidence in beginsto regularity... of politically motivatedmeddling elections... appear 05 only in the 1370s. Johnof Gauntdoes not appearto havehad a greatdeal of influence overthe choiceof parliamentaryrepresentatives even in Lancashire.County communities weredifficult to manipulateand wanted a sayin the appointmentof local officials " especiallyMPs, JPsand justices of labourers. However,he may havebeen able to exert influenceat particulartimes of crisis,In addition,the sizeof the Lancastrianaffinity made it inevitablethat a largenumber of membershad links to theduke. 37

35 Mddicott, "Parbmcntand the Consfitumcies", 74. 36 Rot Parl, H, 136,23 8,257,277,286,333; hbddicott loc. cit., 71-2. 37 Walkcr, Lancastrian Affinity, 148-9,196. 186 Retinue Members Sitting in Parliaments and Great Council

28 Apr 1:

21 Nov 1:

3 Nov 1'

8 June 11

24 Feb 13

3 June 13

1 May 13

4 May 13,

20 Jan. 13f

6 Oct. 131

13 Oct. 13(

24 Jan. 13(

W) 40 15 May 13C

5 Feb 135

17 Apr 13t,

23 Nov 1Y

28 Apr. 135,

23 Sept. 135ý

16 Aug. 135,

13 Jan 1352

9 Feb. 1361

31 Mar 1348

14 Jan. 1348

11 Sept. 1346

7 June 1344

34567

Numbers of

187 Constituency Representation 1346-76

134-x

Conmal

Derb

Devol

Dorsc

cruf

ici

l'alic

1.iilc

1,xiii

No r fi) 1ý

\otiliumbriýi

Notb

oxlbrd%hirc

salop

Southampton

Sutl'()Ik

slls,ý, C\

Wams

Wiltshirc

Yorkshire

I 12 1-4

NI I's

188 The princemost famous political role, in the GoodParliament of 1376,has probablybeen overstated. He wasvery ill by this time andif his supportwas implied by a numberof the Commonsknights, it was not expresslygiven. After his returnfrom

Aquitainethe princepresided over meetingsof the royal councilfrom 1372-4.The parliamentof 1373showed the ill feelingtowards the governmentthat would become manifestthree years later. As in that gatheringa numberof thosewith associationswith the princewere pitted againstthe governmentincluding William of Wykeham,the earl of

Marchand John Harewell.

The exaggeratedrole of the princein the GoodParliament was based on the supposedhostility betweenhimself andhis youngerbrother. Wilkinson statedthat ill feelingdeveloped after Gaunthad supersededthe princein Aquitaine.38 While the prince certainlymishandled his Gasconsubjects, he was in no conditionto dealwith the situation which developedin Aquitaineafter his returnfrom Spainand apparently handed over the reinsof powerto Gauntout of necessityif not relief. It is difficult to find any evidenceof hostility betweenthe king's eldestsons. 39 It hasbeen suggested that althoughrelations betweenthe brothersdid not breakdown, there is evidencefor a "clerical" party nominally led by'the princeand a "court" party led by Gauntand that hostility developedbetween thesegroups. 40 There are indications of co-operationbetween a groupof sympatheticlords andthe Commons,"Undoubtedly the knightswho presentedthe accusationsdepended on 41 certainlords for political support". The Commonsknights claimed that the prince supportedthem in 1376.Seven of them had fought with the princein 1355-6namely

38Wilkinson, Chancery, 125. 39 Thebrothers exchanged gifts afterthe endof theprincipality on 23 Nov. 1372,24Dec. 1372,13Apr. 1373and on John 8 Jan.1375 the prince was given "le couvercleove un pomelcsnamillez de noir oveplume d'esterych", of Gauntý Register,i, 96,112-13,191-3,278. 401 Dahmus,Willicon Courtenay, Archbishop ofCanterbury, 1381-1396, Philadelphia, 1966,23. 41 Harriss,"Formation of Parliamenf',58. 189 EdmundAppleby, Thomas Blount, ThomasGissing, John Kentwode (the accuserof Alice

Perrers),John Ludlow andJohn Wood. 42 Their belief in the prince's supportwas

"confirmed"by Walsingham."

Thatthe princewas associatedwith a largeproportion of the Houseof Lords anda smaller,though still a significantnumber of the Commons,is to be expected.Many of the lordswere closely linked to the princeand served with him, often on morethan one occasionand some were in receiptof annuitiesor undertookadministrative offices. It is uncertainif the princeused his authorityin the Lords to influenceattitudes throughout parliament.It is evenmore uncertain if the prince'sinfluence could be usedcounter to the wishesof the king. It may be that somepersonal authority might be broughtto bearin the later yearsof the reign but thereis little to suggestthat the princehad a political agendaof his own beyondassuming the Crown himselfand later ensuringthat it would passto his son.This, it appears,was an agendamuch in keepingwith EdwardIII's own. The recent discoveryof the King's entail for Richardto inherit the thronemay revealconcerns about

Gaunt'sambitionS. 44

The Retinue and Minority Rule

In the prince'slater yearsand during the reign of his sona numberof his former retainerscame to prominence.Following the prince's declineand after his death,Joan 45 actedas a steadyinginfluence in Englishpolitics. Furthermore,"... there seems to have

42Holmes, Good Parliament, 134-5,137-8. ' 43. exctinctoPrincipe exctinctus est cum eo profectoParliamenti praesentis effectus. Nam communes,cum quibus ipsetcnebat, dicti Parliamentisord non sunttalern exiturn qualem. pro meliori habuissesperabanf'. Walsingham, 11ist Angl, L 321. 44 Michael Bennett,"Edward III's Entail and the Successionto the Crown, 1376-1471", MR, exiii (1998), 580- 607. 45 Said,Richand II, 11.

190 beena personalmovement on the part of the King's motherto secureher influencein the governmentby bringinginto office dependantsof the King's father,the late princeof

Wales(some of whom hadbeen on the popularside in the late crisis)as a counterpoiseto the influenceof her brother-in-law.A6 Cobham, Richard Stafford, Richard FitzAlan, John

Devereux,Hugh Segrave,John Knyvet andHugh, earl of Stafford,all hadlinks to the prince,some closer than others and all servedin the minority councilof Richard11. John

Harewell,the bishopof Bath andWells, William Ufford, the sonof the prince's companion-in-arms,and Aubrey Vere were draftedinto the councilin October1378.47 The

"continualcouncils" were intendedto be representativeof the body politic acrossits whole spectrum.Comparisons may be drawnwith the Black Prince'sown childhood.His political concernswere, naturally, very limited. Nonethelesshis political influence,even if only as a figurehead,should not be underestimated.The Black Princeserved as guardian of the realmon a numberof occasions.Those who advisedhim formed,in essence,a regency in council.Whilst not havingthe temporalor spiritualauthority which his sonwas to wield his own minority, in the 1330sand early 1340sthe princewas at the centreof national po itics.

Local Politics

The role and influenceof the princeand his retinuein local politics formedpart of a reciprocalrelationship. On the onehand there was the issueof how thosein the prince's employcould further his designs,on the other,how the prince'spersonal influence and patronagecould promotethe careersand fortunes of his retainers.Patronage gave the

46 N.B. Lewis,"The ContinualCouncil in the Early Yearsof Richard11,1377-80", MIR, x1i(1926), 249. 47ihid., 247-8,250-1.

191 princeinfluence throughout his demesnesdespite rarely beingresident away from London whenin England.Patronage gave control over his servantswho dependedand relied upon him for their positionand income. The extentof his influencereaching from Kenningtonor

Berkharnstedto the depthsof Cornwallor Walesis uncertain.It is also difficult to distinguishbetween the authorityof the princeand that of his councilwhich was responsiblefor daily administrationand in maintainingcontrol over local officials. It also hadpatronage to dispenseparticularly when the princewas abroad.

Litigalhomn

The prince's extensiveestates often brought him into litigation over various matters for which he retaineda numberofjustices andothers to pleadon his behalf Officials were employedto undertakelegal duties and to be a part of andadvise the prince'scouncil. It was importantthat a litigant understandthe administrativeroutines, how they might be 48 circumventedif necessary,and how to influencea jUry. The princesought not only to influencejuries but alsojudges.

By the prince'sassociation with William Shareshullhe securedinfluence in London 49 andthe centralcourts. Shareshull was chiefjustice of the King's Benchfrom 1351-61 and the prince'srelationship with him predatedthis. Shareshullwas paid wagesof 120 for his servicesin the Easterterm of 1346.50Shareshull was closelyinvolved with the Cheshire in sessionsof 1353.51He andRichard Willoughby were rewardedfor their services this

48 J.R. Maddicott,"Law andLordship: Royal Justices as Retainers in Thirteenthand Fourteenth Century Englancr', Pastand Present, Supplement 4 (1978),1. 49ibid., 21-2. 50BPR, i, 35. 51 SeeBooth, " Taxationand Public order", 16-31. 192 matterwith grantsof 140.52Willoughby was againinvolved in legal dutieson the prince's behalfin 1358and 1359.53 John Stonor, chief jpstice of the CommonBench, 13 3 6-40 and 54 1342-54,sat on the prince's council in the late 1330s. Henry Green, a king's justice, was retainedat 20 marksa yearto sit on the councilon 4 September13 55.55 A numberof other lawyersand justices were also employed. Gilbert Debenharnwas retainedto sit aspart of the council in return for I 00s. a year on 15 July 1359.56 Thomas Lodelowe was retained at

50s.a yearon 25 November1363.57 Thomas Tochewick served from at least 1354as the prince'sagent and attorney in the court of CommonBench receiving 40s. a yearand 20s. 58 for a robe as well as expenses. He was replacedin 1360/1 by Clement Spice on the same 59 tems andconditionS. Spicewas joined asan attorneyby RichardWythmersh before 20

May 137060 Roger Wombwell to businessin . was commissioned prosecute royal courts duringthe prince'sabsence in Gascony,1355-7. The princeclearly had manylegal matters to be dealtwith. Wombwellwas paid;E26 9s. for 529 daysof service.61

Annuities for Legal and Financial Service

Wallingford& St Sir Ralph SpigUMCIP2 LIO Nov. 1351 BPR,iv, 33. Vallcry 20 BPR,iv, Grecn 20 Rceeivcr-gcncral 4 Scpt.1355 Hcnry marks 152

523 Dec. 1353,BPR, ifi, 136-7 53.ibid., 298,338. 54 hUddicott,loa cit, 37-8. 55BPR, iv, 152. 56 ibid., 301. 57ibid., 513. 58ibid., 115-16. 59ibid., 376-7. 60CPP, 1367-70,406. 61BPR, iv, 207-8. 62 Late far-mcrof Wallingford and St Vallcry, rmnittedf 10 of L2 I o.

193 BPR,iii, Banastcr63 loos. 20 July 1357 William 268 iv, Thoe 20 Rcceivcr-gcncral 3 Oct. 1358 Robert marks 264.0 BPR,iv, L4 Receivcr-gcneral 12Nov. 1358 JohnLongcsdore3 266. BPR,iv, 50s. Reccivcr-gencral 30 Nov. 1358 William Fifhie 266. 67 BPR, Knyvct 50s. Rcccivcr-gcncral 30 Nov. 1358 iv, John 266. - BPR, Finchcndce 50s. Rcccivcr-gcneral 30 Nov. 1358 iv, William 266. William BPR,iv, 50s. Rcccivcr-gcncral 30 Nov. 1358 Wichinghamý9 266. BPR,iv, Debcnham loos. Rcceivcr-gcncral 15July 1359 Gilbert 301. 10 BPR,iv, RichardStokc. -70 marks Rcccivcr-gcncral 25 Oct. 1359 2d. a day' 328. Michaelmas BPR,iv, Aldebury" 40s. Walter 1361 459. BPR,iv, TbomasLodclowc 50s. Rcceivcr-gcncral 25 Nov. 1363 513. CPR,1377- JohnCary 10marks Comwall 15Feb. 1372 1 1 81,207.

Thereis no obviouspattern concerning the areasof legal expertiseof the lawyers

andofficials in the prince'sretinue. This is true both of specialistknowledge and the estatesin which they worked.The examplesof JohnMoubray andWilliam Skipwith demonstratethis. Both were royal serjeantsin the court of CommonBench and were retainedby the prince"to be of his counseland to pleadfor him in all placee'on 20

63 of Hadenhale.Retained to be the prince's councilorand pleadfor him in Chesterand Flint. Ile later alsoheard casesin Denbigh,16 Feb. 1361BPR, iii, 406. 64 King's justice, retainedto be a memberof the council. 65 Recentlyretained to be the prince's attorney. 66 King's sergeant,retained to be a memberof the council and plead on the prince's behalfwhere required. 67 King's sergeant,retained as a memberof the council to pleadon the prince'sbehalf as rcquirccL 68 King, Ssergeant retained to be a memberof the council and pleadon the prince's behalfas required. 69 KingS sergeant,retained to be a memberof the council and plead for the prince as require& 70 Retainedas auditor. 71 iv, Clerk of the pipe [exchequer].Ile later receivedregular gifts of venison:three does, 5 Dee. 1363,BPR, 517; threedoes, 3 Feb. 1364,ibid., 521; threedoes, 27 Oct. 1364,ibid., 536; two bucks,25 IýIay 1365,ibid., 557. 72 Retainedto be of the council for legal business. 194 September13 55.73 This was true also of William Fifhid, William Fincheden,John Knyvet and William Wichingham who were all retained at annualwages of 50s. on 30 November

1358.74They are recorded as acting on the prince's behalf in London in 1360.75Others were employed to servein specific areas,particularly Cheshireand Flintshire although they were not restricted to theseareas. John Davenport, who had already seenlegal service with the prince, was retained to plead in Cheshire,Flintshire, Wales and elsewhere.76 John

Delves, as part of his administrative duties, was appointed to hear cases in Denbigh with

Richard Stafford and/or William Banastre on 16 February 1361.77In the same way Thomas

Ferrers, as justice of Chester, held an eyre in'the manor of Macclesfield 78and an assize of

disseisin tenements in Crewe 79Banastre had been novel concerning . retained some years 80 before under similar conditions to Davenport. Shareshull and Henxteworth were particularly involved in Devon and Cornwall as was Dabemon and, surprisingly, Delves despite his concerns in Cheshire and Wales. Shareshull was involved in a number of commissionsof oyer andterminer and also made inquiries into tin forgeries.A further commissionwas orderedon 7 March 1358to inquire into crimesagainst tinners in

Devon81 The the to the his they . valueof stannaries princeand retinueensured that 82 receivedlegal supportand defence. Shareshull also held an assizein Devon.

73 Ibcy werepaid 50s.a year,ibid., 168-9. 74ibid., 266. 75ibid., 357. 76 Ile wasrewarded with 40s.for pleadingat sessionson 29 Nov. 1355.Ibis wasin additionto his wagesof 100s.a year.He alsoreceived the gift of threeoaks for timberon 16Feb. 1361, BPR,iii, 219-20,406. 77ibid., 406. 78 He received40s. (his lieutenant,20s. ) a yearabove his costsfor holdingthe eyre,20 Iýby 1351, ibid, 27-8. 79 Thecase involved William Hamelyn,Elizabeth Praers, Thomas Brcrelcy, John Delves and William Flecher,24 Oct 1352,ibid., 79. 8020 July 1357,ibid., 268. 81 Paidexpenses, 30 July 1358,8Aug. 1358,BPR, ii, 135,146.Sharcshull, Dabemon and IlcnxtCworth were involved in a furthercommission ordered on 27 Feb. 1358,CPP, 1358-61,66,as were Delves and licnxteworth on 29 ?ýIay 1367,ibid., 1364-7,444. 82 12Mar. 1351, ibid., 13.50-4,81. 195 The retainingofjudges by individualshad been illegal since 1345but many magnatescontinued to do so.'The Orincewas ableto instigatejudicial commissions, particularlyof oyer andterminer, to investigateparticular cases and instancesof wrongdoingboth on his own behalfand for membersof his retinue.Such commissions oftentook placeafter a periodof serviceabroad. They were the most effectivemeans of 83 protecting the prince's rights in the localities. The systemallowed the plaintiff to choose thejustices. -With JohnWingfield, RobertEleford andRobert Thorp, Shareshullwas the mostactive of the prince'sservants involved in suchcases concerning Edward and his retinue.The prince'sinterests were not confinedto areaswhere he wieldedgreat territorial authority.John Nessefeld became the prince'sattorney in the Yorkshirecounty court at a fee of 20s. a year on 20 February 1362.84A number of the retinue and associatesof the princeor his retainerswere involved in a casein Norfolk. They includedJohn Wingfield, 85 Robert Thorpe, Henry Green, John Knyvet, Thomas St Omer and John Berneye.

Wingfield, Richardde la Pole andRobert Eleford were orderedto a commissionof oyer andteminer investigatingassaults on the king's andthe prince'sministers in

Buckinghamshire.16 Shareshull, Richard Willoughby, William Aubeney,Robert Thorpe

87 it andRobert Eleford were involved in a similar casein Bedfordshire. Wherepossible, seemsthat the commissionswere given to menwith very closeassociations to the prince who would be likely to give a favourableverdict" suchas the commissionin Devonwhich

83 Johnof Gauntused very similarmeasures. Ile instigatednine commissionsin the 1360sand eight in the 1370s, Walker,Lancastrian Afflni% 121. 84BPR, iv, 483. 8520 Nov. 1358, CPR, 13.58-61,159. 8624 Nov. 1352,ibid., 13504,289. 97 15Oct 1353,ibid., 519-20. 88ibid., 289,519-20; 1354-8,291,391,40 1; 1358-61,66; 1364-7,70,72,73. 196 included Shareshull,Dabernon and Wingfield. 89On 14 July 1347, John Brunham, Philip

Eggerton,Richard del Hogh,Hugh Hopwas,Roger Hopwell andWilliam Prarerswere 90 appointedto a commission of oyer and terminer in Bromfield and Yale. Shareshullwas involvedin a commissionin Cornwall on 7 March 1358.91Delves and Henxteworth were involvedin a commissionin the duchyin 1367.92On the prince'sreturn from Aquitaine, conditions,particularly in Cornwall,seem to havedeteriorated. This may be attributedto the earlierabsence of the princeand a largenumber of his retinueoverseas or to an opportunisticexploitation of the profits ofjustice on his retum. In any case,he madethree 93 complaints accusingvery large numbers of people of assaultand theft in Cornwall.

Membersof the prince'sretinue could alsobenefit in this way. A commissionof oyer andterminer was granted to ThomasPeytevyn who reportedstolen goods. -The 94 commissionerswere to be NicholasAudley, JohnMoubray and Richard de la Bere.

ThomasGissing "of the prince'scompany" was also granteda similar commissionafter his 95 wife wasraped and his goodsstolen from Kingston,Cambridgeshire.

Othersorts of legal investigationwere undertaken with direct financialmotivation.

JohnClone, Richard Stafford, Peter Gildesburgh, Roger Hillary, RogerHopwell, John Le

96 Strangeand Shareshullmade forest eyresin north WaleS. Theywere alsoheld in

89 ibid., 1358-61,159. 90 BPR,i, 95-6.Hopwell was appointed steward of Bromfield and Yale on 13July 1347. 91 lie waspaid expenseson 30 My 1358,ibid., ii, 146. 92CPA 1364-7,444. 93 ibid., 1370-4,170-3. 94 17Mar. 1371, ibid., 105(pos. see also 5 Aug. 1371, CCR,1368-74,242-3. ) 95 10Mar. 1371, CPR,1370-4,104-5. This wasprior to his beingformally retainedby the princeon 5 Oct 1371. 96 1 Sept 1347,BPR, i, 119,all werejustices in eyrefor commonpleas and oycr andtcrminer appointed on the same date,ibid., 124. 197 Cheshireby ThomasFerrers and John Macclesfield, 97 William Banastre,William 99 Wakebru, 98William le Criour, and Richard Willoughby. 100

It is difficult to seethe princeas being actively engagedin nationaland local

politics.He was inextricablylinked to the political scenethrough his role in the war andhis

local positionin his estates.Relations with the nobility throughouthis landswere often

strained.This was particularlyso in the Welshmarches and obviouslyin Aquitainewhere

relationsbroke downto sucha degreethat appealswere madeto Paris,initiating the

resumptionof the war in 1369and the lossof all the territorial gainswhich hadbeen made

from Crecy to the treaty of Br6tigny. Therefore, to say that the prince and his retinue were

politically unimportant would be quite wrong. However, on a personallevel it seemsthat

the prince was uninterestedin politics, at least in the political arenaat Westminster.The

administrativeand fiscal policy that his regimeinitiated hadconsiderable implications for

local politics, but it wasnot the prince'sdesire to influencethe local political system,rather

it wasto ignoreit. He soughtto increasehis own authorityand that of his regimewhile

extractingincreasing amounts of revenue.The constraintsof local politics and societywere

forcesnot to be cajoledor workedwith but bludgeonedinto submission.

Relations with the Nobility

Wales

EdwardI hadimposed a new governmentalstructure as part of the militarY

occupationof Walesand madesubstantial changes to legal processthrough the Statuteof

9726 Oct 1347,ibid., 134. 98 Tbcywere granted L8 for servicesin the Cheshireforest cyres, 8 July 1358,ibid., iii, 304, 99 Ile waspaid 6s. 8d.above his annualwages of 10s.for assistingin the forestcyTe, 8 ScPL1358, ibAd., 308. 100 Ile wascomrnandcd to hold forestcyres in Cheshireon 26 Ame 1353,ibid., I 11.Ile receiveda grantfOllOwing thesesessions of L33 6s. 8d. on 3 Dec. 1353,ibid., 136-7.Ile was againjustice of cyre in the prince'sCheshire forests on 28 Feb. 1358,ibid., 298 andagain in the following year,26 ýAay1359, ibid., 338. 198 Rhuddlan.101 A measureof stability haddeveloped in Walesfrom the turn of the century

althoughthreats of revolt remainedcommon. This wasdemonstrated very early in the prince'sadministration by the murderof Henry Shaldeford.102 This wasthe "climax of anti-Englishviolence in north Walesin the 1340s".103 It cannotwholly be attributedto the prince'sadministration, which was in its infancyand before Edward's appointment there were considerabledisturbances in the marches,particularly in Chepstowand Newport. 104

Nonetheless,there was suspicionand resentment at recentreforms implemented by his council andlocal membersof the retinue.It wasnot a situationwhich improvedwith time.

In 1362 a proclamation forbade anyone to go about the country armed. This was in responseto roamingbands of mensaid to be committingassorted crimes and

105 misdemeanours.

The widescaleuse of the retinue,in both military andadministrative offices, alienatedcertain members of the local communitywho were excludedfrom positionsof trust andresponsibility. Shareshull was particularly influential after the adoptionof his policy of maximizingthe profits ofjustice. Whilst profitable,it was a crudeinstrument and

101 R-P, Davies.Conquest, Co-Existence and Change.lValesJ063-1415, Oxford, 1987,364-5,368-9. 102 Shaldeford,one of theprince's attorneys, was murdered on St Valcntine'sDay 1344en routeto Caemarfon.This highlightedracial tension in theregion and resulted in panicamong the Englishburgesses. In Caernarfonand Conwy, andthe communities of Denbighand Rhuddlan they wrote to the princeasking for protectionand action to be taken "againstthe rebelliousWelsh and other evildoere, Edwards,Calendýr ofAncient Correspondence, 230-2. There was alsoan anti-Englishriot at a fair in St Asaphin the sameyear and in 1345John Huntingdon, acting-sheriff of Merioneth,may alsohave been assassinated wbilst holding the countycour4 ibid., 231. The murderat the county courtwould probablyhave seemed highly appropriate.The Englishjudicial systemcreated unpopular burdem and in 1361the people of Denbighcomplained that they wereno longerable to settledisputes by the traditionalsystem Of ne dueto the local n-dn isters' desire for amercements,BPR, iii, 410. 10Dfotiatim Davies,op cit., 4 10. 104 William Dernfordand his sonRobert, Howell Moarteland Robert ap Ivor wereoutlawed after going about anned with a groupof followerswhilst theking wasout of the countryin 1340.They were accused of inciting a bandof Welshand Englishmen to entera park belongingto Nbry, widow of the earl of Norfolk, wherethey killed the park-cr andstole deer. They also attempted to capturethe town and castleof Chcpstow,CPR 1337-47,92-3;A. C. Reeves, NewportLordship, 1317-1536, Michigan, 1979,28.There had been disturbances in Bromfieldand Yale in 1333 after thegarrison had been stripped from the lordshipfor servicein Scotland.The king wasforced personally to intervene, D. Pratt,"Wrexham Militia in the FourteenthCentury", Trwisactiow ofthe DenbighshireHistorical Society,(1 %3), 66-7. 105Cal. Recog.Rolls, 36,93. 199 potentiallyvery corrupt.Similar methodswere later employedin Aquitaine,although by no

meansto the samedegree. Richard Fillongley's accountsas constable of Bordeauxshow

almosthalf the numberof entriesto be concernedwith judicial revenue.106

The increasinglyefficiency andprofitability of the prince'sadministration brought

it into conflict with the Marcherlords who, asthey hadto the pretensionsof EdwardI in

the 1290sand the younger Despenser,closed ranks against the Black Prince.107 The

Marcherlords were,and were seenas, the real authorityin their lordshipsin termsof

power,wealth and justice, of which, like the nobility in Aquitaine,they werethe final

arbiters.This situationcreated a numberof administrativeand judicial anomaliesthat were 108 later highlighted in the Glyn D*r revolt. The reaction of the Marcher lords showsthe

extentof the prince'sattempt to increasehis personalauthority to a level comparablewith

the last nativeprince of Walesand, more recently, the supremacyof RogerMortimer. The

nobility were alienatedby threatsto their traditionalliberties just at the time whenEdward "' III wasanxious not to irritate his magnates. For example,the princewrote to the earlof

Herefordthreatening that if he continuedwith plansto hold a judicial eyre"to the

diminutionof his [the prince's] lordshipand against the dignity of his coronet[he would]

needto take othermeans for the salvationof the rights of his lordship."' 10From the outset, the prince'sadministration had soughtto increaseits authority.Very soonafter his assumptionof the principality an inquisitionpost mortem,held by RichardStafford and

106E101/177/1; 177/10; 179/9. 107 For theacrimonious exchanges betweert the princeand the Marcherlords see Davies, Lordship ond Society, 271-2. 108 R.R. Davies,Revolt of0wain Glyn Dtir, 67, for the fiscal exploitationof Walessee ibid., 71; Davies,LonlshiP andSqc1qv, 4. 109 Magriateswere also seeking to exerttheir own authorityand influencewithin andbeyond their cstates.I lumphrey Bohun,earl of Herefordand Brecon, stripped boroughs of rightsand privileges.enflorcing his officials,exploiting his jurisdictionalsupremacy and consolidating his lands.He oftenworked in associationwith his brotherWilliam, earlof Northampton.The useof purchase,force, establishment ofjudicial rights andother means were adopted to apply Marcherinfluence particularly over the Welshpopulation, Davies, Lordship aid Society,92-7. 110 CalendarofAncient Correspondence, ed. Edwards, 225-6. The datingof the letter is uncertainand was given as 8 200 HughBerwick, determinedthat the lordshipof Denbighwas held of the princeof Wales "' andnot the king. However,this situation-didnot last for long andEdward was not able to dominatethe marchesfrom the principality.The Marcherlords jealously guarded their

own rights.For example,the earl of Herefordas lord of Breconupheld his authorityto ' 12 demandtolls throughouthis lordshipfrom his mesnetenants and any passingthrough.

The conflict quickly cameto the attention of Edward III and resulted in the 1354 statute 113 stating that Marcher lands were held directly of the king. His father realisedthat "the

March was too important and too delicate an areato be abandonedto the insensitive 114 in expansionistdesigns of the Black Prince and his councillore'. The prince lost little former real terms by the 1354 statute and indeed retained wardships linked to lands of the heirs principality of Llewelyn ap Gruffydd and thereby authority over the lands and the to

those estates.,Furthermore, after the death of Roger Mortimer in 1360, Ceri, Cydewain and ' 15 Denbigh were determinedto be held of the prince. The 1354 Statutewas applied to older

lordships not necessarilythe newer onesof Edward I. The principality of 1360 was 116 comparableto Llywelyn's.

July 1343,ibid., 53. CIPM, viii, 388. 112 Davies,op cit., 219rL 14.For the prIince's protest see BPR, L31. 113 After the conquestof Gwyneddby EdwardI the westernsections of the regionbecame part of theprincipality of into Englishries northWales whilst easternGwynedd was incorporated into theMarcher lordships and there divided Carmarthen andWelshries. The principality consisted of the five countiesof Anglesey,Merioncth, Caernarfon, and Cardigan.Flintshire was also included although it wasadministratively linked to Cheshireand there were a numberof Builth, royal lordshipswhich werenot part of theprincipality proper nor of the March suchas Montgomery, NewcastleEmlyn andI-laverford, Davies, op cit, 6,16. The governmentof Crownlands was on an Englishmodel. 'Me Welshcommote was treated as a hundredand the rhaglawiadand rhinSyllial werecharged with thetasks of hundredbailiffs andas such were subject to the sheriffs,Given, State aid Society,44-5. 114 Davies,Lordship and Society,273. 115 for Denbighhad a chequeredhistory of ownershipwith theprince, Montague and Roger Mortimer A striving title to the lordship.After themarcher protest it passedto William Montague,the heir who hadcome of agesome time beforebut the princehad managed to retaincontrol. Montague lost the supportof EdwardIII in 1355who granted lordship Denbighto Mortimer.Mortimer in turn enfeoffedRichard de la Bereand Ralph spigumclwith the andthey re-grantedit to him. Theywere not to benefitfrom this afterMortimer's deathin 1360when the prince simply retook Aberystwyth,1%7, controlof the lordship,D. 11 Owen,"The Lordshipof Deribigh,1282-1425", Unpub. phD thesis, 74-5,79-80.For Montague'shomage for Denbighsee SC 1/40/122. 116 COMlitutiOnal CC9 13604,32-3,80-2; J. GoronwyEdwards, The Principafiýy of Iflales,1267-1967. A Studyin 201 Nonetheless,there was someattempt to establisha modusoperandi with the 117 marcherlords. TheMarch was no longerthe disparateselection of lordshipsthat it had

beenafter Edward I hadgranted a numberof lordshipsto his supportersafter the conquest

of Gwynedd.By the mid fourteenthcentury, with the exceptionof Dyffryn Clwyd, all

thosenew lordshipshad become part of the estatesof the earlsof Arundeland March. In

the courseof the fourteenthcentury the numberof lords of the March hadfallen from 25 to

15 andlordships were often amalgamated.Many of the Marcherlords foughtwith the

Black Prince,played a role in his administrationand lent him money.They co-operatedin the Crecycampaign and the Calaissiege in which a largeproportion of the armywas made up of troopsfrom Wales,both the March andthe principality."' William Montaguewas one suchmilitary companion.He receivedthe lordshipof Denbighin 1331and six years later secureda reversionof the Montalt estatefrom the QueenMother. 119 The Beauchamp family were alsoclose associates.. They acquired Elfael throughmarriage in 1337and in

1354were granted the lordshipof Gower.Ralph Stafford was also an importantfigure in the prince'sadministration and a military associate.In 1347he was bequeatheda shareof the lordshipof Causand acquired it all ten yearslater. Newportand Gwynllwg were inheritedthrough his wife. The Hastingsfamily held Abergavenny,Cilgeran and a third of

St Clears.The Valenceclaim to Pembrokefell into their handsin 1339.In 1372,John, then earlof Pembroke,acquired a 40-yearlease of Chepstow.The family howeverdid not exercisethe influenceand authority commensurate with its landsdue to a successionof minorities.The Mortimer family regainedmuch of their influenceduring this period.By

Ilisimy, (CaemarvonshireIfistory Society),1969,34. 117BPR, iii, 149,490. 118 3,500men from theMarch were called up for the Cr6cycampaigm 119 TheDenbigh grant was a rewardfor his assistanceat Nottinghamin 1330. Denbigh had a grossincA)me Of L1,000 a year.Until Isabella'sdeath Montague rented Montalt for L600a year.it shouldbe notedthat royal favourdid not transferto thenext generationas Roger Mortimer receivedDenbigh in 1354,Davies, Loniship coidSoc1qv, 50- 1. 202 the 1350sthe family estatesresembled those of 1322.In 1368to thesewere added the

estatesof ElizabethBurgh. By 1373over 16 lordshipswere under Earl Edmund's

control.120 The FitzAlanswere alsohighly influential.The lordshipsof Oswestryand Clun

weresupported by assortedShropshire manors. The notedwealth of the family was

exercisedin purchasinga numberof estatesand further lands fell to the earlsthrough

inheritance,particularly the Warenne properties in 1347.121

Partsof the Marchwere, for considerableperiods, ruled by women.122 Elizabeth

Burghwas lady of Usk, Caerleonand Trelech for 33 years.123 The princeseems to have

been on good terms with her. During her summervisit to London in 1358 she entertained

124 him at leastfour timesand he was rememberedin her Will. Agnes,the widow of

LaurenceHastings, earl of Pembroke(d. 1348),held Abergavennyas dower for 20 years

andadded to it the countyof Pembrokein 1351.125Chepstow was ruled by, or on behalfof,

womenfrom 1339-99,firstly asjointure of Mary, countessof Norfolk, andsecondly as the inheritanceof her daughter,Margaret, who survivedtwo husbandsand her son-in-lawto

control Chepstow from 1372-99.

120 Theseincluded: Cwmwd Deudlwr, Blacnllyfni, Radnor,Narbcý ccri, cydewain,E-wyas Lacy, a moicty of Ludlow, Geneville,Clifford, Glasbury,Usk Trelech,Caerleon and Montgommery and Builth on lease.Builth had beenan areaof disputewith the Black Princewhile Edmund'sfather, Roger, was still alive. The lordshipfell to the princeuntil Edmundcame of age,M., 1358-61,262,447. 121 For theMarcher lords and their estatessee Davies, op cit., 50-7. 122 ibid., 42. In addition,Peter Corbet's widow managedto retaincontrol of Causfrom his deathin 1322to 1347. Causseparated the FitzAlan lordshipsof Clun andOswestry, ibid., 28,45. 123Holmes, btates, 35-8,58-9,86ff. 124 In additionshe entertained Lionel of Antwerp,Joan de Bar, the earland countess of Warwick,the earl of Northampton,the mayorand sheriffs of London,a numberof king's justices,the bishops of Armeniaand the nuns of theMinoresses. They visited, with the prince,on 15Aug. 1358.E12 4s. I Q/4d.was spent on the feast The largetotal wasdue to themany varieties of fish which wereon offer includingporpoise which costiI 19s.Elizabeth was also relatedto theFair Maid of Kent althoughshe died before the princemarried Joan. Jennifer C. Ward,"Elizabeth de Burgh,Lady of Clare(d. 1360y,Medieval London Widows, 1300-1500, ed. Caroline M. Ban-onand Anne F. Sutton, Londonand Rio Grande,1994,41-3. 125 Her rightsof custodywere confirmed after the deathof her secondhusband John I Jakclutin 1357,Davies, Lordshipand Society, 42 andn. 28. Shevigorously defended her rights to her estates,see SC8/159/7948- 203 I Despitetheir influenceand the closelinks that existedbetween many of themand the prince,he continuedto infringe on the rights of the Marcherlords. He securedthe custodyof Denbighin 1344and 1360,126Bromfield andYale in 1347,127Laugharne in

1349,Dyffryn Clwyd in 1353and Ceri andCydewain in 1360.128In additionhe interfered with the affairs of Breconand attempted to makeGower dependenton the Carmarthen 129 administration. In 1354the earl of Warwick successfullychallenged John Mowbray's right to the lordshipof Gower.In turn the Black Princecontested the statusof the lordship.

However,Edward III, looking to maintainWarwick's allegiance,granted him full Marcher

StatUS.130 On the deathof Hugh Audley, earl of Gloucester,the lordshipof Newportwas takeninto the prince'shand. This was a considerableextension of his rights.After institutingan inquisitionpostmortem he grantedNewport, on 17November 1347, to Ralph

Stafford.131 -

Aqjdt-aine

A constanttheme runs through the prince'slife, "he plainly did not havehis father's 132 gift for dealingwith the magnates., A usefulcomparison may be madebetween the prince's'Sritish" landsand those he acquiredafter Bretigny. In Wales,Cornwall and

Chesterthere were few noblemenof consequenceto be antagonisedby the prince.In the

Marchesthere was conflict andfriction despitethe interventionof the king. The princeof

126BPR, i, 3 1,4 351. 127 lordship in It wassaid, perhaps optimistically, to be worth 2,000marks a year,ibid., i, 96-7.By Feb. 1367the was thehands of the earl of Arundel. 128 lordship In 1372owing to the disputeover Ceri andCydewain the prince allowedFdmund Mortimer scisinof the withoutsecuring his homageand fealty, Davies, op cit., 270,272 IL 93. 129 On thegeneral "weakness" of Gowersee ibid., 30. 130PrcstAich, The 2hree Edwards, 152. 131 BpR, i, 144; 147; Davies, op cil, 27 1. 132 Prestwich, op cit., 280.

204 Waleshad little authorityover the March althoughhe soughtto increasehis influence there.This was not the casein Aquitaine,the distinctionbeing that the Marcherlords were subjectto the king, despitethe proximity of the Black Princethey did not live on his lands or owe him homage.The nobility of the principality of Aquitaine,whilst havingan appeal to EdwardI][[, andas it provedCharles V, wereto all intentsand purposes the prince's subjects."' Distanceand perhaps waning interest did not allow EdwardIII to restrainhis sonýsarrogance and lack of diplomacy.This may haveextended to his administrationand 134 officials particularlyafter the Spanishcampaign. However,it is questionablewhether the long-termsituation inAquitaine wastenable. Local centresof powerresisted and resented 135 the expansionof the prince'sjurisdiction. "The feudingof the greatlords, most obviouslythe long-termthough intermittent rivalry of the housesof Foix andArmagnac like Albret, andthe often conflicting interestsof the othergreat Gascon noble families the

Comminges,Durfort andL'Isles Jourdainadded to the mayhem., 136This was compounded by the strengthof local military defences.Saintonge, for example,was very heavily 137 fortified with morethan 70 castlesand almost 90 fortified churches. After the Capetian expansioninto the southin the aftermathof the AlbigensianCrusade the Frenchmonarchy hadencountered similar problemsto thosefaced by Chandosand subsequentlythe Black

133 "In Languedocpolitical authority remained widely diffused; in thePrincipality of NorthWales it wasconcentrated for in thehands of alienrulers. " Given,State andSociety, 67. What was true for thelate thirteenth century remained so themid to latefourteenth century. 134 Favreaurefers to a "r6girned'occupation! ' stating that English garrisons conducted themselves as if in a conquered land.New taxes were introduced, goods and supplies were requisitioned and corrupt officials made money out of the situationparticularly through the profits ofjustice, Hisloire du Poilou,du Limousinet des pays Charentais, cd. Edmonde-Ren6Labande, Toulouse, 1976,205. 135 fiscal Theprince was not onlycontent to approvethe encroachment of his off Icers' rights in judicialand areasto theprejudice of nobleprerogatives he also demanded oaths of loyaltyfrom the episcopacy in violationof the privilegesconceded by LouisVI andVII, Boutruche,Crise dune sociOld,244. 136 I lughes, MichaelJones, "War and Fourteenth Century France", Arms, Armies evid Fortifications, cd. Curry and 106.Also on the Gascon nobility and the background to theFoix-Armagnac feud see Valc,, 4ngeWn Legacy. 80-13 9 andKaeuper, War, Justice and Public Oider, 225-60. 137 Fora mapof thefortified sites see Jones, "War and Fourteenth Century France", I 11. 205 Prince."Faced with sucha powerful,locally dominantclass, it is not surprisingthat the 138 [French]monarchy was carefulto conciliateand placate it.,, The princedid not follow this example.Faced with the diplomaticskill and intrigue of Charlesthe Bad of Navarre,

CharlesV of France,Gaston Mus andPedro the Cruel it is not surprisingthat the military-mindedprince found he was quite out of his depth.This waswithout the threatof

Du Guesclinand the uncertaintyof his Gasconsubjects. Who could he trust wheneven, albeit briefly, the captal.de Buch gavean oath of Frenchallegiance in returnfor lands?

Armagnacand Perigord were French at heartand Albret hadbeen offended by the prince during the muster of the troops for the Najera campaign. What has been said of the Glyn

NvT revolt is also, in some measure,true of the Gasconrebellion. It "has been interpreted in manyways - asa nobleconspiracy,... as an anti-colonialuprising and as a national rebellion;but in contemporaryterms it maybe andshould be explainedstructurally as the collapseof the relationshipbetween lordship and community."139 In general,both in

Aquitaineand Wales, unless there were direct advantagesin havinga local sovereign,the nobility preferredhim to be absent.The princepersonally never visited Walesalthough his have administrationwas powerfulthere. His presenceat Bordeauxand Angoul8me may beenthe final straw.

Diplomacy

The exceptionto the prince's apparentdisinterest in politics is in the international arena.Both he andparticular members of his retinuewere closelyinvolved in diplomatic affairsparticularly in the periodfrom the victory at Poitiersto the establishmentof the

138 Given,Stale ivid Society,169. After the 1369rebellion Aymeri IX viscountof Narbonnewas appointed admiral of France,Annagnac was rewarded with the countiesof Bigorrc and Gaure,ibid., 168n. 57,169. 139 Davies,Lordship and Society, 465. 206 principalityof Aquitaine.Before Poitiers, on I August 1356,the Black Princehad been 140 given authorityto openpeace negotiations with France. Theywere available to him to

useon the eveof the battlewhen the cardinalsof P6rigordand Capocci tried to brokera

peaceon the plainsof Maupertuis.These powers were renewedon 15December and the

princewas later charged,through a messagecarried by Nigel Loryng, to determinehow

Jean'scapture might affectnegotiations particularly in the contextof the abortivetreaty of

Guines.141 A truce wasagreed at Bordeauxon 23 March 1357.142The negotiationswhich

followed143 eventually became the treatiesof London(May 1358,March 1359)144 and,

following the Reims campaign,the treaty of Bretigny, in which a number of the retinue 145 wereinvolved. While Bretigny is often seenas a failure for the English,the prince

cannotbe held responsible,despite his presencethere, for the failure to ratify the

sovereigntyclauses at Calaisand thus later leaveCharles V with a legal opportunityto

involve himself in Gasconyin 1369.146

numberof the retinuewere royal ambassadorssuch as Ivo Glinton who servedin 147 the prince'searly household, BartholomewBurghersh, the elder,was alsoinvolved in 148 diplomaticnegotiations with the Frenchcouncil while servingin the prince'shousehold.

140Rymer, III, L 333. 141 ibid., 334;Friedrich Bock "SomeNew DocumentsIllustrating the Early Yearsof the HundredYears War (1353- 1356Y',BOIL, xv, Appendix6,97; GeorgePeddy Cuttino, English Afedieval Diplomacy, Wiana, 1985,91. 142Rymer, IH, L 348-51. 143 StephenCosington was involved in diplomaticactivities in Normandyand elsewhere, Uon Mirot ct E. lXprcz, Lesambassades Anglakes pendant laguerre de centam, Paris,1900,27,28. 144 SeeI Ic Patourel,"The Treatyof Brdfigny, 1360",MIS, 5h ser., 10(1960), 24-5,28-30. The secondtrcatY was decribedas "Lequel trait6fut moult 41aisant Atout le peuplede France',Grevide Chronique, vi, 154. 145 Le Patourel,loc. cit, 3 1; Cuttino,op cit., 93-4 ; Mles Stapletonand Loryng traveled as ambassadors to France13 Aug. -7 Dec. 1360,Mirot et Deprez,op cit, 29. 146 The princewas sent to Calais,"pro tractatupacis ibidcrn habito inter rcgcsFrancie ct Anglic, annoxxxiiii, ibidcrn morandoet exinderedeundo usque Londonias". He waspaid expensesof E200and wages of J 10a day, ibid, 29. 147 Ivo, or Yves,travelled to Hainaultand throughout Flanders in 1345,Gennany in 1345,1346and 1348,Calais in 1349and to Flandersin 1350-1,ibid., 19-23. 148 29 June- 21 July, 4 Aug. -I Sept.135 1, ibid., 23. 207 Richardde la Beretravelled to the papalcourt at Avignon in 1354.149RichardStafford, after beingreplaced as seneschal of Aquitaine,was involvedin a numberof diplomatic 150 missions for the crown to Avignon, Scotlandand Flanders.

The princewas also concernedwith the settlementof the civil war in Brittany and was a closeassociate of Jeande Montfort who becameincreasingly dependent on him after his return to Brittany in 1362. De Montfort accompaniedthe prince on his touniee d'hommagesof the new principality andthis may havebrought Jean into contactwith

Chandoswho becamethe leaderof de Montfort's army at the battleof Auray

(1364).Edward's attempt to resolve the successionin the winter of 13634 failed becauseof the position taken by Joan de Penthi6vre. But he did manageto bring the two parties

(Montfort and Blois) together at Poitiers on two occasions.After this proved to be a failure

Edward provided more direct and militant support. There was a substantialnumber of his military associateswho fought at Auray andprobably did so with his blessing.This is particularlyso because,in the following year,the Anglo-Bretonalliance was formalised andstrengthened by the marriageof JoanHolland, the prince'sstep-daughter, to de

Montfort on 26 March 1366.151

A numberof the prince'sother diplomatic decisions were considerablyless successfulboth personallyand for posterity.The Breton civil war may havebeen an areain which the Black Princecame into conflict with his father.It was not the only suchinstance.

His marriageto Joanof Kent was a lost political opportunityand a liability for his son, althoughJoan was to proveherself an ablepolitician after the prince'sdeath. "No English king (or his heir) had marrieda widowedmother since the mid-twelfth century;whenever

149 ibid., 25. 150 ibid., 35,41-2. 151 AIAEI 19no. 5; Jones,Ducal Bri&W, 18-19,45and nrL 2,4 208 52 it did occur,it almostalways caused political or dynastictrouble. "' The needfor a dispensationfor the marriagemay havebeen the reasonNicholas Lorraigne was dispatched to Avignon between 12 June and 28 July 1361 "pour affaires touchant le prince do

Galles".153 The marriageno doubtangered Edward III but it is difficult to seethe creation of the principality asa form of exile for an undutiful son.The transferof territory and authoritywas handledwith discretionby a numberof the prince'sretinue, particularly John

Chandos,ably assistedby RichardStafford as seneschal,Nigel Loryng andAdam

Hoghton,in the annexationof Bigorre. However,the conductof the princehimself left morethan a little to be desired.The situationmay well havebeen untenable but matters werebrought to a headby the financialdemands occasioned by the Nfijera,campaign.

The treatyof Libourne, 1366,which formalisedAnglo-Gascon support for Pedro the Cruelwas a disasterand it canonly be assumedthat the princeknew full well that

Pedrowould be unableto fulfil his sideof the bargainand hopedto exploit the situation 154 oncehis ally was reinstatedin Castile. Either that or it demonstratesextreme political naivety.It was rescuedinitially only by the actionof Hugh Calveleywhose raids on

Mirandaand Puenta-le-Reina forced Charles of Navarreto returnto the allied fold after havinggiven his supportto Trastamarain January1367.

The political natureof the retinueis to an extentuncertain. It maybe the casethat asthe heir apparenthe alreadyhad great political authorityand as king would havemore.

Politicswere based on military might andthe ability to extractfinance to underwritethat power.Nonetheless, despite there being no MPs sentfrom Cheshireand Wales the Black

152 RalphA. Griffiths, "The Crownand the Royal Family in LaterMedieval Fj*laý', King Wd Counhy.Englivid and Walesin theFifieenth Centui)4 London, 1991,2 n. 7. 153 Mirot et Ddprez,op cit., 30. Ile wasregularly sent to the papalcuria throughout the 1360Sand was presumably an ex nenceddiplormt,ibid., 31,32,33. 15ýmDSept. 1366, Rymer, III, i4 800.

209 Princewas representedby aboutthe samenumber of membersof parliamentas his younger brotheryet thereis no evidenceto indicatethat he wishedthat this wasthe caseor if those membersfollowed his leador thoseof his allies in the Lords. Local concernsmay well havebeen uppermost on their agendas.Where there seemsto be mostorganisation is in what might be describedas the financialsector of politics, in thoseareas in which money might be madethrough political or judicial influence. It is particularly apparentin the exchequerin the early 1360swhen the princeappears to havetaken steps to ensurethat his concernswould be lookedafter while he was abroad.

The prince was well servedby politicians and diplomats, although it is difficult to separatemaster from servant,the influence of the Black Prince from the possibly independentactions of his retinue.If the difficulties in the March andto a muchgreater extentthe foolishnessin Aquitainewere the responsibilityof his ministersand not himself thenthe princemust take responsibilityfor not payingcloser attention. It seemsmore likely that the point at which the princebecame personally involved in political matterswas the point whenmatters tended to becomedifficult. In particular,his personalrelations with the

Gasconlords seemsto havebeen very poorly handled.He was not a diplomatand although the conditionsin Aquitainemay havebeen impossible for anyoneto maintaina principality of suchsize and suchinternal divisions, there seems little doubtthat the Black Princewas himselfa contributingfactor to its failure.

210 7

Religion: Patronage and Belief

Thehousehold of the BlackPrince provided a forum for worshipas well asmilitary endeavourand chivalric display. The prince had someresponsibility for the spiritual needs of his servantsand retainers just ashe hadfor their materialwell being.As the bastardfeudal structureprovided a reciprocalmilitary, legalor political servicearrangement, so the provision of a religious framework and environmentoffered the late medievallord spiritual supportthrough the religious devotionsof his servants.Furthermore, acts of collective worshipdid'much to enhancethe unity of the householdas did commonattitudes to religious devotionand favour for particularinstitutions and orders. These are all evidentin the Black

Prince'sretinue. In manyways they arecharacteristic of nationaltrends but a numberof aspectsin the householdare unusual. The prince's own beliefsmay well haveinfluenced membersof his retinueand those resident within the householdwere no doubtexposed to suchattitudes on a regularbasis. However, opinions can only bejudged through an examinationof the "external"elements of his worship,to which institutionsand orders and individualshe gave patronage, and who foundservice in his householdand vAder administration.Me in manyother aspects of the prince'shousehold and retinue, it is not possibleto view the religiouselement in isolation.Religion was political, religious staff wereoften employed in estateadministration and elsewhere and religious trends were often setby military menwho, through the wealthgained in the war with France,proved to bethe mostsignificant patrons of the mid fourteenthcentury.

211 Thechapel was the centreof devotionwithin which seatingand ritual demonstrated thehierarchy throughout the household.' One of the oldestchapels in the countrywas in the keepat CastleRising, Norfolk, which the Black Princeinherited after the deathof his grandmother.The chapelreceived a greatdeal of attentionas part of the development towardsdomestic comfort in manorialand military architecture.It becamea principalarea for the demonstrationof wealth and statusand, in many cases,replaced the chantry as the 2 chieffocus of religiousexpenditure. Chapels became increasingly elaborate, with choirs, 3 singingmasters, expensive furniture, books and vestments. The prince maintained chapels in severaldifferent locations at somecost as necessitated by his peripateticlifestyle and extensiveand geographically disparate estates. For example,there were numerous religious personnelat Wallingford,Berks., with chaplains,a deanand clerks. John Wendout was 4 5 chaplainfrom at least 1352 and in 1359he wasjoined by William Clobho. Robert

Walsham,the prince'sconfessor, was dean by 13596 when John Gormondchester7 and John

Cristemess'served as clerks there. In addition,John Ipswich held a collationof the deanery

1K Mertes,The English Aroble Household, 1250-1600: Good GovernanceandPoliticRule, oxford, 1988,147- 8. 2. By the end of the thirteenthcentury as the acquisitionof a domesticchapel began to be regardedas a mark of gentry,lesser gentry began to includeprivate chapelsin their manorhouses... " J. Ilughes,Pastors and r1sionaries.Religion mid SecularLife in LateMedieval Yorkshire,Woodbridge, 1988,10. 3 JeremyCatto, "Religion and the EnglishNobility in the Later FourteenthCentury-, History andImagination. Essaysin honour ofHugh Trevor-Roper,ed. H. Lloyd-Jones,V. Pearland B. Wordcn,London, 1981,46.1lenry Grosmontengaged one of the first choirs outsidethe royal house.In 1360he was employingsix adult singers, of iv, Mertes,op cit., 144.8 markswere to be paid for the purchaseof a missal by the prince on 10Feb. 1358,BPR, 239. 4 41,292. On 4 July 1362payments of LIO weremade to the clerks and chaplainsof Wallingford chapel,ibid., 449. 5 Saintsby Ile was servingas chaplainby 5 May 1359and receivedletters of presentationto the churchof All Wallingfordcastle on 3 Dec. 1361, it is uncertainwhether he retainedboth offices, ibid., 292,406. 6 later Walsharnwas appointedrector of Ilaseley by the prince who had the advowsonon 3 Dec. 1360. Ile 1361, receivedlhrewell manor,Berks, to maintainsix chaplains,six clerks and four choristerson 6 July ibid., 320,369,388. 7 in Gormondchesterbecame the prince's almoner,a canonof Chichesterand held "Chumoslcnd" church, the CPOPR, dioceseof Exeterwhich he resignedin 1363after the prince petitionedfor a beneficein Chichester. Petitions,454. 8 In 1366Cristemess had benefices in Belstone,Devon, a canonryand chaplaincyin London,Register ofSimon de Sudbria,ii, 161. 212 of thefree chapel of St Nicholasin Wallingfordcastle in 135 1, asJohn Stene was to do in

1365.9Furthermore, there was, within the castlea cell dedicatedto theTrinity, heldof the abbeyof St Albans,to whichthe princegranted a licenceto acquire40s. of landin mortmain 10 within his estates. Thededication to theTrinity maybe significantin the contextof the prince'sinterest and favour for the cult. It hasbeen said that "The list of parishchurches is far thebest evidence one can hope to haveof local cultsand devotions in the centralmiddle ages.""' This maywell hold true for monasteriesin the laterperiod.

As well asstaff in particularlordships, there was also a householdchapel that was presumablyperipatetic. This also had a considerablenumber of personnel.Thomas

Madefray was keeperof vestments,relics and other ornamentsin the prince's household 12 chapelfor sometime before c. 1359when he was retainedfor life. William Wikkewane 8d. for andReynold, both describedas a "child[ren] of the prince's chapel" were paid 26s. hose expensesand receivedtwo coatsand hats every year in addition to linen, cloth, and 13 shoes. Hugh Bridham, clerk of the prince's chapel,received wages of 40s. in 1353,robes later have and gifts on many occasionsand was retainedfor life in October 1359.14He may 15 found servicewith the Courtenayfamily. In May 1351,orders were issuedfor the payment

V5 9s. of wagesand costsof PeterBrumpton, who servedthe prince as a chaplain,totalling

9 BPR,iv, 36,563. 1020 May 1363,ibid., 494. Theywere later granted10 beeches,5 June 1363,ibid., 498; Knollcs and Iladcock, AfedievalReligious Houses, 79. 11Christopher Brooke, "Reflections on Late Medieval Cults and Devotions",Essays in JIonor ofEdward B. King, ed.Robert G. Bensonand Eric W. Naylor, Tennessee,1991,3 8. 12 BPR,iv, 321,329-30.Madefray's will includeda bequestof two coasterspainted with the history of the prince of Wales,Husting Roll 104(63). 13BPR, iv, 238,281. 14 in ibid., 132,205,329-30,385,408;Regisirm SimonisLanghazn, 26. On 24 Dec. 1361he receiveda landgrant I figh Wycombe,where he wasalso warden of StJohns hospital 15 he Ile may havebeen related to the Courtenay'sreceiver-gencral, Baldwin "Brigharn7.Before 1371 was Totnesin appointedto a beneficeat SuttonCourtenay, Bucks, wl-dch he later exchangedfor the arclideaconryof Exetercathedral. In 1385this was exchangedfor beneficesoutside Devon, Robert W. Dunning,"Patronage and promotionin the Late Medieval Church",Patronage, the Crown and the Provincesin Later AfedievalEng1ml, ed.Ralph A. Griffiths, Gloucester,1981,169. 213 16 21/2d.William Doxewick,as the deanof the prince'schapel, received wages of I d. a day 17 for the prince'soblations. Therewere a numberof otherchaplains whom the princepaid directlyor foundpatronage or benefices.18

Religionwas not only an"internal" activity within the retinue.Charity, hospitality, grantsand endowments to religiousinstitutions, devotion to saintsand observance of the liturgicalcalendar were all aspectsof piety andexpenditure which were assumed of the late medievalnobility andthe householdand retinue of the Black Princeclearly reflect this expectation.Associations with popular,fashionable and politically suitableinstitutions reflectedstatus and becameincreasingly important in the context of deterioratingrelations with the papacy.The mendicantorders and individuals within them were recipientsof regulargifts and grants.On II July 1360the gift of a 50s. Bible to the Friars Minor of 19 Chesterwas recorded. Later that year, a grant involving the Friars Minor and the rector of 20 Tatenhall,Cheshire, was considered. The Friars of Coventrywere given accessto 21 quarrying facilitieS. The Friars Preachersalso receiveda gift from the prince. John

Gedding,a London glazier, was paid 100s.for a window made for their church at

Chelmsford22 Richard Leominster, the involved . a memberof sameorder, was closely with the prince. He travelled with him to Gasconyduring the 1355-7campaigns and was the recipientof a 120 life annuity as well as other small gifts." Another friar, Richard Savage,

16BPR, iv, 15. 17 Ile servedfrom at least 1357-61,ibid., 205,379. 18 eg.Roger Shipbrook (free chapelof Flint, appointed,7 Oct. 1358);Robert Upton, chaplain(serving, Dec. 1360);William Walsingham,chaplain, (presented for admissionas rectorof Bunbury churchin the dioceseof Coventryand Lichfield, 20 July 1360),ibid., iii, 324,392,402. 19 ibid., 386.The prince receivedinformation that Brunharnhad agreedto buy the Bible from the bailiff of Wiche had been from hundred.The Bible taken the friars without their leaveat sometime previously.Brunham was to ry the bailiff 50s.and return the book to the friars as a gift. 0 ibid., 386. 21 18Oct. 1362, ibid., iv, 47 1. 2229 Sept.1361, ibid., 394. 23ibid., 239,255,352. 214 wasgranted a 20 markannuity for aslong ashe remainedwith the prince.After his deathin 24 1360,arrears were paid to his companionBrother ThomasLeche. In addition, the prince's patronageof RogerCradock, a Franciscanfriar from Nantwich,helped to securehis 25 appointmentas bishop of Llandaff Themendicant orders were also the regularrecipients of grantsand bequests from membersof the retinue.Roger Swetenharn left moneyto the

Friars minor of Chestei26and Nigel Loryng left bequeststo the four mendicantorders in

Londonand in Oxfordfor themto saya thousandmasses for his souland his vvife's.

Additionalsums were to be distributedto the Franciscansat Readingand Bridgewater and a

COMWall. 27 numberof mendicantcommunities in Devonand EdwardDespenser also left bequeststo theFriars of Cardiff,as well asa chaliceto Tewkesburyabbey which he had 28 beengiven by the king of France. -

Mendicantswere by no meansthe solebeneficiaries of the prince'sreligious patronageand finiher examplesof paymentsand associations vvith many other institutions will be detailedbelow. They are predominantly to maleorders and individuals. There are few grantsto womenreligious to comparewith that madeby SimonCollegh who released thenuns of Studley,Oxfordshire, from payinghim a pensionof 10 marksin returnfor the

him the benefice29 A two tuns also princeproviding with nextavailable . gift of of winewas madeto the abbessand convent of Minoressesnear Aldgate in London.30 Agnes Paynel, a

24ibid., 355. 25 Bennett,Communiýv, Class and Careerism,205. 26 'A Collectionof Lancashireand CheshireWills, 1301-1752",ed. William FcrgussonIrvinc, Lancscold Ches. Rec.Soc., 30 (1896),7. 27 Lincoln ArchivesOffice Reg. xii, fo. 320. 28ibid., fo. 163. 2928 June1359, BPR, iii, 349. 3026 Aug. 1359,ibid., iv, 307. 215 nun from Sopwell,near St Albans,received a five markannuity from the princein 1362 ' whichlater increased to five pounds.

Like his father,the princemaintained family traditionsof patronage.At ValeRoyal, foundedby EdwardI in 1277and supported briefly by Edward11, he grantedthe monks500 marksin 1353and a similarsum in 1358.In the following yearhe contractedWilliam

Helpeston,the king's mason,to completethe work begunby his great-grandfather.32The design,involving the constructionof a chevetof 12chapels at the east'endof the abbey, for whichwas completed by 1374,involved a stylewhich hadbeen rare in England a centuryand appears to havebeen influenced by Europeanmodels, and in particularToledo

33Thebuilding was in partfinanced by the fine of 5,000marks exacted from cathedral. Cheshireafter the "revole'of 1353.Excavations have shown that Vale Royalwas II feet longerthan Fountains Abbey and thus the longestCistercian church in England.However, it appearsnever to haveattracted the projectedfigure of 100resident monks. In addition,the 34 princemade gifts of wine and,more valuably in 1359-60,organised the appropriationof therectory of LlanbadarnFawr in southWales as well asthe chapelsof Castelwater,

Kellonod35The Llanbadam to of his long- Llanelarand . advowsonof wasgranted a number standingadministrators in November1362; Peter Lacy, receiver-general,Richard

31ibid., 469,564. 32 Ilelpestonwas to be paid L860 in installments,5 June 1359,BPR, iii, 344,361-3. 33 On 3 Mar. 1367/8,William Helpeston,Walter Grcuden,Ilenry Ifelpeston,Richard ap Atha andJohn Pigot hire Vale Royal,F. 1 1. wereauthorised by the prince to masonsand workmen in Chesterand Flint for the works at Crossley,"Chronological Data of Churchesof Cheshire",Transactions of theLancashire wul Cheshire AntiquarianSociety, Ivii (1943-4), 133.The contractindicates either a hernicycleof chapelsor a numberof radiatingchapels were suggested.Excavations showed seven hexagonal chapels alternating with six quadrilateral chapels.There are a numberof Frenchanalogues as well as the Toledo exampleof 1226-36.For a conjectural plan of the chapels,details of the excavationand further discussion,see F. 11. Thompson, "Excavations at the CistercianAbbey of Vale Royal, Cheshire,1958". Antiquaries Journal, x1ii (1962), 183-207,185pl. xxiv. 34 eg.Ches. Chwnb. Accs, 216,255. 35Rot. Parl, iii, 182;CPR, 1358-61,296-7,547-9;CPapR, i, 37 1; iv, 88; "The LedgerBook of Vale Royal Welsh Abbey", ed.John Brownbill (Lancsand Ches.Rec. SOC., 1xviii), 1914;A. 'E[amilton Thompson, "Medieval Dioceses",Journal of theHistorical Societyofthe Church in Males,i (1947), 106and n. 38. 216 36 Wolveston,keeper of the privy seal,William Spridlington,chief auditor and John LueS.

Lacy, Spridlington,Wolveston and John Delves, governor of the prince'sbusiness, were

37 alsogranted the advowsonof Lampeterchurch in February1361. Edwardalso had some involvementin the financialbusiness of the abbey,providing licences for landand monetary 38 transfersand allowing annuities to be grantedto JohnBuckingham and Nicholas Ivingho. 39 After the prince'sdeath, Richard II maintainedthe patronageof the abbey. Theprince also supportedinstitutions at Ashridge,Edington and elsewhere. He waspatron of the conventof

St Werburghin Chesterand during his absenceon the Reimscampaign left certain 40 safeguardsagainst any action being taken against it. In associationwith Henryof

Lancaster,Isabella, the queenmother, and the earlof Warwick,the princesupported the 41 monasteryof St Evroul in the dioceseof Lisieux.

Theprince also supported the Orderof Bonhommes.The monasteryor collegeof the

PreciousBlood at Ashridgehad been founded for sevenpriests in 1283by the prince'sgreat- uncle,Edmund, .In 1376the Black Princeaugmented the endowmentsand the numberof priestswas increased to 20. He appearsto havehad little directcontact with 42 this houseof the orderuntil this time whenhe becamethe "secondfoundeei,. In 1346,a

36CpapR, Letters, 1362-1404,88. 37Mt 1358-61,547. 38 iii, 393, Buckinghamand Ivingho received350 and 10 marksa year respectively,10 Sept.,20 Oct. 1360,BPR, 395. 39 24 Jan. On 26 Apr. 1392,Richard ordered timber to be deliveredfor building andrepairs to Vale Royal.On for further 1396n, a warrantwas issuedby the king to JohnDome, foresterof Mara, for the delivery of six oaks repairs,Crossley, "Churches of Cheshire",13 3. 40 Themayor and sheriff of Chesterwere not to indict the abbotor servantsof any crime without consulting BPR, iii, 400. "The life Chester. its lit dominatedby Delvesor Brunharn, religious of and indeed economic e,w as the richly endowedBenedictine monastery of St Werburgh's.The monasticchurch with its cloistersand offices wasthe largestand most imposingedifice in the city." DouglasJones, "The Churchin Chester1300-1540", ChethmnSoc., P ser.,7 (1957),5. 41MpR, Petitions, 177. 42 by Edward "After manychanges of ownershipand somedecay, Berkharnsted castle was repairedand occupied bride for III soonafter 1336;in 1361Edward duke of Cornwall, the Black Prince,settled there with his nearly Homines eighteenmonths, and the princebecame the secondfounder of Ashridge", II. F. Chcttle,"The Boni of Ashridgeand Edington", Downside Review, 62 (1944),47. 217 chantryhad been founded in the conventualchurch for the soulof BartholomewBurghersh 43 aflerthe appropriationof the churchof Ambrosden. Thefoundation had been built on

duchyland a shortdistance from Berkhamstedand endowed with Ashridgepark and

manor.44 Royal approval for the institutionwas demonstrated by the grantof a charteron 20

September1359 and was confirmed on the accessionsof HenryIV, his sonand grandson, in whichrights were granted to thegoods of felons,fines arising from trespassand other 45The offencesand the claimto takestray animals within the estatesof the house. institution dues wasalso granted the right to freewarren in its demesnelands and freedom from certain

androyal exactions.The mostimportant exemption was that of paymentof all tenthsand

fifteenthsgranted by the laity andtenths granted by the clergy.There was however, no 46 exemptionfrom feudaldues.

Thehouse at Ashridgewas the first of the orderbut it wasnot the first houseof

Bonhommeswith whichthe princewas connected. The orderhad expanded in the 1350S (d. whentwo brothersfrom Ashridgewere sent to Edingtonof which one, JohnAylesbury

25 March 1382),received a licencefrom the bishopof Lincoln in 1358permitting him to 47 takeup office asthe first rector. TheAshridge statutes were repeated at Edingtonand the in unusualazure habit became uniform. However, after the transferof brethren 1358there

seemsto be little evidenceof anyreal enduringlink betweenthe two. Thereis little 48 agreementas to the actualnature of the observancecarried out at the houses. Certainly

thereis little obviouslydistinctive, apart from their habit,about them to attractpatronage.

43 VCII, Bucks,387. 44 G.E. Chambers,7he Bonhommes of the Order ofSt. AugustineatAshridge andEdington, 2d ed.,Pamphlet, 1979,4. 45 JanetH. Stevenson,"The EdingtonCartulary", WiltshireRecord Society, x1ii (1986). 15-17. 46 7. J.L Kirby, TheEstates ofEdinglon Priory (Reportof the Friendsof EdingtonPriory Church, 1966), 47 Stevenson,loc. cit., xv-xvii. 48 SeeChettle, loc. cit., 43-4. 218 Theyfollowed the Ruleof St Augustine,or a very closevariant, and normal monastic servicewas conducted according to theUse of Sarum.Despite the associationof William

Edingtonand the Black prince,they hadlittle or no politicalinfluence.

Thefoundation at Edingtonwas converted into a houseof Bonhommes,not founded assuch. It hadbeen created as a collegeof the BlessedVirgin, St Katherineand All Saints by William Edington, bishop of Winchester,in 1351as one of the last purely regular religiousfoundations. The conversioninto a monasteryof the Bonhommesin 1358probably occurredat the insistenceof the Black Prince,and served "to free[the] priestsfrom onerous 49A parochialdutiee". charterwas given by RobertWyvill, bishopof Salisbury,in March confirmingthat it wasto becomea houseof "fratresde ordinesancti Augustini, Boni 50 Hominesvulgariter nuncupatP. Leland,using for the first time the appellation"Blak

Prince',,recounted the role of the princein the conversionand his namewas added to the list 51 of thoseprayed for from the momentof conversion. A numberof individualswith other connectionsto theprince can be foundamong records of the orderas witnesses to charters 52 andthe like. It is surprisingthat with suchluminaries as the princeof Walesand the bishop of Winchesteras patrons, the orderfailed to gaina greatdeal of support.It washandsomely endowedby the princewho soughtlittle materialbenefit and indeed handed over control 53 overelections to the brethren. EdingtonPriory is alsorenowned for its glazingconstructed

49 Stevenson, loc. cit, xiv. 50 Dugdale,Afonasticon, vi, 536. SeeStevenson, loc. cit., 9-14 for letterspatent dated 29 Mar. 1358. 51 J.R. L. I-lighfield, Willion ofEdinglon (FriendsFestival Lecture, 16 June 1962,church pamphlet), 6-7. A gift from the princeto Edington'sclerk, Philip, on 27 Feb. 1359may havebeen connected with the conversion,BPR. iv, 280. 52 Ibc charterof 28 Oct. 1351, grantingproperty to William Scarld and the chantry,was witnessedby William FitzWarynand JohnPavely among others (see also 12 Apr. 1353and 5 July 1354).other transactionswere Peter witnessedby Hugh Camoys,Bernard Brocas, John Inkepenne, Warin L'Isle, RichardAbbcrburY and Escudamore,Stevenson, loc. cit., 36,108,119-20,128. 53 In his will, 50 largepearls and his greattable of gold and silver, set with preciousstones and full of the most valuablerelics wereleft to Edington,Harvey, Black Prince am] his Age, 160-5. 219 c. 1358-61.54 The order may also have included a houseat Ruthin which was foundedin 55 1310 for at least sevenregular priestsby John Grey. An associationis certainly possible sincethe principalseat of the Greyfamily in Englandwas at Bletchley,north west of

Ashridge.56

Canterburycathedral also held a specialaffection for the prince.This mayhave been dueto its associationwith the cult of the Trinity establishedby Becketon his consecrationin

1162.On his returnfrom the victory at Poitierswith the captiveking of Francethe prince stoppedat Canterburyto makeofferings at Becket'sshrine. He wasa regularpatron throughouthis lifetimeand in his will requestedto be buriedthere. His restingplace however,did not havethe prominenceit wasfelt he deserved,so insteadof lying in the Lady

Chapelin the crypt hewas placed in a splendidtomb in the Trinity Chapel.Relations with archbishopstended to be friendlybut the wisdomof the prince'shighly controversial marriagewas questioned by Islip on the basisthat anyoffspring from theunion mightbe consideredto be of uncertainlegitimacy. This was proved to bethe caseas Richard's birth 57 waschallenged by Bolingbroke. A papaldispensation was required before the marriage couldtake place due to consanguinity.In returnfor this, the poperequired the foundationof two chantries.They were established in a pair of chapels,one dedicated to theTrinity, the otherto the Virgin andhoused in Canterburycathedral. Two southernbays of the east transeptwere enclosed to form a separatechapel. This was endowedby a grantfrom the " prince'smanor of Vauxhall,land in Lambethand four quayson the Thames. Matinsand

54 Age ofChtvalry, ed. Alexanderand BinskL 145. 55 "Edingtonwas the secondhouse of the Order and therewere no more' PICII.Wilts, 321. 56 D. Knowlesand R. Neville Hadcock,Afedieval Religious Houses: English 1vid111ales, I larlow, 2n' ed., 1971, 203. 57 inheritance Only in the 1330s/early1340s was it wasdecided by law that royal offspring born abroadhad same rightsas those born in England,Ralph A. Griffiths, "The Crown and the Royal Family in Later Medieval England!'. King mid Country.England and JValesin the FifteenthCentury, Undon, 1991,46. 58 PatrickCollinson, Nigel Ramsay,and MargaretSparks, ed. A History ofCanterbury Catherdral,Oxford, 220 the canonicalhours, vespers, compline, placebo and dirge were to be saidthere. The chaplains,who wereprovided with accommodation,were to "celebratedaily for our [the prince's]good estate and the prosperityof our marriagewhile we live, andfor our souls whenwe shallhave been withdrawn from the light."59 The chantry was richly decoratedand includedthe prince'sand his father'sarms and the bustof a headreputed to bethe Fair Maid of Kent. The work was probably undertakenby Henry Yevele.

Theprince's own religiouspredilections may well havehad an impacton the attitudesof certainmembers of the retinueand it appearslikely that Joancreated an unorthodoxelement in the prince'slater years and after his death.Substantial changes took placein the religiousattitudes of the lay upper-classesin the laterfourteenth century. The nobilitybecame better educated and their patronageof religioushouses reflected an increasinginterest in andsupport for particulardevotional forms and attitudes while retainingthe basicrequirement'of intercession on behalfof a deceasedsoul to aidthe " journeythrough purgatory. Thecharacter of endowmentsalso changed, moving away from traditionalBenedictine, Cistercian and Augustinian foundations. In Yorkshirefor example, the only new housesestablished were those of the Carthusianorder. However, the older ordersdid retainan importanteconomic role in the community,especially in thoseareas wheresheep farming and the wool tradewere important. Nonetheless, many noblemen preferredthe perpetualchantry which requireda smallerendowment allowing those of lesser 61 meansto becomefounders and which couldbe completelydevoted to intercession.

1995,569. 59 Liferae Cantuarensis,ii, ed.J. B. Sheppard,426, cited by Y, Wood-Leigh,perpetual Chantriesin Britain, Cambridge,1965,3 8,236-7 andn. 1. 60 Catto,"Religion and the EnglishNobility", 43-4. 61 Hughes,Pastors and Fisionaries,37,3 8-9.

221 Theprince was subject to a varietyof generalinfluences which may haveaffected his devotionalpreferences. In addition,a numberof individualsmay have played a particular role. Churchmencertainly played a part in his upbringingand were influential in his early years.Henry Burghersh, ,was his godfatherand the princewas involved in

62 a piousfamily gatheringin the cathedralthere in, 1343. William Edington,bishop of

Winchester,was a closefliend with whomthe princewas closely involved in the collegiate foundationat Edingtonin Wiltshire.He servedon the prince'scouncil from 1347until his deathin 1366and was responsible for affairsduring the prince'sabsence overseas in 1355-7.

Edingtonhad been keeper of EdwardIII's wardrobe(134 1), treasurer of the exchequer

(1344-56)and chancellor of England(1356-63). He alsodrew up the statutesof the Orderof 63 the Garterand was its chancellor. William Courtenay(,1370-5, of

London,13 75-81 and ,13 81-96) was assisted in his earlycareer by theprince and also William Bohun.The friendship was such that Richard 11 had the late archbishopburied near the Black Princein Canterbury.64 The prince maintained a close ffiendshipwith Thomasde la Mare,Abbot of St Albans,and his monastery.65 This relationshipwas such that in 1396Richard II wroteto BonifaceIX concerningSt Albans

62 ChaucerLtfe Records,ed. M. M. Crow and C.C. Olson,Oxford, 1966,92. 63 PrCII,Wilts, 320.Edington was a collegiatechapel and convertedinto a monasteryof Bonhommcsin 1358. For biographiesof William seeDNB, vi, 386-7; JohnCampbell, Lives ofthe Lord Chancellorsand KeePerJOfthe GreatSeal ofEngland, London, 1856,i, 251-3.Edington may havelent the prince 1,000marks for the Reims expeditionwhich was orderedto be repaidon 25 Oct. 1359,BPR, iv, 327. 64 JosephH. Dahmus,MIlimn Courtenay,Archbishop ofCanterbury, 1381-1396,Pcmsylvania, 1966,2,228-9. 65 WhenThomas became abbot in 1349the prince defendedhim againstGerard Wythcrington in a violent argumentconcerning Hawkslowe manor. The interventioncaused Wytherington to give up his claim andask the later became abbot'spardon. Thomas a memberof the king's privy council. The monksof Christchurch Canterburyrefused to attenda generalchapter in 1351called by Thomasas presidentof the chapter.I lis servant wasimprisoned and the princerebuked the prior of Christchurchfor the disrespectshown to Thomas.As a result a paymentwas madeto Thomasand the servantto makeamends, Gesta Ahbatwn Atonaslerij SanctiAlbani A ThomaeMalsinghcon, ed. II. T. Riley (Rolls Scr.) London, 1867.ii, 377-8,390,403-4. For a discussionof this incidentin which the loyalty of the prince to Canterburyand St Albans was testedsee Canterbury Catherdral, cd. Collinson,Ramsay and Sparks,100- 1. The princealso intervenedover the matterof threeSt Alban's men; Simon Romayn,John Bower and RogerGreenford who, while on a pilgrimageto Rome,were capturedin France.The princewas a generouspatron noted as donating100 marks, GestaAbbatwn, ii, 382,408-9.lie alsomade a gift of 4&waxlights"to Peterboroughand St Albans,BPR, iv, 508. 222 expressinga desireto follow his father's examplewho bore "a specialaffection for the said 66 monastery". Joanmaintained her late husband'sfriendship with abbot Thomasand madea

behalf 67 supplicationto the pope on of St Alban's. Nigel Loryng,-the prince's chamberlain, 68Robert was a benefactorof the building of a cloister there, Knolles was also a patron and

RobertWalsham, the prince's confessor,gave the abbey400 markS.69

Politicalconsequences or potentialbenefits were rarely far from the mindsof religiouspatrons. Edward III's "personalreligion was imbued with a strongand confident 70 nationaliSrei. The'Englishnese' of manyof the institutionsof which he wasa patron indicatesthat Edward's personalaffiliations were constructedto promotepatriotism and 71 elicit supportfor his foreign poliCy. IjiS Son'sreligious preferences,whilst leading him to supportmainly English institutions, do not appearto havebeen motivated by the same impulse.As Orrnrodindicates, the king's wasa conservativeand traditional religion, maintainingsupport for the oldermonastic and mendicant i orders and a devotionto the

Virgin ratherthan the newly fashionablecult of the Trinity of which his sonwas a fervent 7' Religion inextricablyintertwined. advocate. andpolitics were Theprince regularly receivedpapal letters encouraging him to look for a peacefulsettlement in the Frenchwars, requestingrestitution for damagedone in the courseof the war andasking for assistance 73Similar againstthe FreeCompanies. letterswere sent to the captalde Buchand John

66CPapX Letters, 1362-1404,26Sept. 13 96,293. 67 Walsingbarn,Gesta Abbatum, ii, 151-3,154-5;Colin Platt TheAbbeys ad Prioriesofjkledieval Engloid, London,1984,205. 68Beltz, Memorials, 65-8. 69 Platt,op cit., 205;VC11, Herts, iv, 396 and on Thomas de la Marc,David Knowles, The Religious Onlers in England,Cambridge, 1955, i4 39-48. 70 WN. Ormrod,"The Personal Religion of Edward111". Speculum, 64 (1989),860. 71 ibid.,859; Peter Heath, Church andReak 1272-1461,London, 1988,10248. 72 Omirod,loc. cit., 858., 73 Forexample, 6 Oct 1356,19Oct. 1356,Register ofJohn de Trillek,249-51. 223 Chandos.Joan also- received letters requesting her helpin encouragingthe princeto seek 74 peaceand, in February1366, to mediatein the Spanishaffair.

As productsof a similarreligious and social ethos, the prince's character may have beensubject to influenceslike thosethat shapedHenry of Grosmont.The Black Princehas beendescribed as "a manof vaguelypuritanical religion" andthis was compoundedby anti- 73 clericaltendencies created by their anti-warfeelings. Theduke of Lancaster'sreligious attitudescan be seenin hisLivre deSeyntzMedicines, written in 1354possibly as a taskset

76 by his confessor. It detailshis weaknesses,pride, lust andgluttony. This self-denigrating notewas echoed, to anextent, in the prince'sfunerary epitaph. It is a strange,almost jarring associationof apparentlycontradictory values: the trappingsof war on onehand and the denigrationof the bodyon the other.

Maisje sui orepoevres et cheitifs Parfonden la terregis Ma grandebeaut6 est tut a16e, Ma charest tut gaste...77

Lancaster'sown funeral,of which the Black Prince,amongst others, was to be notified,also reveals something of his spiritualattitudes. The corlJge was to bevery simple 78 vvithno armedguards or trappingson the horses. This penitentialspirit wasalso in demonstratedin thetombs of RogerKerdeston, a kinsmanof William, andOliver Ingham " Norfolk on whichthe effigieslie oddly contortedon a bedof pebbles. HumphreyV, earlof

748 IýIay 1365,MpR, Letters, 1362-1404,16,21. 75 Saul,Richard 11,9,298. 76 Le Lime de SeyntzMedicines, cd. E.J. F. Amould,Oxford, 1940. 77 For a discussionof the sourceand threedifferent versionsof the epitaph,the earliestbeing the Disciplina Clericalisby PetrusAlphonsi, seeD. B. Tyson,"'Me Epitaphof the Black Prince'. Medium AeVum-46 (1977), 98-104. 78Fowler, King's Lieutenant.192-5.217. 79 Juliet andNIalcolm Vale, "Knightly Codesand Piety". History Today,37 (1987), 13,see also MG. A. Vale, 224 Hereford(d. 136 1) alsowished to be buriedwithout pompas did WalterManny and

Richard,earl of Arundel,who bothrejected the useof military accoutrementsat their 'o funerals. Mannywas buried before the stepsof the high altarin the churchof the London charterhouse,known as the "House of theSalutation of theMother of God"which he had 81 founded. This attitudewas by no meansuniversal and one has to look no furtherthan the splendourand magnificenceof the prince's own internmentto demonstratethe continuing supportfor an ostentatiousmilitary funeral, although this was balancedby his self- 82 denigratingepitaph. This perhapsis not surprisingas he hadbeen very ill for the lasteight yearsof his life andoften bed-ridden after a strenuousand active life. On a lessernote the exampleof BartholomewBurghersh, the younger,demonstrates a more common attitude to funerals.He wasburied at Walsinghambefore the imageof the Virgin, a dirgewas said, torcheswere carried alongside the bodyand were lit whenpassing through any town. The chariotin which hewas to be carriedwas covered with red cendallemblazoned with his armsand his helmetwas to be Wd at the head."

Thetendency towards funeral austerity has been used as a criterionto establish

Lollard sympathieS84and it is clearthat suchattitudes were not unknownin the prince's retinue.The terminology used in wills which demandedsuch burials reveals a trendof austerityand disgust with the corporealworld. In manycases however, funerals continued to beopportunities for display.Heraldry was a typical mediumfor this. Coatsof armsleft a

Piety,Charity and Literacy amongthe YorkshireGenh)ýý 1370-1480, (Borthwick Papers,50), York, 1976,11-14. 80 Catto,"Religion and the EnglishNobility", SO-1. For Bohun andManny's wills see,Testamenta Vetusta, 66-8, 85-6. 81E. M. Thompson,Yhe Carthusian Order in England,London, 1930,173. 82 For detailsof the prince's tomb see,Canterbury Cathedral, ed. Collinson,Ramsay and Sparks,494-8 and for theprince's funeral achievements see Janet Arnold, "The Jupon or coat-amour of the Black Princein Canterbury Cathedrar,Journal ofthe ChurchMonuments Society, viii (1993), 12-24. 83 TestamentaVelusta, i, 76-7. For detailsof the burial excavationsee, Charles Green and A. B. Whittingham. -Excavationsat WalsingharnPriory, 1961 ", ArchaeologicalJournal, cxxv (1968),255-90. 84 McFarlane,Lancastrian Kings and Lollard Knights, 210-17. 225 familial signatureon thoseinstitutions to which the deceasedwere benefactors and provided a demonstrationof socialprestige more than piety. Armorial designs were demonstrations of " collectivefamily honourwhich waspassed down the generations. Otherconspicuous memorialswere left to thedead such as the Bradeston/Berkeley east window of Gloucester 86 abbeycommemorating the fallen of Crecyand Calais in an innovativearchitectural style.

Salvationwas to be achievedby goodworks, especially benefactions, charity and the foundingof institutions,particularly chantries in which massescould be saidfor the dead.

Deathwas clearly a matterof preoccupationfor manyin the fourteenthcentury., Plague becameendemic and was commonly believed to be divinejudgement. Within the military retinuethis combinedwith the perilsof battleand the otherhazards of campaigning.With increasinglay educationit is not surprisingthat devotionaltrends tended to be setby career soldiersand that they were regular benefactors of institutions.Hugh Calveley, for example, beganremodelling Bunbury church as a collegeof priests.87 There were also a numberof hospitalsfounded by soldiersclose to courtincluding Robert Knolles. 88 John Daberrion, in

1352,purchased Week manor and gave it to Tavistockabbey in exchangefor freequarters in " the abbeyprecinct during his lifetime anda chafitryin the parishchurch afler his death.

Dabernon'swill left nothingto chancewith regardto the bestfoundation to securehis salvation.Bequests were made to 26 religioushouses in Devonand Cornwall, male and female,Augustinian, Benedictine, Cistercian, Carmelite, Dominican, Franciscan and

Premonstratensian.Hospitals at Exeter,Lamford and Bodmin, parish churches and parish

85 Hughes,Pastors and risionaries, 18. 86 Age ofChivalry, ed. Alexanderand Binskj, 145., 87 Crossley,"Churches of Cheshire",88. 88 Catto,"Religion and the EnglishNobility", 46-7. 89II. P. R. Finberg,Tavistock Abbey, Newton Abbot, 1969,18. 226 90 priestsas well as Exeter cathedralalso receivedbequests. Supportfor the Carthusiansalso becamepopular, at leastpartly because of the interestin andrespect for the contemplative life. Theywere one of the few ordersto remainfree of criticismfrom suchcommentators as

Langlandand Wyclif Amongstthose close to theBlack Prince,Walter Manny and Michael de la Polefounded the Charterhousesat London and Hull respectively.91 At Londoneach individualcell, markedalphabetically, had a benefactor.Manny founded the "N' cell, Adam

Fraunceysthe "E, F, L andM' cellsafter 1374and Robert Knolles with his vAfe,Constance, foundedthe T" cell after 1389.92 Manny's interest in the ordermay havebeen prompted by his associationwith Grosmontand Gaunt both of whom haddealings with Beauvalepriory,

Notts, andhe was assisted with the foundationcosts by the bishopof London,Michael

Northburgh.93 Previously Manny had provided a graveyardfor plague-strickenLondoners 94 andfounded a collegefor 12 secularpriests to prayfor the dead. Oneof thosewho

requestedtheir prayersin his will was William Lord Latimer. De la Pole's motives for

founding the charterhousein Hull are clear.His father had beenthe first mayor of the town

in 1331-5and had represented it in parliament.Michael was granted the custodyof thetown

andthe manorof Myton in 1366.95 Peter Veel, in 1387, grantedthe advowsonof Norton

FitzWarren,Somerset, to the Londoncharterhouse. Such gestures may well havehad origins

90 M. Webster,"John Dabernon and his Will", Devonand Cornwall Notesad Queries,36 (1989), 178. 91 Londonwas adumbratedin 1361and establishedin 1371.Ilull was foundedin 1378-9.Catto, loc. cit., 52. 92 This was oneof manydonations made by Knolles. Othersincluded almshouses in PontcfTact,grants to the Carmelitesof Whitefliars and rebuildingthe churchesof Sculthorpeand Ilarplcy in Norfolk, David Knowlesand W.F. Grimes,Charterhouse: The Foundation in the Light ofRecentDiscoveries, London, 1954,27-,DNB, xi, 281-6. 93 Northburghleft E2,000to the LondonCarthusians in his will of 1361,William F. Taylor, Me Charterhouseoj London,London, 1912,3,17. 94 W. 11opeSt. John,History of the LondonCharterhouse, London, 1925,6. A papalbull of ClementVI, 14 Mar. 1350-1authorized the foundationof the chapel.See also Knowles and Grimes,op cit., 6. 95 DNB, xvi, 49-50.Ilis mother,Katherine (d. 1381) was buried in the I lull charterhousealthough his father, William, restedin the Trinity Chapel,Ilull, TestamentaEboracensia, i, 76-7,119. 227 96 in a group mentality. Richard 11gave the institution a tun of Gasconwine annually after

1382and was associated with the foundationof the Coventrycharterhouse. The prince himselfgranted the Selwoodcharterhouse, five marksa yearon 6 August1362. The prior andorder of I-fintonreceived 10 marksa yearin lieu of onetun of wine on 3 March 1362 97 andthe prior of Witham,five marks. Theprince also maintained a hermitageat

Bentlewoodin the parishof Den in Wiltshire.In 1361John Sutton of Holdernesswas 98 grantedpermission to live therefor the restof his life. It wasnot the only suchinstitution in theprince's patronage. John Walcote was granted the hermitageat Hessleon Humberin

99 1363.

Religiouspatronage was important for the princewho usedhis positionand influenceto gainbenefices for membersof the retinueand for his friendsand their servants.

'7he creationof a networkof interestsin ecclesiasticalaffairs was an importantfactor in the armouryof manypolitical figures,no lessimportant than in secularcourts and local governmentinstitutions. ""O Theprince appears to havemade more petitions to thepapacy to securebenefices than either his fatheror Johnof Gaunt.These petitions were governed by an availabilityof prebendsand benefices but it is interestingto notein which diocesesthe princeand close members of the retinuesought to gainoffices for themselvesand their servantsand in which areastheir officials alreadyheld a post.Worcester, Hereford,

Canterbury,Winchester, St David's and Coventry and Lichfield 10 1each were the subject of a

96 Saul,Richardff, 298 n. 13. 973 Mar. 1362,19Feb. 1363,BPR, iv, 423,462,488. 98 York. BPR,iv, 380. SeeHughes, Pastors and Visionaries,64-126 on the eremiticmovement in the dioc-escof 995 Dec. 1363,BPR, iv, 518. 100 Dunning,"Patronage and Promotion",167 - 101 in During his lifetime the prince presentedonly two of his clerks to canonricsof St John's,Chester, Stokes 1360and Ashton in 1363.He obtainedprovision for a third, Andrew Gerard,in 1363.Alexander Dalby, a papal provideeof 1355,owed his provisionto the prince's patronage.Edward III held indirect but considerable 228 smallproportion of thetotal numberof petitions.London, York andChichester received a little morewith Salisburyand Lincoln receivingthe greatestpercentage. Clearly the sizeof the diocesemust be taken into considerationand the necessityfor the princeto present petitionsin thosewestern areas where his influencewas strongest,particularly Coventry and

Lichfield andSt David's.Nonetheless, the figurescould be interpretedto showan attempt by the princeto establishsome sort of ecclesiasticalinfluence outside those areas where he heldtenurial power; the Southand South East. 102

Evenwithin the prince'sdemesne, his influenceover appointments could be circumscribed.The had the patronageof prebendsin the cathedral churchand in the collegiatechurches of Gnosall,St Chad's,Salop and St John's,Chester.

Parochialpatronage was monopolised by the religioushouses and private patrons. The king

controlledthe royalchapels and the princeand Lancaster exercised rights over these in their

respectivecounties. Some alien priories had patronage rights, including Evreux, as did

corporationssuch as the KnightsHospitallers and St George'schapel, Windsor. Where possiblethe princeprovided for his own'03and Joan also used her positionto furtherthe

ecclesiasticalcareers of herservants.

influenceover St John's(consisting of a deanand seven canons) through the bishop of Lichfieldand the pope. However,during the prince's lifetime the chapter usually included a numberof clerkswho had done him loyal St servicein Chesterand/or Gascony. Through this combinedinfluence at leasta third of thedeans and canons of John'swere civil servants.Alan Stokesbecame keeper of thegreat wardrobe and he and Dalby (dean in 1355) wereboth important in theGascon administration. John Newenham (136 1) was an exchequer clerk and John Wodehouse(dean in 1370)was chamberlain of Chesterand North Wales, Jones, "Church in Clicster",16-18. 102 Theadvowsons held by theduchy in Devonand Cornwall were noted in thecaption of scisinof 1337.They includedtwo priories,a freechapel, eight churches and a furthersix churchesheld by theduke due to minorities, 4tCaption of Seisin!' ed. Hull, 140-1. For later presentations to these and other benefices see The Register of 7homasBrantinghcun, 1370-94, i, 11,17-18,20,31-2,37-8.In Surrey,for example,the prince had the patronage of Wisleychurch to whichhe presented Thomas Whitchurch, chaplain (17 July 13461 John VilyNirlY, chaplain (5 Feb. 1363),John Kildale (25 Feb. 1365)and JohnHale (1370),BPR, i, 3; iv, 485,5 49; Regist er o)f Simonde Sudbria,i, 273 n. 6. JohnWynchecombe, chaplain, was granteda collation to the chantryof St Leonard, Brookwood,(28 June 1363),BPR, iv, 502. 103 SimonCollegh was presented as rector of Beckleychurch, Oxon, 4 Sept 135 1. WalterPatyn, parson of Elcigh Monks,Suffolk was presented to North Stokechurch, Oxon, 28 Oct. 1362,ibid., 26,473. 229 Theprince's interest was even greater when bishoprics fell vacant.The prince becameinvolved in the "traditional"struggle between the crownand papacy to control episcopalappointments. This was particularly so in Wales.Edward III reservedthe seeof St

David'sfor himselfbut all otherdioceses were handed over to his son.However, the prince interferedin St David's affairsin 1347on the deathof BishopGower. His councilseized the episcopaltemporalities, instituted clerks to vacantbenefices and levied troops from the estates.The questionof authorityover appointments was not fully resolvedfor ten years whenit wasdefinitely reserved for royal appointees.However, in 1361that appointeewas

Adam Hoghton, an associateof the prince, who remainedbishop until 1389.The prince opposedthe authorityof Avignonwith regardto the otherWelsh bishoprics. He did not have his father'sinfluence and failed on a numberof occasionsto gethis manappointed. When in

1345at St Asaph,Richard Stafford pressurised the canonsto selecta particularcandidate, he failed.In 1347the prince'scouncil interfered in all threeWelsh dioceses to which he had 104 someclaim. Appointments were made of the prince'sclerks at Bangor,St Asaph andat

Llandaff.10' In 1357the'prince tried to haveWilliam Spridlingtonappointed to Liandaff He did not succeedand Spridlington was compensated with a deaneryalthough he did later becomebishop of St Asaph(1377-82). In -13 66, the appointmentof AlexanderDalby as 106 bishopof Bangorwas rejected by the popeon the basisof his inability to speakWelsh.

TheWelsh clergy were often opposed to the princeand most notably in their involvementin the Shaldefordmurder. This may havewell beendue to the prince'suse of ecclesiastical patronage."No oneexploited this powermore blatantly or irresponsiblythan the Black

Prince:he presentedhis clerksto local churchessuch as Llan-faes (Anglesey); he promoted

104ibid., i, 27,47,118,119,138. 105ibid., 69,83,91,122. 106 GlanmorWilliams, Yhe Welsh Churchftom Conquest to Reformation,Cardiff, 1962,121-8. 230 othersto be canons,, and precentor in the cathedralchurches of Wales;he even managedto foist two of his closestconfidants - JohnGilbert, his confessor,and William

Spridlington,one of his auditors- on the bishopricsof Bangorand St Asaphrespectively. "107

Only oneWelshman was appointed to a Welshsee after 1370until the Glyn Mr revolt and 10" sucha policy mayhave contributed to therebellion. If hecould not havehis own man installedas bishop it wasin the prince'sinterests to keepsees vacant so as to control patronage.109 At Lichfield,Hugh Hopwas exerted considerable influence after 1359 until 5

December1360 when Robert Stretton, the prince'sconfessor, became bishop. ' 10

The prince's efforts in this field meantthat men in his employ had a very good chanceof findingpreferential benefices where, it washoped, that they would carefor his interests.After the patternset by his great-grandfather,the mainbeneficiaries were hard- headedambitious clerks who wereprobably responsible for the policy in the first place.

Thesewere not only the greatecclesiasticaloffices but parochialappointments of all types.

AndrewGerard, yet anotherof the prince'schaplains, was presented to the churchof Great

Henny,Essex, in 1361.In the following year,as rector of the churchhe receiveda gift from "' theprince of four wind-fall oaks. RalphKynt, chaplain,received letters of presentationto thechurch at Byfleeton 28 September1361.112 He was succeededby JohnShort and 113 William Valerian. Theprince and his clerks1wereoften very successfulin acquiring

107 Davies,Conquest, Coexistence and Change,3 98. 108ibid., 439. 109 Bangorwas vacant,1357,1366,1375-6, A. 11amiltonThompson, -Medieval WelshDiocescs"Aurnalof theHistorical Societyof the Church in Males,i (1947), 90-111. 110 On 16Oct. 1366Hopwas was a canonand residentiaryof Lichfield cathedralholding the prebendOf Curburgh(worth 10 marks),and Clifton Carnvillechurch, (worth 25 marks),William Salt Archaeological Society,Ilistorical Collections.Staffordshire, new ser.,x, pt. 2,1907,221. 111 BPR,iv, 407,432. The prince had the advowsonof GreatIlenny dueto the wardshipof Ralph FitzWilliam, RegisterofSimon de Sudbiria, i, 230. 112BPR, iv, 393. 1139 May 1364,ibid., 526.

231 beneficesand there were numerous accusations of pluralismlevelled against them. Peter

Brompton,the prince'sconfessor and almoner, had benefices in Brantham,Norfok two prebendsin Londonand a free chapelin Bangor.John Ludham was also noted as a pluralist in 1366as were John Cristemass (Belstone church, and a canonryand chaplaincy in

London)and Peter Lacy (Northfleetchurch, Kent, a canonryand prebend of St Martin's,

London).114ROyal clerks and some in the prince'semploy, were uniquely placed to receive 116 beneficesfrom confiscatedalien priories'15, which were extremely valuable providing 117 both ecclesiasticalpatronage and financial reward for laymen. Thepriories were restored afterBr6tigny but retakenin 1369when the war resumed.Richard Pembridge, as a royal knightof the chamber,received 140 a yearfrom Warepriory andSimon Burley hada 118 considerableincome from manorsand property owned by the abbeyof Ficamp. Hugh 119 Calveleypurchased Steventon priory which he subsequentlysold to Westminsterabbey.

Lewis Clifford was grantedthe priory of Pr6aux(Normandy) by Richard11120 and John

Devereuxheld Newent priory which was linked to Cormellesabbey. 121

114 RegisterofSimon de Sudbria,iiý 161-2,174. 115 RobertPollard, chamberlain of north Wales,was onesuch beneficiary, CPR, 1341-3,399,4934, A. K. Mellardy, ,some Patterns of EcclesiasticalPatronage in the Late Middle Ages" Studiesin C1er&,T1dJ1f1? 11s1rV In XfedievalEngland, ed. David M. Smith,(Borthwick- Studies in I fistory, i), York, 1991,30 andn. 55. , 116in Walesthese included: Abergavcnny, Chepstow, Goldcliff, Llangcnydd,Monmouth, Pembroke and St Clear's,Williams, TVelshChurch, 137. 117 farm In the summerof 1337all alien religious and secularproperty was seized.The monksthen had to pay a on their priorics which, if not paid, wereoffered to the king's clerks,Donald Math cw, 71,eo Ar, rmanAlonasteries and their EnglishPossessions, Oxford, 1962,90-1.On 28 Oct. 1339the prince,as keeper of the realm,Ordered the bishopsof Bath and Wells and Worcesterto value alien propertyin their dioceses(original orderwas made on 6 July 1337),Register ofRalph ofShrewsbury,387; Registerof 111olstande Bramford, 287. 118 CPJý1358-61,539; 1370-4,461-, 1377-81,223,37 1; A. K. McIlardy, 'The Effects of War on the Church. Vale, 282- The Caseof the Alien Prioriesin the FourteenthCentury", England mid her Areighbours,ed. Jonesand 3. 119 CPA 1388-92,6; 1399-1401,260-1; Marjorie M. Morgan,"Tbe Suppressionof the Alien Priorics", IfistOry, xxvi (1941),207. 120 This, in additionto the manorsof Toftes(Norfolk), Warmington(Warwick), Spcttisbury(Dorsct). Mere (Wats),Risborough (Herts) and Aston (Bcrks),was revokedby Henry IV, 15 July 1404,CPR. 1401-5,263,399, 402. 121 Regisle r of Henry Makefileld, 52, no 373. 232 Anotherform of "confiscation"which providedthe princewith patronagerights was wardships.For instance,the heir of JohnOrreby had patronage of a chantryin St John's,

Chesterto which the princepresented Alexander Bayton for institutionon 4 May 1370.122

Ecclesiasticalpatronage was cheap compared with costsof retainingespecially when the princeheld a wardshipand custody of landsor vacantbenefice. It servedto increasehis own influenceand authority at little or no cost,either financial or political,to himself."'

Patronagewas a reciprocalsystem and the princecould receive as well asgrant. On

4 August1360 the princepresented William Walsharnto Bunburychurch. He wasable to do this dueto a grantof onepresentation made to theprince by RichardStafford, John

Wingfieldand John Brunham who hadacquired a moietyof Bunburymanor, including the 124 advowson,from JohnSt Pierre. Patronageamong the membersof the householdwas also possibleand particularly common within families.Thomas Delves received a medietyof

Malpaschurch on 10December 1364. He waspresented by HenryDelves, John's general attorney.John received the advowsontogether with the lordshipof Malpasfrom the Black 12' Princeand John Sutton. Philip Courtenaywas patron of a numberof beneficesin Devon andCornwall. 126 Other regular patrons included Richard de la Bere,John Chandos, Stephen

Cosington,James Audley of Helegh,Ralph Basset, Bartholomew Burghersh, Nicholas

122Jones, "Church in Chester",21-2. 123 Prestwich,"Royal Patronage Under Edward 1", 48. SimonMakeseye was presented to Lansalloschurch by Polruan,due to theminority of ThomasBasset 18 Sept. 1362. Peter Thetford, chaplain, was presented to Ashwellchurch, Lines due to the"nonage" of JohnTuchet, 17 Feb. 1365. This was revoked on 24 Feb.in favOur of SimonKnight, BPR, iv, 468,548. 124'Historical Coll. Staffordshire",17. 125 ibid., 165.Reginald Cobham was patron of Lullingstane,Registnan 11amonis Ilethe, 1319-52,cd. Charles Johnson(Canterbury and York Society),1948, ii, 857,879.Ile alsopresented John Piykcrcl to Langton Maltravers,Yhe Register ofBishop IValtham Bishop ofSalisbuy)4 1388-1395, ea T.C. B. Timming,(Canterbury andYork Society),1994, no. 467, see also nos. 548-9,580,662,783. John I)cvcrctLx %%, aspatron of thechurches of Bincombe,Bettiscombe and Frampton, ibid., nos. 529-30,586. Ile alsohad rights at Bcckford,Ncwcnt and Martley,Register ofIlenry [Fak-e/1'eld,Bishop of Morcester,13 75-9.5, ed. Warwick' Paul Marett, (Worcester HistoricalOrganisation) ns 7,1972,50,52,12 1. Mathew Goumay was patron of KingtonMagna church, ftister ofBishopIVallham, no. 463. 126 Lyford,Whitstone, Bradnich, Honiton, Register of ThomasBranfingluvn, 1370-94, L 119,123-5.Courtcnay 233 Dagworth,Robert Ufford, ReginaldMalyns, Walter Pavely and William Trusself,Baldwin

Bereford,Hugh and Nicholas Stafford, Thomas Bradeston and Peter Veel. 127

Trendsof patronageand devotional patterns are discernible in testamentarybequests.

In manycases these were seen as ideal opportunities to foundperpetual chantries for the benefitof the testator'ssoul. Other bequests often seem to havebeen made to institutions within a relativelysmall geographical area close to the family capill, oftenthe parishchurch "' andmany were made to lesswealthy houses. Theprince's bequests included church plate, ajeweled reliquary of the TrueCross, vestments and manuscripts. These were left to

Canterburycathedral, the Bonhommesfoundation at Ashridge and to Wallingford chapel, 129 Otheritems were left to his wife andson. HughHastings left bequeststo manyindividuals andchurches near his placeof burial at Elsingchurch, Norfolk. 140was left for the fabricof the churchand bequests were also made to the FriarsMinor of Londonand Doncaster. 130 Henryof Lancasterwas an executor. JohnDabernon's made many bequests in Devonand

Cornwall.John Wingfield left instructionsfor the buildingof a chapelnear his homein

Suffolkand Ralph Basset of Sapcotewas buried in 1370in his own chapeldedicated to the

131 BlessedVirgin.

Changingreligious attitudes were evident in the periodbut the prince'sveneration for the Trinity showeddevotion to a cult which wasby no meansnew in the fourteenth centuryalthough it seemsto have'regainedsome momentum at this time. In late Saxontimes

probablygained control over Bradninch after the prince's death. It washeld by ThomasMadcfray until his death, Re ter of ThomasBrantingham, i, 38. 12ýisSee Biographical Appendix for details. 128 'The richesthouses only attracted the patronage of thewealthy, and even they seemed to havebeen afraid thattheir generosity would not be appreciated enough to inspiregrateful and conscientious prayers from the monks." Hughes, op cit., 48. Seealso Nigel Saul,"The Religious Sympathies of theGentry in Gloucestershire, 1200-1500",Transactions ofthe Bristolaml Gloucester Archaeological society, 98 (1980),103. 129 AgeofChivalry, ed. Alexander and Binski, 476. 130Testamenta Eboracensia, i, 38-9. 131 Roll 89(183); VC11,Suffolk, ii, 152.Eleanor, hisbrother, Husting , widowof JohnWingfield and Thomas, as 234 All Saintsand Holy Trinity hadbecome popular dedications. "... devotion to theTrinity - manifeststill in innumerablepaintings and sculptures - flourishedgreatly until andthrough 132The devotionto Holy Trinity is the reformation...,, prince's the well-knownand well- attestednot leastby his funeraleffigy in whichthe eyesare fixed on a testerbearing an 133 imageof the Trinity. OtherTrinity imagesassociated with the princecan be seenon the frontispieceof a ChandosHerald manuscript, 134 a funerarylead badge, 135 and another showinghim worshippingthe Trinity within the Garter.It is alsoevident from the document grantingthe princecustody of Aquitaineand his foundationof a chantrywith two prieststo saymasses in the cathedralchurch of the Holy Trinity in Canterbury.The princehad been bornwithin the quindeneof Trinity Sundayand died on the feastitself, at threein the 136 aflemoonhaving been prince of Walesfor 33 years.Joan was 33 whenhe marriedher.

Whetheror not theprince influenced friends and associates in advocatingthe cult of the

Trinity, examplescan be foundof retinuemembers giving patronageto andfounding institutionswith links to the Trinity. Miles Stapletonin c.13 60 receivedaI icenceto founda perpetualchantry in honourof the Holy Trinity in the parochialchurch of Ingham,Norfolk

JohnWilloughby d'Eresby, who foughtat Crery anddied three years later, founded a 137 Trinity chapelin Spilsbychurch, Lincolnshire. JohnWingfield, the prince'ssteward, by theterms of his will hada chapelbuilt andsimilarly dedicated in 1362.139Richard FitzAlan, a military companion,long-standing creditor and official in Walesand the bordercounties,

in executorsof his will, foundeda collegeof priests Wingfield parish church-a provost/masterand threepriests. 132 Brooke,"Reflections on Late MedievalCults", 38-9.Lincoln Archives Office Reg.xii, fo. 170. 133 The distinctiveiconography of the Canterburytester is known as a "Gnadcnstuhl"Trinity, Vale and Vale, "Knightly Codes", 12. 134 Age ofChivalry, ed. Alexanderand BinskL 478-9. 135 Inscribedwith "the trynyty (and scyntgeor)g: be at: oure: endyng",ibid., 222. 136 CanterburyCathedral, ed. Collinson,Ramsay and Sparks,495 rL 192. 137 Arthur Mee,Lincolnshire, London, rcpr. 1992,349. 138 included HustingRoll 89 (183). Arabic archesstand over the family tombs and the Black Prince'sarms were in the stainedglass. The churchwas later developedby the de la Pole family. 235 beganthe buildingof a Trinity chapelat Arundeland left provisionin his will for its completion.In Cheshirethe sistersand fraternity of the BlessedTrinity wereassociated with

AdamWheteley, the mayorand escheator of Chester,in a petitionrequesting a licencefrom the princeto acquireand hold certainlands in perpetuity.139

Theclerks in the BlackPrince's employ were not only concernedwith spiritual matters,many served in administrativeoffices. Peter Gildesburgh, the prince'schief financial officer until 1349,was rector of Great Doddington and a canonof Lincoln. 140

William Peykirk,controller of the household(1349-c. 1352) and

(c. 1357-c.1360), was rector of Donnington,and held canonriesof Dublin and Ludington in 141 Shaftesbury. RobertPollard was chamberlain of North Waleswhilst holdinga canonryof 142 Exeterand the churchof St Creed. Theprince's clerk, Randolf Bockenhale, was steward of Brattlebymanor, Lincs, steward and receiver of Cottinghamand other lands in York and

143john Lincoln. Clay,in additionto his dutiesas chaplain, was receiver of all the issuesof the lordshipand honour of Berkhamstedand occasionally the prince'sattorney. When the capturedKing Jeanwas due to stayat Berkhamsted,Clay wasone of thoseinstructed to 144 preparefor his arrival. It seemshe was replaced soon after by William Haddonwho in

November1360, was recorded as receiving six marksa yearin the office, four marksfrom theprince and two marksfrom the rectorof St Peter's,Berkhamsted. 145 William Lindsay alsoserved in Berkharnstedas a chaplainof the hospitalof St Johnthe Evangelistwhere

139BPR, iii, 408-9. 1401366, Registrum Simonis Langham, 5 1. 141 TheDublin canonrywas grantedwithout informing the Popethat he held the bcncficein Ludington.When Pope's he this cameto the attention was forcedto resignit "becauseyou were silent-, CPapA Petitions,292, 455,459. 142 ibid., 153. 143BPR, iv, 412,420,429,430. 144 ibid., 79,211,345-6. 145 ibid., 365.William Wenlockwas parsonof St Peter'sin 1351. On 12Dec. the prince Savehim threebeech for fuel, ibid., 35. .q 236 William Roketanother chaplain was collated to thewardenship of the sameinstitution. 146

HughHopwas, escheator of Cheshire,was a canonof Lichfield andbecame, on 23 March

1359,guardian of the spiritualitiesduring the vacancyof the see.147 Most importantly,Peter

Lacy,the prince'sreceiver-general, held benefices at Northfleet,Kent, worth 100marks and

a canonryand prebend in Londonworth 120in 1366.148The prince could also combine necessarylegal andjudicial dutieswith patronageby granting commissionsof oyer and terminer.This allowedthose granted the commissionsan opportunity to increasetheir own influenceand take a percentageof the profits.149

Someof the mostinfluential of his religiousservants accompanied Edward to

Aquitaine when he moved to the principality in 1363.Among the 19 clerks and clerics were

RobertWalsham, Alan Stokes,Thomas Madefray, Hugh Bridham and John

Gurmonche*ster.150Furthermore, a numberof the prince'sclerks achieved episcopal rank

includingWilliam Spridlingtonat St Asaph,John Harewell at Bathand Wells (bothserved

asexecutors of the prince'swill), JohnFordham at Durham(13 82-8) and Robert Stratton,

who wasdescribed as the prince'sclerk in 1360,became bishop of Coventryand Lichfield

(1365-85).Simon Islip, formervicar-general of BishopBurghersh and archbishop of

Canterbury(1349-66), was in the prince'sservice in 1343and a memberof his councilin

1347.151

Chaplainsand other ecclesiastics in the retinuewere not only expectedto servein

Britain althoughprovision might be madeif they could not travelabroad as in the caseof

146ibid., 365,405. 147 'Historical Coll. Staffordshire",v. 148 Registerof Simonde Sidbria, ii, 174. 149 Mchael Prestwich,"Royal Patronageunder Edward I", Airteenth CenturyEnglwxl, 1.Proceedings of the Alewcwtleupon 7)meConference, ed. P.R. Cossand S.D. Lloyd, Woodbridge,1985,49. 150 CottonJulius CIV, f 29 1. Seealso CPqplý Petitions,457-8. 151 ibid., i, 57; BPR,i, 41,42,113; Emden,Oxford, ii, 1006-8. 237 William Claydonwho couldnot accompanythe princeon theReims campaign and so stayedwith the bishopof Winchester.As clerkof the chapelhe received a yearlyfee of

I 00s.'52Nicholas Markle, rector of CraySt Paul's,was permitted to receivehis stipendfor "' threeyears while in serviceto the princeor to JohnHale, the keeperof his privy seal. The princesecured the servicesof JohnBondeby, rector of ChiltonCaunterloo, for two years, "' presumablyto assistin Aquitaine.

Religious Annuities and Alms

Name Amount Source Date Ref.

155 BrotherEustace 50s. Cornwall 31Oct. 1347 BPR,1,138. 56 Risborough 5 July1358; BPR,iv, 255,352. RichardLeominsterý L20 manor 17June 1360 RichardWater" 57 100s. Recciver-general 20 June1362 BPR,iv, 441-2. 58 5 marks Busheymanor, I Oct.1362 BPR,iv, 469,564. AgnesPaynd 100s. Herts 8 Jan.1366 Studies,36 59 Afediaeval Pierrede Montardie 501i Bordeauxcustoms prc-1372 (1974),246. 1 1 1 11 AdamIpswich, hermit 3d.a day Kent? ? CPR,1377-81,18. ConfirtnedýX Ric. 11

Theclosest religious confidants were private confessors who hadbecome customary by by 1350.The princewas served by RobertStretton from at least1349 to 1353160and later

RobertWalsham, probably in 1357,who wasalso dean of the castlechapel at Wallingford

152BPR, iv, 33 1. 15330 Sept. 1348, Registrm Hamonis Ilethe, ii, 85 1. 154 6 Apr. 1362, Register ofRalph of Shrewsbury, 760. 155 Hennit of the Trinity residing in Restormel park. 156 Friars preacher. Annuity firstly for term of the prince's life then extended to own life. 157 Clerk of the prince's chapel. Recently began receiving yearly fee. 158 Nun of Sopwell. 159 Monk of the momstery of "Cairaco", Cahors. 160Uqp)ý Petitions, 155,245. 238 "' andheld other benefices elsewhere. TheDominican friar, JohnGilbert also served the

princein this office in additionto beingtreasurer of England(13 86-9) and a papal 162 chaplain. PeterBrompton was both confessor and almoner to the prince.163 Papal letters

gaveapproval for manyconfessors, including in December1372 for the princeand princess

of Walesand their household.Confessions could be heardby their chaplainsor anyfit priest, 164 regularor secular. BaldwinBereford, one of the prince'sknights, petitioned for the right

for himselfand his wife to choosetheir own confessorto give absolution,165 as did Walter

Bray,the prince'sesquire and later Joan's butler. 166 William de la Chambreserved in the

samecapacity for BartholomewBurghersh, the younger167 and John Lyons attended

Chandosin a like manner.He wasa papalchaplain who had'labouredin makingthe treaty

touchingBrittany, Anjou andSene'. He laterserved in the principalityof Aquitainewhere

eitherthe princeor Chandospetitioned for the right for him to hearthe confessionsof certain

personsas, "... in Aquitainethere are many English in the serviceof the princeof Aquitaine

Wales, beingignorant of the languagehave died imperfectly 169Philip and who confessed...... Courtenayand his wife AnneWake received a licencefor a confessorin 1390.169Confessors

wereoften fliars, such as William Monklandwho servedHumphrey, earl of Hereford,and becameclosely involved with householdmatters. This increasingly"personal" relationship

with Godwhich occasionedthe greateruse of confessorsalso manifested itself in the useof

161ibid., 381. 162 ChristopherHarper-Bill, "The English Church and English Religion after the Black Death", The Black Death in England,ed. Mark Ormrod and Philip Lindley, Stamford, 1996,105-6. 163 in Ile had benefices Brantham,Norfolk, two prebendsin London and the free chapelin Bangorin 1366, RegisterofSimon de Sudbria;ii, 161-2. 164MpR, Letters,iv, 1362-1404,179. 165 Cpapg Petitions,483. 166ibid., 484. 167ibid., 292. 168MpR, Petitions,522,536. 169 Registerof ThomasBrantinghown, Bishop ofEreter, 1370-94,ii, a F.C. I lingcston-Randolph,London, 1901, 708. 239 portablealtars. Among the military retinue,men regularly on campaignwhere there would be few opportunitiesfor worship,petitions for suchaltars were very common.Licences were alsooften granted to membersof the retinuethat they might hearmass in their own homes.170 This coupledwith a "moodof introspection,even morbid austerity" and it has beenobserved that "...private devotion could encourage deviation from the pathof 171 orthodoxy., After about1370 a senseof depressionand introversion does appear to have

developedin England.There are many probable and complementary causes, failures in the

Frenchwars, repeated outbreaks of plague,the deepeningillness of the heir-apparentand the increasingpersonal malleability, if not senility, of the king. In religious terms this led to an

enhancedconcern for contemplativelife andinterest in mysticalworks such as those

producedby JohnClanvowe and a senseof spiritualasceticism later prevalent in the writings 172 of MargeryKempe, who wasrelated to the Brunharnfamily.

Crusadingprovided the careersoldier with opportunitiesfor salvationbut few of the

BlackPrince's retinue were involved. The crusades continued to demonstratethe

quintessentialreligious aspect of the martiallife. Clanvoweand William Neville diedon

crusadeor pilgrimagein Constantinoplein 1391.173Thevisit of Peterof Cyprusto the failed prince'scourt in Aquitainewas a recruitmentexercise for his own crusade.He to gain

170 Richardde la Bere, 19 Dec. 1361,Register oftewis Charlton, BishopofIlereford, 1361-9.3;Mies St3plcton him risionaries, 10; obtaineda licencein 1388 permitting to celebratemass in his oratory-,Hughes, Pastors coid RichardBaskerville was given leaveto celebratemass at his homeof Erdesleycastle, II Feb. 1373,Register of Ivilliam Courtenay,Bishop offlereford, 1370-5,ed. William W. Capes(Cantilupe Soc. ), 1913,11;John ScgraVe for 4 receivedlicence to havehis chaplain,Henry Crisp, celebratemass in the chapelat Kingswoodmanor a year, Jan.1346, Register ofJohn de Trillek, BishopofIlereford, 1344-61,59,98; EdmundHak-elute, 17 July 1345was his IVOIstande granteda licenceto hearmass at oratoryat CrOOkbarrow.Worcester, for I year,Register of Bransford,123. 171 Andrewl), Brown, Popular Piety in LateMedieval Englivd. Me DioceseofSafisbury, 1250-1550,Oxfordý 1995,203,208. 172 SeeThe MorksofSir John Clanvowe,ed. V.J. Scattergood,Cambridge, 1975. 173 They may havebeen involved in Louis of Bourbon'snorth African crusadeof 1390or on pilgrimageto Rhodesor Jerusalemwith Lewis Clifford (or his sonwho borethe samename). Hugh I lastingsmade a "Faithful Unto pilgrimageto Rhodessome time before 1386,Siegrid Dall, Antony Luttrell and MauriceKeen, Death:The Tomb Slabof Sir William Neville and Sir JohnClanvowe, Constantinople, 1391", Antiquaries Journal, 71 (1991), 178-80. 240 muchsupport other than Warwick. The expedition by the FreeCompanies to Spainled by

Du Guesclinwas initially disguisedas a crusadeagainst the Moors and the captalde Duch 174 accompaniedGaston Fdbus to Prussia. Virtue couldbe accruedby participatingin a Just

War designatedby a sovereignprince. "Where is a holier,juster or moreperfect thing than

to makewar in your rightful title?"175 The chivalric aura which surroundedthe princeand

his householdcarried with it inescapablereligious connotations. Chivalry had been bom out

of a symbiosisof religiousand military constituentsand spiritual factors remained self-

evident.They were vividly demonstratedin the dubbingceremony and were absorbed into the liturgy. Christ was often depictedas a knight, jousting with the Devil for the prize of

mankind'ssouls.

Elementsof the religiousand military spheresalso came together in the Orderof the

Garter.The Garterregulations resembled strictures of the military ordersand required

religiousorthodoxy, courage in battle,loyalty andthe provisionof massesfor deceased

members.The Orderhad developed from an earlierArthurian model and retained principles

suchas the pentecostalvow dedicatingoneself to the searchfor the Holy Grail.However, a 176 numberof the Garterknights also had Wyclifite tendencies.

Suchattitudes were not unknownin the prince'sretinue. Many of the so-called

LollardKnights were associated in someway. It is temptingto attributethis "infiltration" of

theretinue to PrincessJoan. "ll estcertain que plusieurs des chevaliers de la Princesse

partageaientles nouvellesdoctrines... "" Many of thoseattributed Lollard sympathiesby

174 There- were crusadersin the Ufford, Montague.llollandý Courtcnay,Percy and Neville families.On the state of Englishcrusading see Keen, "Chaucer's Knight", 45-60. 175 Me Bole ofFYýnhfhode,ed. E. Warner,London, 1904,3, cited by I Jughcs,Pastors cold risionaries, 25. 176 The Garterknights Montague,Clifford and Chcynehad Lollard sympathies,I lughcs,Wd... 34. 177 ColonelBabinet, "Jeanne de Kent. Princessedc Galleset d'Aquitaine", Bulletin de la sociN des ontiquaires de Vouest,ii 0 894), 20. 241 Walsingham178 found service with Joanand Richard as prince of Walesand king but it is not possibleto ascribetheir officesand positions to their religioussympathies. With authority andinfluence however, they were able to dispensepatronage of their own'79just asJohn of

Gauntfavoured Wyclif andgave protection to Lollard preachers,although this wasprobably "0 to makepolitical capitalrather than out of a senseof piety. A touchingmoment regarding

Gaunt'srelationship with his elderbrother is highlightedby Goodmanwho notesthat the only booksbequeathed in Gaunt'swill of 1399were his missaland prayer-book, "doubtless especiallydear to him asthey hadbeen his brother's."'181

Joan'sposition with regardto Lollardy is uncertain.Like Gauntshe may have been a usefulally of Wyclif at courtand a numberof Lollard sympathiserswere members of her householdand executors of herwill, but RobertBraybroke, bishop of London,and William 182 of Wickham,bishop of Winchester,also oversaw her testamentary bequests. Walsingham recordedthat sheintervened on Wyclif s behalf,through a messagesent by Lewis Clifford, 183 opposingthe episcopalsentence against him. Wyclifs sustainedand organised literary effort provideda solidbase for his evangelisation.This wasassisted by a numberof Joan's retainersand household knights. William Neville, the brotherof the archbishopof York, servedRobert Knolles in 1370and in the householdof Richardas prince of Walesand probablyhad links to the family prior to 1376.John Clanvowe fought under Walter Hewitt andlater with Chandosand was present at the skirmishat Lussacwhere the latterwas killed.

178Walsingham, Historia Anglicana,ii, 159,216. 179 SeeMcIlardy, "Patternsof EcclesiasticalPatronage", 34-5. ISO it hasbeen suggested that Joandid likewise seeCatto, 'Religion and the EnglishNobility", 53. 181 Goodman,John of Gaimt, 37. 182 Otherexecutors were: John Lord Cobham;Simon Burley; Richard Attcbury,John Worthc, Joan'ssteward; Johnle Vache;William Falburn,chaplain; William Harpeleand William Norton, TestamentaMetulta, 14-15. 183Walsingham, Ifistoria Anglicona,i, 356. 242 184 He alsowas an executorof Joan'sVAII. It hasbeen suggested that Reynold Hilton, mentionedby Knighton,may havebeen a priestof the dioceseof Lichfield who beganhis careerin the prince'sservice and later became controller of Richard'swardrobe. 185 It has beenstrongly argued that William Beauchamp,one of the prince'scouncillors and Richard's

186 chamberlainand another executor of the princessof Wales,was a Lollard sympathiser.

Theremay also be family links which associateJohn Cheyne and Philip de la Vachewith the

BlackPrince. 187 Lewis Clifford hada long traditionof servicein the duchyof Cornwall.He wasthe prince's esquire from at least1360 and was granted an annuitywhich roseto the valueof I 100.After the prince'sdeath, 'he servedboth Richard II andhis motherwho gave 188He him the custodyof Cardigancastle. wasalso one of herexecutors and had landed 189 interestsin Salisburywhere it hasbeen suggested that he mayhave spread ]Lollard ideas.

In his will he describedhimself as an unworthy knight anda traitorto Goddemanding the "' mostsimple fiineral for his "stinkingcarrion". ThomasLatimer maintained unorthodox preachers.His houseat Braybrokewas a havenfor Bohemianadmirers of Wyclif He may havebeen a memberof the retinue.He certainlysaw service in the first GasconchevaucNe andlater in Spainalthough this mayhave been in a freelancecapacity. John Montague "1 maintainedthe Lollard preacher,Nicholas Hereford, in his houseat Shenley. As earlyas

1354he was a knight in the BlackPrince's household and was Richard's steward from

184 w. T. Waugh, "The Lollard Knights", Scottish Historical Review, xi (1913-14), 75-6. 185 McFarlane,Lancastrian Kings ad Lollard Knights, 151,164-7.A paymentwas authoriscdto "Reynold Hulton"on 2 June1363, BPR, iv, 497. 186 J.1. Catto, "Sir William Beauchampbetween Chivalry and Lollardy-, 7heIdeah ani PracticesOfAledieval Knighthood,ed. C. Harper-Bill and R. Harvey,Woodbridge, 1990. 187 Alan Cheynewas pardonedhalf of a debt of L200 to the prince in 1353and later fought in Gasconyand at Poitiersfor which he receiveda L40 annuityto be paid for I year after his death,BPR, iii, 123,237. 188 Waugh,loc. cit., 58. 189 VCH,Berks, iv, 137;Brown, Popular Piety, 209-10. Ile was the patronof Newbury church,26 May 1394, Rqisler ofBishop Mallham,no. 846. 190 McFarlane,op cit, 207-26. 191 Jeremy Catto, "Dissidents in an Age of Faith? Wyclif and the Lollards-, History Today, 37 (1987), 49-50. 243 1381-6.Richard StUrY192received certain small gifts from the prince in 1353.fie servedas custodianof Glamorgan1375-6 and according to Walsingham,was present at the prince's death-bedat whichtime a particularenmity was evident and the princerefused to be 193 reconciledwith him oversome matter. He laterserved as one of PrincessJoan's executors.,Whatever the case regarding her Lollard sympathies, Joan showed touching concernf6r oneof herdamsels, Margery Mere, who it is saidcould never eat fish. Joan petitionedthe popethat shebe allowedto havemilk, cheeseand eggs in Lent.This was grantedif it couldbe shownthat medicalopinion considered pottage to be"insufficientfor 194 her weakness". It is probablethat Lollard sympathieswere more widely dispersedthan amongthe few who hadattention drawn to them.However, having similar beliefs may not havebeen tantamount to heresy.The growth of lay piety, particularlyof a "puritanicalmoral 195 fervour",could, in its mostextreme form, leadto Lollardy. Moreover,there was a considerable"grey area,7'between the orthodoxand the hereticaland the Black Prince's retinueincluded many whose beliefs fell into this category.

Thereligious aspect of the retinueserved to compoundthe cohesionand loyalty engenderedin military conflict andreinforced through the bastardfeudal relations 1p. bondwas created through shared religious observance and allegiance to particularreligious housesand a devotionalstyle. It closelymirrors the pattemthat existedin Johnof Gaunt's affinity in whichthe retainersare said to have"combined an ascetictendency towards funeralausterity and penitential rhetoric in wills with a new socialawareness, manifested in

192 He was probablythe son Of Sir William Stury(d. c. 1357)a Shropshirelandowner and marshal of the householdfrom 1338-40,seneschal of Calaisin 1347and governorof the ChannelIslands, Waugh, loc. cit., 64 nn. 1-7. 193 RalphA. Griffiths, ThePrincipaliýv of Malesin the LaterAfiddle Ages,vol. i, Cardiff, 1972,118. 194CPqplý Petitions,456. 195 Saul,"Religious Sympathies of theGentry", 99-101. 244 their interestin the foundationof hospitalsand poor houses. "196 As Gaunt'sretinue includcd a numberof figureswho sawearlier service with the BlackPrince, so the evidenceholds goodfor the retinueof the elderbrother as well asthe younger.Knolles, Loryng, Andrew

Lutterell197 and the Lollard Knights demonstrate such attitudes as well asthe examples given above.The similarityof manyof the attitudesamong the followersof the Black Princeand

Johnof Gauntsuggests that while they werepart of a widertrend they alsoexhibited more extremeattitudes.

Thedistinction between matters of "show" andpersonal belief maybe limited andit is oftendifficult to be certainof the differencebetween the two. Religionwas both political andpersonal. The Black Princewas clearly devout, at leastin his final yearsand yet was equallyconcerned with religiouspatronage and he devotedmuch time andeffort to such matters.The benefits of this aredifficult to evaluateprecisely but theyundoubtedly served to reinforcehis authoritywithin his demesneand in thoseareas where his territorialauthority waslimited. Secular patronage brought men to him for military servicebut the princealso requiredclerks and administrators and he ensuredthat provisionwas made for them.

Religionwas one of the bondsthat tied the retinueand household together in serviceto the

BlackPrince and in the war effort andit alsoserved to associatemembers of the retinuein waysbeyond that commonservice.,

196Walker, Lancastrian Affinity, 99-100. 197 Lincoln ArchivesOffice, Reg.xii, fo. 369. 245 8

Links within the Retinue

Relatiopsbetween individuals and groups, beyond those created simply by service to the sameman, are evidentin the retinueof the Black Prince.These associations were formedand strengthened in a varietyof ways.Family ties, regionallinks, economicand militaryalliances and friendships served to tie the retinuemore closely together within a chivalricatmosphere and environment of sharedreligious beliefs. Such connections did not necessarilymake the retinuemore loyal to the prince,indeed it mayhave been quite the reverse,since local issuesand matters of familywere often consideredmore important thanbastard feudal associations. An analysisof suchlinks may serveto demonstratea numberof issuesabout recruitment and the fate of the retinueafter the endof the prince's militarycareer and his death.Links of dependenceand co-dependence within the retinue will alsobe examinedand thereby demonstrate the natureof the associationas distinctive andseparate from the Black Princehimself

Theprince's retinue was an amorphous association whose members were drawn from a varietyof social,geographical and professional backgrounds. There is no doubtthat the bond to theprince gave those who servedhim a certaincachet and created a groupidentity.

However,this was not a staticbody, but a dynamicassociation, constantly refonning in order to copewith the demandsthat the princeplaced upon it. Thiswas true not onlyin military servicebut estateadministration and the courtwhich developed in Aquitaine,with all the chivalricand religious display which was demanded of a prince,sovereign in all but name.

Theprince's birth rank,military reputation and generosity marked him out asa master

246 worthyof serving.This was particularly so afterthe victory at Cricy, generouslyattributed to hisson by theIcing, which established a reputation that was to grow anddraw increasing numbersto his service.The opportunity for militaryservice, potentially so very profitable in the earlystages of theHundred Years War, under the commandof the heirapparent was extremely attractive.He swiftlyestablished a distinction for largessewhich combined with a chivalric reputationand his status as the futureking. A link with the princewas bound to be beneficial. I Retinueswere usually recruited from thelord's areaof territorialinfluence. Men would be drawnfrom furtherafield only if the influence,status and potential reward offered by the lord in questionmerited such a move,as it oftendid in the caseof Edwardof Woodstock.

However,even if a knightwas in receipt'ofa feehe remained very concerned with the maintenanceof hislocal influence and interests. Such concerns could overshadow the influence 2 of evensuch a greatlandowner as the Black Prince.

Thediverse origins of retinuemembers is in keeping%rith a lordshipvAth estates 3 throughoutEngland, Wales and eventually Aquitaine. The preponderance of theprince's land in Britainwas in thewest; Wales; Cheshire and Cornwall and many members of the retinue weredrawn from these areas. More surprisinglya largenumber came from EastAnglia, particularlyNorfolk andSuffolk. The prince did hold someland in the regionsuch as the honourof Eye,held of the duchyof Cornwall,and following the deathof hisgrandmother in

I For examplesee Saul, Knights and Esquires,on the Gloucestershiregentry and the Berkeleyretinue. 2 SeeWalker, Lancastrian Affinity, II 1-15, for the importanceof local issuesamong mcmbM of Gaunt'sretinue. 3 Theofficials appointedto carefor variousestates reveal the extentof the prince's dcmcsne.For exampleJohn 11oraudwas the prince's stewardin the Ixworth area.He becamesteward in Essexand Suffolk on 23 Oct. 1361, BPR,iv, 397. He was stewardof Layham,Kersey and Lamarshby 26 Mar. 1362,ibid., 430. lie was replacedby William Berardon 24 Nov. 1362,ibid., 48 1, who was appointedsteward of all the prince's landsin Norfolk and Suffolkon 3 June 1363,ibid, 496. Ile becamesteward of North Weald Bassetmanor on 8 Feb. 1364,ibid., 523. lie was givena buck for auditing accountsin the Rising areaon 25 May 1365,ibid., 557. lbomas Stanydclfwas keeperof feesin Oxford, 8 Sept. 1361ibid., 393. Ile becamekeeper of feesin Oxfordshire,Bcrkshirc, Norfolk andSuffolk on I Feb. 1362,ibid., 414, RichardStratton was appointedkeeper of all feeslinked to Wallingford, St Vallery,Berkhamsted and Chesterin Oxford,Northampton, Bedford, 11crtford, Ess M. Cambridgeshire, 1juntingdon,Norfolk and Suffolk, on 29 July 1358,ibid., 258. 247 1358,he inherited the CastleRising estates. 4Us landsdid not comparevAth the extensive landedinterests of Johnof Gauntin the regiontowards the endof the fourteenthcentury. 5 However,Gaunt was rivaled in influence,during the reign of EdwardIII by hiselder brother.

Thatinfluence was maintained by hisretainers and servants. For example,in 1358a commissionof oyerand terminer demanded by the princewas given to JohnWingfield, Robert

Thorpe,Henry Green, Thomas St Omer,John Knyvet and John Bemeye, all directlyor ' indirectlyassociated vith the princeand who couldbe assuredto carefor hisinterests. ' Such commissionswere not uncommonand were made all the morelikely by the localknowledge andinfluence of themen that undertook them. Many of Edward'smost trusted officials o6ginatedin Norfolk, Suffolkand the adjoiningcounties. John Wingfield from Suffolkwas 7 lands hisbusiness ThomasFelton, the stewardof the prince's and manager, stewardof household,seneschal of Aquitaineand chamberlain of Chester,had manors at Litcham,and

89 William banneret househo elsewherein Norfolk. Kerdeston,the elder, was a knight of the .

StephenHales, Thomas Gissing, William Elmham and Edmund Noon wereamong the prince's 10 retainers. Gissmgsat for Norfolk in the GoodParliament. William Wingfield, John's cousin, who alsosaw service with the prince,represented Suffolk. Elmhain was %itness to a quitclaim involvingWingfield in 1377and in 1380both were part of a groupwho receiveda charter

4 JohnBerncye took control of CastleRising on Isabella'sdeath, 28 Aug. 1358,ibid., 261. Soon after this he was lordship appointedsteward of all theprince's lands in Norfolkat a wageof 100s.a yearto bepaid from the Of Rising,I Oct.1358, ibid., 263. He was described as the "former steward of Rising"on Ii July 1364,ibid., 532. 5 SeeE. L. T. John,"The Parliamentary Representatives of Norfolk and Suffolk, 1377-1422", Unpub. MA thesis, Universityof Nottingham,1959,22-3. 6 CPR,1358-61,159. 7 Ile alsohad estates elsewhere see W. H. Edmunds,"The Derbyshire Times " Guideto lVinfieldAlanor, Chesterfield,undated. & Feltonwas ordered to distributegame to peopleliving in andaround the chase of Risingdue to damagecaused by gamethere, 23 July 1362,BPR, iv, 459. 9 ibid.,i, 80;Tout, Chapters, v, 432-3,440. 10 Elmhamwas to usehis localknowledge and contacts while assisting in therecruitment for Dcspcnscr's crusadewhich also involvedIbomas Trivet, Ralph Shelton, John Alcyn. I amgrateful to Jim Mageeto pointing outa niunberof EastAnglian connections to meand for theopportunity to discusssome others. 248 concerninga numberofNorfolk manors.Wingfield acted as one of Elmham'sattorneys when hewent on crusadein 1383and in 1386both men vAtnessed a charter and served on a commissionof arrayin Suffolk-" RichardII maintainedthe links to his father'sretainers and his death. supportmay have influenced the returnsto parliamentin theyears after the prince's

Halesand Hamo Felton, the elderbrother of Sir Thomas,were returned in the first parliament of 1377and Thomas was re-elected. in thefollowing October. There was also a DuncanFelton who traveHedto Aquitaineto join the princein November13 67.12 Kerdeston's son was among theNorfolk knightsof the shirein 1378and sat in the nexteight parliaments. Robert Carbonel,

MP for Suffolk in October 1385,was the half-brotherof JohnWingfield. On 30 August 1380

Carbonelmade an enfeoffinent of hislands, his feoffees included William Elmham and William

13 Mringfield.

On hisacquisition of the CastleRising estate the princealso acquired a numberof his grandmother'sservants such as Robert Flemn-dng, the constable"and John Herlyng, surveyor 15 of thechase. Herlyngalso had links to thelate earl of Kentwho hadgranted him anB 16 dayby annuity,which was confirmed by theprince. ThomasStirston had been granted 41/2d. a 17 Isabella,which, at herrequest, the princehad extended to a fife grant. PhilipPinchon was for receiverof the lordshipby I October13 5 8.18 He retainedhis office and was responsible 19 July variousrepairs and the enclosureof the park at Rising. He was still receiveron II

11C76/67/8; CCR, 1377-81,193;1385-9,139; 1392-6,236-,CP)t 1385-9,176. 12CPP, 1367-70,56. 13John, "Parliamentary Representatives", 199-200. 14 Flemingwas granted6s. 3d. rent, for good serviceto Isabella,2 Aug. 1359,BPR, iv, 304. is The grantwas madeby Isabellaon 6 Nov. 1352and ratified on 21 July 1353,ibid., 98. 16 The annuitywas paid from Ormesbymanor, Norfolk, ibid., 460. 1720 Feb. 1359,CCR, 1354-60,549. is BPR,iv, 264. 19 Ile arrangedthe "sure and safekeeping of the castlein consultationwith Rogerde Saham7,the constable,14 1362.L81 Feb. 1360,Repairs were made to the bridge,other areas and the castleon 26 Mar. 1360and 9 Aug. 14d.was spentrepairing a tower at Rising called"Nightegale" on 8 July 1365.Saham was still constableon 3 May 1365,ibid., 344,346,463,471,552,559. 249 1364.20Robert Carlel,keeper of the gate of CastleRising, may havehad the sameoffice under

Isabella21 The alsoprovided Edward both . estate with additionalpatronage, secularand Baldwin Botetourt fife keepingthe 22Richard ecclesiastic. was given a commissionof chase. 2' Walkefarewas grantedthe sameoffice, during pleasuresome years later. He was linked to

ThomasFelton through the marriageof hisdaughter and it wasFelton's influence which insuredhe gained the officein 1361 Felton'namedWalkefare as his attorney in 1362.24Simon delHay was forester of the estateby 15October 1362 and became keeper of the chase.23 John

Roughamwas presented to Risingchurch on 27 October136126 and replaced by William 27 Langharnof Wightonsoon after. By thegift andgrant of landsand offices in EastAnglia to hisretainers the princeensured the maintenance,and hopefully the extension,of hisinfluence to areaswhere he was not territoriallydominant. Further influence could also be achievedby other means.For example,on the deathof ThomasSandwich in 1360/1the princeacquired further 28 landedinterests in Essexas Thomas had been in debtto the prince.

-A numberof otherassociates had links to EastAnglia. Robert Knolles, the Cheshire- borncondofierre, held Sculthorpe manor in Norfolk andwas also the chiefbenefactor to

Harpleychurch in the samecounty. In Suffolk,Robert Ufford, the earl,was titular head of the prince'scouncil and a closemilitary associate. Bartholomew Burghersh married the daughterof

RichardWýyland of Fenhalland the Botetourts, Segraves, Dagworths and Despensers all had

20 ibid., 532. 21 14 Feb. 1360,ibid., 344. 228 Dec. 1358,ibid., 270. 23 13Oct. 1362,ibid., 470. 24CPX 1361-4,232. 25 iv, BPR, 471*.24 Apr. 1363,ibid., 492. He Presumablylost his office fairly soonafter as he was to be reinstated askeeper with his formerwages of 3d. a day on 3 May 1365,ibid., 552. 26 later ibid., 400. Ile was presentedto HentonWallery church,the advowsonof which the princeheld dueto the minority of the heir of the earl of Northampton,10 Apr. 1362,ibid., 430-1. 27 30 June1362, ibid., 443. 28 15May 1361,CCA 1360-4,188.Sandwich had beena purveyorfor the princes household.For a description of his landsin Essexsee Unq-Uisc., iii, 1348-77,138-9no. 385. 250 29 interestsin Suffolk. JohnWilloughby d'Eresby held extensive estates in Lincolnshire.

GeoffreyWarenne was a tenantin SouthWooton, Norfolk, 30 Sir JohnDargentern in

3 32 Hallesworth,Suffolk EdmundSoterlee in Sotterly Suffolk ReginaldHokcre, ,I and manor, . 33 yeomanof the chamber,was given a life grantof thewater of WiggenUl, Norfolk. John

Carleton,one of the prince'syeomen, was granted, %ith John Lancaster, all thelands in Chosle,

Norfok whichformerly had been held by RobertHolewell, who waslater to bethe sheriffof 34 00.35 Caernarfon.He laterpurchased lklingham manor, Suffiolk, for jt, Carletonwas later

36 fife of I 00s., to L 10,from theLynn tollbooth Carleton granteda annuity rising . was 37 responsiblefor auditingCastle Rising accounts. RalphShelton also had interests in Norfolk.

Duringthe Poitiers campaign, action against him in the countywas delayed until hisreturn. 39

Cheshire

Themilitary community of Cheshireand the administrationof the palatinatehave both 39 beenthe subjectof intensescrutiny. Suchstudies provide a pictureof the environmentfrom

29 ICH, Suffolk,iL 169-70,172. 309 Feb. 1361, BPR,iv, 375. 31 The manorwas held of the honourof Chester,29 July 1355,ibid., 143. 32 lie did homage(and fealty on 5 Feb.before Loryng) by serviceof finding a man on horsebackarmed with aketon,bascinet, iron gauntlets,knife and sword,to go with the earl of Chesterto the Welshwars for 40 daysIle held the manorsof Stokeand Wirral underthe sameconditions, 6 Feb. 1353, ibid., 8 1. 33 18Feb. 1363,ibid., 486. 34 15July 1358,ibid., 259. Carletonhad beenresident in Norfolk for sometime prior to this. A commissionwas orderedin the countryin Mar. 1356 following an assaulton and theft from him, CPR, 1354.8,39 1. 35 Theprince had title to the manorthrough the wardshipof the heir of JohnBemcrs, I Aug. 1362,BPR, iv, 46 1. The leasewas extended,24 Aug. 1362,ibid., 465,482. 36 31 Mar. 1 Oct. 1362,ibid., 469; 1365,ibid., 550. ThomasClcrc of Ely was the farmcr of the tollbooth-I Ic was notifiedof the 100s.grant to Carletonon 24 Nov. 1362,ibid., 481-2 and of the increase,ibid.. 550. 37 His wagesfor 24 Apr. - 15 Aug. 1362were LI I 8s., 2 Nov. 1362,ibid., 474. Ile was given LIO, to be takenoff May therent of Iklingharnon 9 1364,ibid., 527. It is uncertainif he was the sameJohn Carleton who illuminated thecharter granting Edward the principality of Aquitaine, for which he was paid 18s.8d., 13 Feb. 1362,ibid., 484.There was also a clerk of the privy sealby the samename whose wages increased to 12d.it day on I July 1363,ibid., 502. 38CCP, 1354-60,334. 39 For exampleHewitt, CheshireUnder the 7hreeEdwards-, Bcnnett, Community, Class and Careerism; Morgan,War and Society,Booth, RnancialAdministration. 251 whichthe princewas to drawa numberof hismost important servants and many of hissoldicrs.

Themilitary community of the palatinatehad a deservedreputation, fostered in cross-border conflictswith Wales.This community was enhanced and underpinned by a networkof gentry amnities.However, this was not to providethe princedirectly with a willing retinue.The link betweenthe earland gentry leaders was tenuous. It wasthe influenceof the prince'shousehold andthe administrative machinery that it introducedwhich bridged this divide. In association with the movetowards contract armies and the delegationof responsibilityfor recruitment beingplaced in the handsof indenturedretainers, Cheshire was to providea highlysignificant elementin the prince'sarmy and a numberof importantindividuals. Despite this, Cheshiremen wererelatively few amongthe prince'spermanent retainers as is demonstratedby the 1369 40 NorthamptonMUSter ron.

Therewas a largeCheshire presence among the troopsin the prince'sdivision at Cr6cy.

Theseincluded Alexander Venables and Richard Baskerville, who alsofought at Poitierswhile

hisson fought vAth the princein 1359-60.Wiffiarn Brereton and Thomas Danyers brought

reinforcementsto the siegeof Calais.Alexander Wasteneys, Ralph Stathum, Ralph Oldington

andRichard del Hogh also received orders to providetroops for the siege.In 135 5, Robert

Brown,Hugh Golbourne, John'Cyfiffyn, Robert Legh, John ffide andHamo Mascy led

contingents.Ralph Mobbefley also brought troops on the 1355 campaignas did JohnDaniers,

WilliamCanington and Thomas Stathum. Many of thesewere involved in finding

reinforcementsin 1356. John Griffin of Barderton,near NantVAch was also paid for his service

in Gascony.Letters of protectionwere issued for Alan Cheyneof Nantwich,Simon Grimsditch,

JohnStarky, John Merebury, John Neuton, Geofrrey Stanley, William Chorley and Richard

Bowere.Thomas Arderne fought in RichardStafford's company. Numerous pardons and

40 E 101/29/24; Morgan, op cit., 105-6,109. 252 rewardswere given to Cheshiresoldiers following the victory at Poitiers'andthe earldomalso providedlands and offices for someof the higherranking members of theretinue. Chandos received,what was for him,the largelyirrelevant and faintly spurious post of foresterof

Macclesfield.The Reims campaign also drew heavily on Cheshirefor its manpowerand again involvedWilliam Carrington and John Daniers. John Fitton also took part.Considerable numbersof Cheshiretroops accompanied the princeto Aquitainein 1363and reinforcements werebrought from the palatinateto the defenceof Aquitainein 1369including Richard Fitton,

RichardWinnington, and Wflliam Bulkylegh.

Core personnelwere in office when the princewas grantedthe earldomin 1333

(althoughhe hadbeen receiving income from it sincebirth). It hadto operatevAthout his influencefor a numberof yearsdue to hisminority. The basis of the"admiiniistrative retinue" wasalready in situ well in advanceof theprince's first requirementto developa military followingin 1345-6.Cheshire servants such as Delves and Brunharn were to rankhighly in the administrativehierarchy of the prince'sestates. The region also provided valuable administrativeoffices, often treated as sinecures, for militarymen. Bartholomew Burghersh, the younger,Thomas Ferrers, John de la, Pole, Chandos, Audley, Thomas Wetenhale, David

Cradock,Alan Cheyne, Nicholas Vernon, John Leicester and John Mascy all heldoffices in 41 Cheshire. Cheynewas constable of Beestoncastle and later keeper of Rhuddlancastle, where 42 hesucceeded John Byntre. Cheshiremenwere also prominent among those who received officesin the principalityof Aquitaineand may have contributed to the ill-feelingwhich developedthroughout the 1360s.Richard Roter became constable of Bordeaux,Wetenhale,

41 Bennettnotes the high proportionof Cheshiresoldiers amongst those rccctvm*g wages or annuitiesfrom the Black Princeat the time of his death,Community, Class wd Careerism, 177.See also Morgan,"Cheshire and Aquitaine", 151-3. 42 '1354-8,429. Bennett,op cit., 167,177.Byntre was in office, 27 Dec. 1356,CPR.

253 stewardof theRouergue, Cradock held a varietyof officesin Aquitaine,Wales and Cheshire andRichard Baskervifle was seneschal of the Agenais

Cheshirewas also home to a numberof routierswho, whilst not of the prince'sinner circle,played an important role in theFrench campaigns and a vital onein the Spanish expedition.Hugh Calveley and Robert Knolles stand out in particularin thisregard. Both had commandof companiesat Poitiersand afterwards in the prince'sservice. Walter Hewitt and otherswere part of the largemercenary presence in the Spanishcampaign.

Furtherdown the socialscale, Cheshire men also found service in the prince's administrationand household.John Legh, as yeomanof the buttery and purveyorof the household,John Hale as clerk and keeper of theprivy sea],Robert Legh was bailiff of

Macclesfieldmanor and Richard Mascy, bailiff of the advowriesin Cheshire.In additionto thesewas the hostof lesserofficials who wereinvolved in the dailybusiness of the earldom.

Localmen proved to bethe mosteffective in maintaininglaw andorder and extracting the revenueand finance which was of suchimportance to the prince.

comwall -

Theprince's predecessor and uncle, John of Eltharn,left a fully-fledgedadministrative systemin placeon hisdeath and this was to providethe princevAth a numberof valued servants.For example,John Kendale, his receiver,was also keeper of the parkand castle of

Restormel.Eltharn also left RichardBakhampton in officeand Thomas FitzIlenry as havener of for fife4' Theduchy home Cornwall . wasalso to a numberof militarysenrants, particularly Peterand Philip Courtenay who cameto pronýnencein thelater years of theprincipality of

43 Elliot-Binns,Medieval Cornwall,'l 64. Bakhamptonheld the fint life tenancyin the duchyon his deathJohn 254 Aquitaine.Other members of the familyalso had links to theprince; Sir Edmund,Hugh, carl of 44 Devon,and Sir ThomasCourtenay. However,the areawas one of greatwealth or influence.

In theperiod 132447 OnlY nine Conventionary tenants can be traced leasing lands worth in 43 excessof 40s.of rentannually. Many of these,from 133 7, wereduchy officialS. Oneof the leadingofficials, John Dabernon, was at the centreof the Cornishadministration with influence elsewherein the prince'sdemesne by virtueof thenumerous foreign manors. He servedas

sheriff,steward and keeper of the prince'sfees in Devonand Cornwall.

Membersof theKendale family were also important in the administrationof theduchy.

46 John RichardKendale became from lands In additionto , receiverof all moneys the prince's 47 in Cornwall EdmundKendale bachelor hislands andcoinage . wasthe prince's andsteward of in theearly household. He wasgranted a L20annuity at the outsetof the Cr6cycampaign and

havebeen to 48Edward Kendale involvedin maywell related the receiver. was a numberof

conunissionswith Henxteworthand others of the retinue.

A considerableproportion of theannuities granted bY the princecame from Cornwall. 49But LewisOfford, for example,was a localman in receiptof a Cornishannuity. the region

did not onlyprovide finance and patronage for menwith linksto the duchy.The Hainaulter Sir 50 HenryEarn was granted a annuityof 100marks from Bradninchmanor, Devon. iam

Dabemonassumed some of his landin Calstok,Hatcher, RuralEcononiy mid Society', 70,236-7. 44 Edmundwas paid war expensesof L55on 8 Mar. 1359,BPR, ii, 155.Hugh granted the prince the marriage of his sonand heir, to Nbud,daughter of ThomasHolland, on conditionof thegrant of a papaldispensation. Maud wouldgain the manors of SuttonCourtemy and Weddcsdon (to thevalue of 200marks). The prince was to obtain a royallicence and pay Hugh 1,000 marks, 3 Oct. 1362,ibid., 194.Thomas was givcn a harton 3 May 1362(see I May),ibid., 190. 45 Hatcher,op cit., 235. 46 Ile wasrestored to theoffice on 5 Sept.1354, BPR, ii, 65. 47 30 Sept.1365, ibid., 213.Ile wasgiven a harton 8 July 1365and a doeon 28 Nov. 1365.Ibid.. 212,215. 481 Sept.1346, ibid., i, 13. 49 Thiswas valued at E40increasing to L46 13s. 4d.,SC6/812/10,14; BPR, ii, 208. 5028 Jan.1348, ibid., i, 163. 255 51 Aubignywas also retained and paid from revenuefrom Liskeardand elsewhere. Bartholomew 52 Burghershwas granted the stannaryof Devon. Sir JohnTrevaignoun and Sir JohnArundel wereboth retained by theprince in the aftennathof the Cr6cywar but the associationswere tenninatedafter reports that their bearing "has been and stifl is sooutrageous and offensive to us,our subjects,ministers and tenants, as well asto your otherneighbours in theparts of

Cornewaille,as to beimproper and unsuitable for a manof your order,so that we areadvised

, 43 not to haveany such person in our company..

Comwall,by virtueof the stannariesand its othernatural resources, provided a great dealof patronagefor the princenot only in termsof annuitiesand gifts but alsoadministrative officesand other rights. John Baketon, yeoman of the prince'sbuttery was also bailiff of the 54 stannaryof Blackinoor. ComwaUprovided extensive hunting grounds and these were oflen placedin the careof nfilitaryservants as rewards. At a lowerlevel, although still valuable,

WillimnLenche, the prince'sporter, was granted the ferryrights at Saltashas a consequenceof 55 hisservice at thebattle of Poitiers,where he lost aneye.

Wales-

Thestatus of Walesas a conqueredterritory and the racialrestrictions imposed on

Welshmenmeant that few wereto befound among the mostprominent members of the prince'sretinue, although there were a few notableexceptions. Englishmen held the important officesof "state7'in Walesalmost unifbniýy, although as a resultof theadministrative reforms institutedby the prince'scouncil more Welshmen came to bein positionsof authority.This was

51 ibid., ii, 34. 52 ibid., H, 84. 53 11 June135 1, ibid., iv, 9- 10. 54 ibid., 80. 55 Saltashfeny was the most importantin the duchyand was appendedto Trcmatonmanor. In 1301it had been 256 not undertakenwith anythoughts of equalityin mindbut in thebelief that the use of Welsh nationalswould increase revenue. A numberof thesemen were very zealous in the exploitation of theircountrymen such as Rhys ap Roppert, sheriff of Flintshire.Welshmen were very importantin the Cr&y campaignand Calais siege, but theybecame less militarily significant in lateroperations. Rhys ap Griffith led a largeforce to Portsmouthin 1346and also brought reinforcementsto Calais.By contrast,Gronou ap Chiffith led only 60 menfrom north Wales andDavid ap Blethin Vaghan 30 from Flintshirein 135 5. Rhyswas also involved in 1355 along

SaiS. 56 vvithSir Hywel ap Griffith(Hywel "of theMe% Sir JohnGriffith and Sir Gregory

Walesalso provided a great dealof patronagein the form of adnimistrativeposts and particularlyreligious patronage., The few known Welshretainers in the prince'sretinue is in probablynot a consequenceof lack of evidencesince there were only two Welshmen

57 BichardH's affinity.

Aquitaine

Gasconrelations, established by theprince in 135 5, andfounded on oldertraditions, providedEdward with manyfollowers. Tradition should perhaps have taught him that they loyalin werenot entirelytrustworthy. A numberof noblessuch as Guichard. d'Angle remained therevolt against thefouage but eventhe captalde Buch wavered for a timein theface of very generousterms offered by CharlesV. Theadministration of Gasconyprovided the foundations for thegovernment of the newprincipality, although the presenceof the princealtered the balanceof authorityamong the officials.Toreigners! ' took manyposts and although this was commonpractice there is no doubtthat it causeda measureof unrestand dissatisfaction.

leasedfor L 10 a year,Hatcher, Rural Economymid Society, 192-3. 56 Carr,Medieval Wales,91-2; Evans,"Notes of the I listory of the principality". 62. 57Given-Wilson, King's Affinity, 220.

257 Whilstthe extantrecords of the principalityare extremely limited, the survivalof a small numberof documentsreveals a greatdeal about the personnelin Edward'semploy throughout the 1360s.The prince brought with him a greatnumber of servantswhen he relocated to

Aquitainein 1363.Letters of protectionreveal at leastthe intentionof accompanyinghim.

Thereis alsowhat appears to be a compositeEst of Mowers comprisingwhat may be termeda "- 'ýiilitary household". Therecords regarding the NAjera, operation are poor. However, the

onlyextant retinue roll. for the prince'sfife detailsa musterof troopsin 1368/9.It detailssome

369men-at-arms and 428 archers. These are by no means0 Gascons,indeed there are very

few amongthe names,but it doesreveal an approximationof the prince's military retinuein

1369.100men-at-arms and 240 archerswere raisedin Cheshire.

Thenumber of Gasconswho servedwith the princeover an extendedperiod was

limitedand does engender questions about the nature of the retinue.Armagnac for example,

wasthe target of the 1355expedition, he becarne an unvvilling vassal afler Bretigny, was

financiallyassisted by theBlack Prince and fought at Najera.He wasthereby, albeit briefly, a

memberof the prince'smilitary retinue. However, he was to leadthe rebellionagainst Edward

andmay have been planning the alliancewith CharlesV for sometime before it cameto light.

Thefocus of interesthas tended to faUon the Gasconswho turnedagainst the prince and those

officialsEdward imposed in the principality.Despite this, it surebe rememberedthat the

majorityof administrativetasks were undertaken by nativesof the principality,and government,

albeituncertain and inefficient government, would have been impossible without their

coUaboraflon.

It is difficultto drawany conclusions about the retinueon the basisof geographical

58131, Cotton Julius C IV ff. 288-91. 258 origin,at leastas far asdirect relations vAth the princeare concerned. He hada verywide

catchmentarea. fEs estateswere concentrated in thewest but wereby no meansonly restricted to Cheshire,Wales and Cornwall. The foreign manors of theduchy spread across the country

andothers were drawn to the prince'sservice simply because he was the prince.Thus men werein theretinue from East Anglia and like WilliamFelton, seneschal of Poitou,from

Northumbria.Elsewhere, from the Oxfordshire/Berkshirearea for example,Richard

Abberbury,John Golafre and Baldwin Bereford were drawn to the prince'sservice. From

Herefordshirecame Simon and John Burley, John Clanvowe, Philip Walwayn, Nicholas

Samesfield,Thomas Peyteveyn and JohnDevereux.

Origins of Service -

Theearly household'of the future prince was not distingwished.The adrm*m*strators

appointedby theIdng to servethe interestsof his sonwere often men drawn from the royal

sermce,competent certainly but hardlycelebrated. This is perhapsnot surprising.Edward III

washimself a youngman, recently come into hisinheritance when his sonwas born and was

establishinga retinue and administration of hisown. Also the prince'sbureaucracy was under

thecontrol and auspices of the queen'shousehold and there was thus, initially, little needfor a

highlydeveloped administrative system and very experienced staff The earldomof Chesterand

duchyof Cornwallhad their own pre-existingpersonnel. Thus the earlyadmimistrative servants

werethose appointed by the Icingfrom amonghis own junior aidesand those who werealready

in positionsof authority,appointed by the Prince'spredecessors.

Theprince also found servants from otherretinues when age, death or othercauses

broughtthese associations to anend. Outside central royal service the foremostemployers of

259 theday were the princeof Walesand the dukeof Lancaster.There was some fluidity of service betweenthe two groups.On the deathof Henryof Grosmontsome of hisservants were retainedby the princerather than the earlof Richmondand, sm'u'larly after the derniseof the

BlackPrince, some sought service with the dukeof Lancasterrather than his nephew or sister- in-law.There we're also those such as Sir Ralph Paynel who wasretained by Gaunt,served the

BlackPrince and was also an annuitant of ThomasLord Roos.Those who turnedto the prince afterGrosmont's death included Thomas Hereford, Nigel Loryng,Stephen Cosington and 59 William Trussel. Gauntattracted men from the prince's retinueas well as from that of Lionel, dukeof Clarence,and the earlof Hereford.Among those who hadpreviously served the prince wereJohn Kentwood, Andrew Lutterel. 1,60 Robert Roos, Nicholas Samesfield, Walter Urswick,

Paynel," WalterPaveley and Hugh Hastings. Hastings' father is buriedat Elsingchurch in

Norfolk andhis tomb bore the effigiesof EdwardHI, ThomasBeauchamp, Henry of

Grosmont,Ralph Lord Staffordand Lawrence Hastings, earl of Pembroke,who alsohad links 62 vAththe retinue. It is likelythat the Robert NeviHe, who foundservice with Gauntin 1369, wasthe sonof the keeperof theprince's horses. In additionto theseabrupt distinctions there wasmuch transitional service due to the natureof the manyshort-tenn military contracts which providedthe manpowerfor the campaignsof the earlystages of thewar in theprince's retinue "' or thatof oneof the dukesof Lancaster. Thenumber involved shows the fluidityof military

59 paynelwas the prince's surveyorof gamein Yorkshire,Walker, LancastrianAfjjinity, 29,258-9. 60 Lutterellhad servedwith Grosmontin 1345-6in Aquitaine and during 1347in Calais,K. A. Fowler,"I Icnry of Grosmont,First Duke of Lancaster,1310-1361", Unpub. phD thesis,University of Leeds,1961,254. 61 Walker,op cit., 104and n. 135. 62 Fowler,"Henry of Grosmont",579,726-7. 63 RichardAbberbury, James Audlcy, William Berton?,Bernard Brocas, Thomas Cok, William Comwall?, ThomasCourtenay, Hugh Cressy,Hugh le Despenser,John Ercedeanke, William Felton,Richard FitzSimon, Baldwin Frevill, ThomasFurnivall, captalde Buch, JohnGrey of Codnore,John del I lalc, I lugh I lastings, ThomasHereford, John Holland, JohnInkepenne, Warrin del Isle, William Kingston,Roger Lc Strangeof Knockin,John Lovel, Ralph Lovel, Edmund1`11anchester. William Middleton?,John Moubray, Robert Neville, WalterPavelcy, Robert Roos, William Roos,John St Pierre,Thcobald Trussel, William Trusscl,Richard de la Vachc,John Verdon, the son,Thomas Walrond?, John Wardc?, Thomas Wastcncys, and JohnWeston? Thc namesare based on lists in K. A. Fowler "Henry of GrOsmOnt",ii, 244-63.There are undoubtedlymany more. 260 servicebetween contracting captains of whomLancaster and the princemust be consideredof themost worthy.

By hismarriage to Joanthe princealso 'inherited" a numberof the senrantsof thelate earlof Kent.He continuedto paya numberof annuitiesand, as Hofland/Wake estates were absorbedinto hisdemesne, some of theseservants retained their offices or wenton to servein differentparts of the'administration.Joan also brought her own servantsand this must have givena femininetouch to whathad been an almost exclusively male environment. In addition, joan retaineda numberof householdknights, some of whomcontinued to serveher after

Edward'sdeath, or werealso associated with herson as prince of Walesand later as king. For example,Richard Abberbury, the elder,was a retainerof the princeand served as'lirst master" to Richard.He wasnot of the prince'sinnennost circle and appears to havehad closer links to

Joan.He actedas steward of Richard'slands during his brief time as ptince of Walesand was 64 latera knightof Richard'schamber.

HenryAldrington, the prince'stailor, also found an increasing workload placed upon himafter Edward's marriage, as Joan's passion for clothesmatched or surpassedthe prince's " own. 11iswork clearlyfound favour as he was appointed surveyor of worksin Wallingford ' 67 castle andreceived regular gifts of game. Leonthe Goldstnithalso served the princeand his wife.He travelledto the principalityand was housed at the prince'sexpense in Bordeaux,to be 69 on handfor service'inaU manner of goldsmithinev.

Thosemarked with a questionmark simply havethe samename as personsknown to havehad dealingswith the Black Princebut thereis no further corroborativeevidence to suggestthey arc the sameperson. 64 S. Walker,"Sir RichardAbbabury (c.1330-1399) and his Kinsmen:The Rise and Fall of a OcntryFamily", NottinghamMedieval Studies,xxxiv (1990), 113,120. 65 Scheduleof itemsof cloth etc receivedin chamber.Allowed 61/4d.a day for eachfurrier and tailor working for the princeand Joanfrom Mdsummer 1361and thereafter,9 Aug. 1362,BPR, iv, 463. 6628 June1363, ibid., 502. 67 Gift of six live doesand a "Prikct" towardsstocking of his park at Elvcdon,2 Nov. 1363;gift of six live fawns, towardsstocking park, 9 May 1364;gift of six live fawns, 24 May 1364,ibid.. 515,526,528. 68 The princeagreed to pay Leon's expenses,including the costsof two horsesand groomsfor thejourney from 261 Military Associations

Thehousehold and retinue were of anessentially military character and it wasthat naturewhich bound many of theremembers together in their serviceto the BlackPrince. In the caseof the Orderof the Garterthis provided the selectmembers with a clearcommunal identity.The Garter was founded to supportthe war with Franceand, in particular,to commemoratethe victory at Cr6cy.It wasforemost a testamentto EdwardIII's claim,but by its associationwith Crecy(the prince's victory) and the choiceof foundermembers who had nearlyall seenservice at thebattle, the Garterwas also an association inextricably linked to his son.The recruitmentof Garter knightsby the princeand the inclusionof his retainersin the

Orderis describedelsewhere and demonstrates the clearassociation of the retinueof theBlack

Princewith the fellowship'ofthe Order.The symbioticrelationship between retinue and Order developedthroughout the prince'sfife asthe reputationsof individualsand institutions continuedto grow.Those members of theretinue who foundstalls in St George'schapel were providedwith theidentity of the"order") and a commonbond. Through the chivalricmilieu of theprince's household, echoes of thiswere disseminated to thoseoutside the Orderand the prince'sinner circle.

military servicealso provided a commonbond between members of the retinue althoughthe prince's three major campaigns were separated by 20 years.Thus rates of re- serviceare relatively low, particularlyamong the soldiery.At higherlevels of commandthere area numberof individualswho sawservice with theBlack Prince throughout his life and formed,for the mostpart, a highlyeffective military command structure. This was strengthened by positionsin the householdof whichthe prince'sbachelors must be seenas a significant

Thosewith indenturesof retainerwere given household rights aslivery and bouche 4.7group.- such

Londonto Bordeaux,where he was to be housedin Bordeaux.Ile was alsoto receivelimy as an csquirc. I Sept. 1362,ibid., 467. 262 a courtin the samefashion as was received by the prince'sbachelors. The grcat majority of the bachelorswere military men, the mostsignificant of whomwerealso in receiptof annuities.

In additionto this,there were more specific military bonds. Sir JamesAudley was almostalways inseparably linked by chroniclerswith Chandosand it wouldnot be rashto assumesome sort of brothers-in-armsrelationslip. -Chandos began his career as an esquirein

Edward]II's retinue.He instructedthe princein annsand their early fiiendship is shownby the incidentwhen the princelost 12d.to him playingdice at Byfleetin 1339.In 1346he was

indenturedto accompanythe princeto Franceand remained a closecompanion thereafter despitea quarrelin 1368that causedhim to resignhis post as constableof Aquitaine.Chandos wasone of a groupof professionalsoldiers who roseto pron-drienceafter Cr6cy. Others in the

prince'sservice included Calveley, Knolles, Nigel Loryng and the captalde Buch. Loryng was

retainedby the princefor fife in peaceand war for 150 a yearand became his chamberhin some 69 beforeOctober 1356 tune .

Brotherhood-in-arms,tended to be a financialrelationship based on the potentialprofits

andcosts of warfare,particularly ransoms. Such relationships could cross national boundaries.

BertrandDu Guesclinand Hugh Calveley are perhaps the clearestexwnple. Calveley was a

Cheshireknight who hadseen service at Poitiersand in Brittanyincluding in thebattle of Auray

in whichJohn Chandos led deMontfort's anny. He foughtunder Du Guesclinin supportof

Henryof Trastarnara,in 1365-6 but wasrecalled by theBlack Prince to servein hisown

expeditionacross the Pyrenees. Du GuescUnwas captured at Nijera andCalveley was

instrumentalin securinghis release and paying part of his ransom.John Chandos and James

Audleyhad a similarrelationship. Also in the sameway WilliamNeville and John Clanvowe,

two of theLollard knights, were buried together in Constantinoplepossibly aflerjoining a

69CPA 1354-8,468. 263, crusadeled by Louis,duke of Bourbonor whilston pilgrimageto Rhodesor Jerusalern.Louis 70 Cliffordanother of thosein the prince'semploy may have travelled with them.

Family Associations

Familiallinks, particularly among the aristocracy,in anorganisation of the sizeof the

Black Prince'sretinue were hardly surprising.To demonstratethis is, to an extent,a fiuitless

exercisesince all thatit provesis thatthe gentryand nobility had a tendencyto intennarry.

However,it doesshow the retinueas very much a part,indeed a significantcomponent, in the

nationalaristocracy and the princehimself a part of that aristocracyand his own retinue.

Furthermore,certain traditions of servicecan be establishedwhich serve, if nothingelse, to

showthe attractionof serviceto theBlack Prince. The Staffordsare perhaps the prime example

of a noblefamily in serviceto andhaving associations with the prince.Ralph, first earlof

Stafford,fought with the princein thefust "battle' at Cr6cyand served on hiscouncil. Richard

Stafford,his brother and later an earl in hisown right wasa highlyimportant figure in the

administrationservmg as steward and surveyor of the prince'slands. He foughtalongside the

princeon a numberof occasionsand was seneschal of Gasconyjust prior to, andin the first

monthsof, the principalityof Aquitaine.He laterperformed diplomatic duties for thecrown and

becamea royalcouncillor. Richard's illegitimate son, Micholas, also found a placein the

militaryretinue in the campaignsof 1355-6and returned to servein Aquitainein the retinueof

Pembrokein 136971 Hugh, Stafford, have Edward theearl of . secondearl may accompanied on

theReims campaign. He certainlywas part of the prince'sretinue in 1363and fought with him

70 SiegridDall, AnthonyLuttrell and MauriceKeen, "Faithful Unto Death:Ihc Tomb Slabof Sir William Neville and Sir JohnClanvowe, Constantinople 139 1", AntiquariesJoumal, 71 (1991), 175,178-80,183-4. 71 CCR,,1368-74,78-9; J. S. Roskell,L. Clark and C. Rawcliffe, 71eHistory ofParliament TheHouse of Commons,1386-1421, Stroud, 1992,442. 264 72 atNAjera. A WilliamStafford was employed as 'ýidee' of theforest of theWirral.

Thefarnily of Berkeley,who servedthe prince,was linked to theBotetourts of whom

BartholomewBotetourt served as master of theprince's great horses. There are also family connectionsto theL'Isles. Warin held lands of theBlack Prince in Comwall,Wiltshire and

Buckinghamshireand John commanded a major force during the 135 5-6 campaigns.The

Mortimers,earls of March,also can be linked into thisassociation. Roger was knighted with theprince in 1346,marking the re-acceptanceof the familyafter their disgraceand thereafter theyhad a closemilitary association.

The Burghershfamily servedboth the king and his son.The elderBartholomew served

asmagister of the prince'shousehold and his uncle, Henry bishop of Lincoln,baptised Edward.

Burghersh'sson, also named Bartholomew, fought with himat Cr6cyand Poitiers and was

stewardof Wallingford.Walter Paveley, cousin of the youngerBartholomew, was retained for

militarysermce. Paveley and Burghersh were both founder members of the Garterand both 73 intendedto go to theHoly Landbut it doesnot seemthat eitheractually made the journey.

Theyregularly served as each other's attorneys.

Whenan individual joined the prince'sretinue, particularly in a militarycapacity, it was

probablethat otherswould accompany him. Retainers were often joined by esquiresor other

knightsaccording to theterms and conditions of their employment.Major figureswho became

linkedto the princealso, in somecases brought admihistrative servants to the prince'sattention,

whowere subsequently employed by the prince.John CAdesburgh, served Burghersh, the elder

assteward of Ponthieu.He joined the retinueof BartholomewBurghersh, the younger, in

whichhe fought in the companyof theBlack Prince in thePoitiers campaign. He laterbecame

72cotton Julius CIV E288;28 July 1363,CCA 1360-4,473. 73CPR 1354-58,55. 265 74 speakerof theHouse of Commons. PeterGildesburgh, his uncle, followed Lord Burghcrsh intothe Black Prince's household when he became magister. Peter rose to becomeone of the prince'smost prominent officials. Hugh Calveley and Robert Knolles were probably uncle and nephew,Calveley's sister being Knolles' mother. They regularly fought together and were oflen in theemploy of theBlack Prince. The Knolles family arms are to be foundon Calveley's tomb.75 He is alsoone, with Knolles,of a groupof Cheshireknights who roseto prominencein theprince's service along with WalterHewitt who servedat NAjera,in Aquitaineand at the siegeof Limoges.The Cobharn family had marital and familial links to theBeauchamp,

Courtenayand de la Polefamilies which all hadmembers who werepart of the retinue.The kinshipof Walterand Simon Burley has been said to explainthe inclusionof the latterin the is prince'sretinue and his subsequent rise to powerunder Richard II, howeverthere no family evidenceto showany relationship between the two. Differentbranches of theFelton werein serviceto the prince.The Norfolk branch has been mentioned above. In addition,

WilliamFelton, seneschal of Poitou,was joined in the retinuenot onlyby hiskinsman, Ilomas, 76 but alsoby hisbrother, John, who inheritedhis lands after William's death in Spain. The

Hakelutfamily was also associated with the prince.Walter had been the prince'sjustice at 78 Carmarthen,77and Edmund was escheator of Herefordshire.Other family members may also havefought with theprince. Genealogical, military and retinue links may serve to explainother associationsthat leave evidence of a financialand legal nature.

74 Roskellet at, History ofParliament, 185-7. 73 For Calveleyand Knolles seeJ. C. Bridges,"Two Soldiersof Fortune:Sir I lugh Cal%,clcy and Sir Robert Knolles",Journal of TheChester and North MalesArchaeological, Architectural mid Historical Society,14 ý1908),112-23 1. 66 Nov. 1367,Cal. Fine Rolls, 1356-68,358. 77Cal. Charter Rolls, 1341-1417,263. 78Cal. Fine Rolls, 1356-68,28-9.

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0 H FinancialAssociations

Financiallinks,, evident among many members of theprince's retinue, demonstrate a groupmentality and circles of fiiendsand business associates and also shows that the knightly communitywas very small. It wasvery likely that individuals would know eachother whether or not theyfound service in a particularretinue or affinity.There were clearly a considerable numberof individualswithin the retinuewho wereinvolved in a widevariety of financial

79 activities.John Delves and Hugh del Hogh engaged in a numberof transactions.On 2 July

1346Burgh6rsh, snr, Thomas Ferrers, Simon Islip (thencanon of St Mary's,Lincoln) and Peter

Gildesburghacknowledged a debtto Anne, widow of Edward Despenser,of 400 marks.80 John

Delveshad recognizancesshowing that he owed PeterVeel, L550 and Walter Paveley,John fl-4.* I Gildesburghand others, 1,000 marks. Both debtswere repaid. It is uncertainif theywere taken " out onthe prince'sbehalf Priorto hisassociation with the prince,Reginald Cobham had links 82 with otherfuture members of theretinue including Stephen Cosington, ThomasBradeston 83 andMaurice Berkeley. He alsolent money to oneJohn Alveton who mayhave been the same 84 manwho becamethe prince'sSteWard of Walfingford. JohnDanyers had financial links %ith

WiffiarnCanngton, Hamo Mascy of Puddingtonand Adam Tabley vAth whom he made a recognisancewith RichardWolveston for L106 13 s. 4d. He madea recognisancefor 40 marks 's with JohnDokenfeld and Wifliam Danyel to JohnBrunham, the younger, and four others.

RichardStafford had financial and other links vvith certain members of the prince'sretinue.

79 DeputyKeeper Reports, 28, Appendix, Welsh Records, Deeds, Inquisitions, etc., 52. soCCP, 1346-9,86. 81 It is likely 1Mar. 1369, CCA 1368-74,75. thatsome of thesewere loans for the pfi= sincethey also included 2,000 marksfrom John Chaddesley. 92 With him Cobham,in February1342, was appointed to takeall therevenue received by theabbot of Faversahrafor "procurationof cardinalsto repayvarious debts" CCIý 1341-3,390. 83 18Oct. 1345 (see 16 Oct. ), CCA 1343-6,659.Also on 29 July 1346with Thomasand Maurice Berkeley, Cobhambecame a mainpernorfor theearl of Desmond,ibid., 140. 84 On2 Oct.134 1, John Alveton acknowledged a debt of L200.This was cancelled, CCR, 1341-3,277. 85Ches. Recog. Rolls, 136. 271 With HughHopwas and Henry Tynmor he was involved in acquiringland without licence." " Loryngheld land in Somersetof HughCourtenay. StephenCosington made a recognizance " with himfor 240marks to belevied in Kent. He alsohad dealings with JohnMohun, making recognizansesfor 180and L120'9 and he later acquired from him a quarterof Luton manor 90 whichwas rented to EdwardKendale. JohnWingfield's financial importance in the retinue mayhave made him. a liabilityor promisingpartner depending on one'spoint of view.He hada licenceto grantLee manor to MabelCalveley and Henry Neuton on I May 1354and William andJoan Montague granted the castleand honour of Hawardenand various manors to

V*rmgfieldand others in 1348.91

Buildings

Thehousehold provided the foundationof the militaryretinue and estate administration.

Thelocation of thathousehold and the buildings in whichit washoused was also extremely significant.The physical focus of theprince's retinue was his great houses and manors,

Berkhamsted,Restonnel, Wallingford and particularly Kennington in Englandand then the splendidcourt at Bordeauxand AngoulEme described in suchglittering terms by Froissartand others.In thiscontext, an association v6th the princegave access to the luxuriousenvironment in whichhe lived as well asa link to hismilitary and Chivalric reputation. Members of the household,particularly the prince'sbachelors, were frequently estate officials, key members of

8623 Oct. 1'357,CPR, 1354-8,630. 87 CIPM, xiv, no. 325,320. 8820 June1349, CCR, 1349-54,87. 899 May 1366,ibid., 1364-8,269. 90 CIPM, xiii, n. 241,223. He was fined 100s.for this. Ile also acquireda licenceto cnfooffthe land to John Loryng,clerk and William Loryng, clerk, 4 June 1375,Cpjý 1374.7,118.On 23 Apr. 1387William Loryng was givena licencefor 50 marksto alienatein mortmaina quarterof Luton manor,to the prior and conventof Dunstaplein return for celebrationdivine servicedaily for the soulsof Loryng,the princeand others,ibid., 1385- 9,314. 91Ches. Recog. Rolls, 530;DKR, 28, Appendix,Welsh Records,49. 272 hismilitary retinue or fufflHedother political or diplomaticfunctions. They were also, presumably,regularly present in thehousehold and as such very close to the prince,at the centreof hisaffinity.

Theretinue was first andforemost a militaryinstitution. It alsohad financial and administrativeconcerns in additionto a politicalrole. That role was, in part,fulfilled by the imageand ethos which was displayed in thehousehold. Therefore, the milieu in whichthis took placewas highly significant and the princespent considerable sums on building.It is uncertain wherehe resided in Aquitainefrom 1363,he may have returned to thearchbishop of

Bordeaux'spalace as he had in 1355-7.92During his fieutenancyhe alsoresided at Blanquefort andLormont and he had a pavifionat Talence.He alsospent time at Ubourne,La Rdoleand

Montflaquin.In Englanda greatdeal was spent on hismanor at Kenningtonand there was furtherexpenditure elsewhere. Domestic projects were not the onlybuilding schemes in which hewas involved. There were in addition,religious, rnifitary and civic operations.

Theprincipal area of expenditureon religiousarchitecture was at ValeRoyal, however

Wallingford,as well asbeing a domesticresidence, served a nuniberof religiousfunctions and theinstitutions there received the patronageof the princeand they reflected his own religious predilections.The priory was dedicated to the Trinity andits historywas bound up vviththe abbeyof St Alban's.In 1356 EdwardIII granteda licencefor the appropriationof Harewell church,Berkshire, to the deanof the freechapel of St Nicholaswithin Wallingford castle. This wasat thegift andbehest of the princeto providefor six chaplains,six clerksand four taper- bearers.In 1361the coUegereceived the gift of the manorin entirety.93 In 1361-2repairs were

92 Capra, du PrinceNoir, lieutenant Pierre "Le sijour du Roi, a I'Archc,,,dch6 de Bordealm(20 scptanbrc 1355- II avril. 1357", RevueIfistorique Bordeauxet DepartementGironde, ns 7 (1958), 241-52. 93 MI, Berks,ii, 77,104. 273 94 madeat the princes expense.In Cheshire,in additionto sumsspent in the buildingand re- buildingof ValeRoyal abbey, the princepaid for repairsto theRoman bridge at Chesterovcr theRiver Dee. At Launceston,the capul of hisCornish duchy, the princepaid for Launceston

churchtower. He alsohad the northgatehouse of the castlebuilt andprobably a largestone hall

95 ffi thebafley.

Militaryb.. g couldhave beeha very significantcost. The castles of Walesand

CoMwaHwere in a poor stateof repairwhen the princewas granted them. It doesnot appear

thatfuU repairs were undertaken but moneywas spent on somerestoration and there were

othermeans of offsettingthe costs.In Walesthe 1343survey undertaken by William Emeldon 96 estimatedthe total repairbill at 14,317 13s. 4d. The coststo the princewere reducedsince a

numberof castleswere alienated and granted to otherswho werethen responsible for their

maintenancesuch as Emlyn in 1349and Haverford in 1367.Harlech was under the authorityof 97 Mannyfrom 1332-72 None the 1341in 1343had been Walter . of repairs,priced at

undertakenin Dryslwyn,south Wales by'l. 3 53 whenit wasgranted to Rhysap Griffithwho 9' wasthen made responsible for niýintainance.The prince surrendered his fights to

Montgomeryto the earlof Marchin 1359. The prince employed a smallpermanent staff of

workmento undertakerepairs and it wasthe responsibilityof hisofficials to checkthat repairs

weremade. In 1354 the chamberlainof northWales was authorised to spend100 marks a year

94BPR, iv, 387,426,449. 95 D. Mountfield, Castlesand Castle Townsof Great Britain, London, 1993,86. 96 E 163/4/42.For a discussionof the natureof the repairsneeded see History of the King 'SMorks, ed. Colvin, London,1963, i, 298,308,318,326-7,332,350,365,3 67,3 89,3 94,465.9; ii, 591,601,642,643-4,647,67 1. 97 History of the King's Works,ed. Colvin, i, 465. Emlyn was grantedto Richardde la Bcrc, the prince's chamberlain,for life in 1349.It remainedin privatehands almost continuouslythereafter, ibid., ii, 647. The prince held a reversionof Haverfordof which he took control in 1358after the deathof his grandmother.In 1367it was grantedto the sencschalof Aquitaine,Thomas Felton, CCR, 1354-60,583.It was grantedby Richard11 to John Clanvowein 1385, CP)t 1385-9,8,14,33. For an archaeologicalsurvey of the castlesee Charles Parry, "Survey andExcavation at NewcastleEmlyn Castle".Carmarthenshire Antiquary, 23 (1987), 11-27. 98 SC6/1221/9.Rhys died in 1356.In 1359-60work costingL25 and E39was undertaken.This may havebeen in invasion,SC6/1221/12-13; responseto a fearedFrench Hi sto ry of le King' 1yorks ed. CoIvin 642. 274 , for threeyears on suchwork andin 1359his counterpart in the southwas given leave to spend 99 a similarannual amount. However,repairs costing such amounts cannot have done much 100 morethan maintain the buildings. Extensive repairs were undertaken in Cheshire. At Beeston 101- castlerepairs were undertaken in the 133 Os.

Theprince also held numerous castles and buildings in the duchyof Cornwalland the foreignmanors associated with it. He hadcastles at Launceston,Restormel, Tintagel and

Trematonand a fortifiedmanor house at Liskeard.Lydford castle in Devon,which came under

Cornishcontrol in 1337,fimetioned, as a prisonas well asplaying a partin the administrationof 102 the stannariesand the . Edmund,earl of CornwA who also refurbished

Restonnel,built the duchypalace at LostvAthielin c. 1290.The prince receivedExeter castlefor life in 1348.103He alsoheld Mere castlein Wiltshire. A surveyof the castlesmade when the princeinherited the duchyin 1337revealed that, as in Wales,they had been neglected for some time.104 Repair work however,appears to havebeen much more systematic and concentrated in

Cornwall.Launceston was in considerabledisrepair in 1337.Much of the repairwork hadbeen completedby 1345.105Restormel also received considerable investment as did Tintagel,where 106 theprince rebuilt the greathall. Trematonwas, unusually, in a stateof goodrepair,

99 SC1/58/3 5; SC6/1221/12;History of the King's Works,ed. Colvin, i, 466. 100 BPR,iii, 209-10.This involvedrepairs to the greathall and otherhouses in Macclesfield,the tower of Frodsham,the walls and exchequerbuilding in Chester,the prince's chamberat Shotwickand repairsto Flint in castle.For a list of the worlaneninvolved maintaining,repairing and developingthe prince'sbuildings in Cheshireand elsewheresee History of the King's Works,ed. Colvin, ii, 1056-8. 101 PlantagenetSomerset Fry, CastlesofBritain and Ireland, London, 1996,125. 102 Andrew Saunders,"Administrative Buildings and Prisonsin the Earldomof Cornwall", Warriors ivid Churchmenin theMiddle Ages.Essays Presented to Karl Leyser, ed. Timothy Reuter,London and Rio Grande, 1992,204.For plansof the castlesee, 206-7. 103 CPR,1348-50,47. Repairs to the walls were authorisedin 1352,BPR, ii, 28. 104 E 120/1;History of the King's Works,ed. Colvin, i, 470-2. 105 BPR,ii, 2,48,185; History of the King's Works,ed. Colvin, ii, 6934. 106 For the reportsof 1337see E120/1 mm. 5 [Tintagel] 8,29 [Rcstomcl]. For repairssee E101/461/1 I; BPR,ii, 168,185,History of the King's Works,ed. Colvin, ii, 805,846. 275 107 maintenwcewas only estmated at 13 a ym.

Theprince's main domestic dwellings, which also served as the physicalfocus of his retinue,were in or nearLondon. The prince's chief residence was Kennington manor, Surrey. It wastwo milessouth of LondonBridge along the Roman Stane street. Within the city at the upperend of Fishstreet there was "one great house, for themost part built of stone,which pertainedsometime to Edwardthe Black- Prince,... who in hislifetime lodged there. "108 He also resided,from time to timein the prince'swardrobe which he enlarged and Pountney's Inn whichhe owned from 1349-59.109Before the Black Death, the prince's master-mason was

MIcholasAflyngton and Henry Snelleston acted in Chesterand north Wales. ' 10 He probably diedof the plague.Work wasundertaken at Kenningtonthroughout much of the prince'slife.

Themanor was one of hisresidences whilst keeper of the realm.Work carriedout in 1351 was undertakenby JohnTyryngton and John Pouke who diedc. 13 57 leavingwork unfinishedat

Kennington.This involved a newhall with a pantry,a buttery,other chambers, a kitchen and thetiling of the stablesin 1355. In March13 58 Henry Yevele undertook a contractfor 1221

4s.7d. to builda numberof waRs,chimneys and staircases at Kennington,the projectwas completedby Septemberthe followingyear. By thistime, Yevele held a postas the prince's masonand as such he received L60 on 25 October1359 from the receiver-general.In this capacity,Yevele designed the prince'schantrY at Canterbury,although John Boxe probably did 112 thework. In 1358 JohnHeyward was also contracted to builda bake-houseat

107E120/l/m. 26; History of the King's Works,ed. Colvin, ii, 846-7. 108 Stowe,quoted in JohnH. Harvey,Henry Yevele.The Life ofan EnglishArchitect, London, 1944,21-2. 109 Mary D. Lobel, YheBritish Atlas offfistoric Taw= TheCity ofLondon, Oxford, 1989,84-5,map 3. 110 Snellestonwas appointed29 Sept.1346 although he had beenin the prince's employsince 1343.1le died in the plagueand was succeededby HenryHuntingdon. Harvey, The Black Prince and his Age, 76. 111 BPR,iv, 150.L1,575 5s. 5Y2d.had beenpaid on 4 Sept.,leaving L270 owing. 112 Harvey,Henry Yevele,22,27. Yevelewas also the architectfor WalterManny's cell and cloisterat the Londoncharterhouse and may haveconceived the whole original plan and design.His otherreligious work may haveincluded the prince's tomb and that of JohnBeauchamp (d. 1360),ibid., 31,34,66, 276 Kennington.113 Berkharnsted and Wallingford castles, the manor houses of Byfleetand

Kenningtonin Surreyand the Trince's Palace"in Westminster114 and the Wardrobe between

OldJewry and Ironmonger Lane... were associated urith the duchyof Comwall.Berkhamsted andWallingford were also used on occasionfor royalpurposes including the confinementof 16Berkhmnsted theling of France! wasin considerabledisrepair in 1337when repairs were 17 estimatedat 1765.1 It was a favouredresidence of QueenIsabella and thereafter of the Black

Princepartly due to its proximityto St Albanswhere the princewas a frequentvisitor.

Accordingto Froissart,it wasat Berkhamstedthat the princeand princess took leaveof the royal family beforetravelling to Aquitaine.However, sincethis was the Christmasof 1361and the princeand his bride did not set sail for Bordeauxuntil June 1363it is most unlikely that the " 8 princedid not seethe king and queenagain before his departure. Wallingford underwent 119 extensiverepairs both during the prince'slifetime and afterwardswhen in the handsof the

Fair Maid of Kent; shedied therein 1385.120

113 12May 1358,BPR, iv, 250. The contractwas worth 250 marks.For an investigationof work undertakenat Kenningtonsee Graham J. Dawson,"The Black Prince'sPalace at Kennington,Surrey", British Archaeological Reyorts, 26 (1976). 1 'Theexact location of the palaceis uncertain.It was probablylocated in the precinctof the king's palaceclose to the wall separatingthe palacefrom Westminsterabbey. Repairs to the palaceof the princeor dukearc E 1011470n; 471/6. It occasionallymentioned, eg. was maintainedout of the prince's rcvcnueand probably containeda chapeland the prince's exchequer,History of the King's works, ed. Colvin, i, 537-8. 115 Thewardrobe included a hall, greatchamber, chapel, rebuilt in 1350, a kitchen and storehouse.Building life work andrepairs continued throughout the prince's and afterwardsit was given to Joanas dower,BPR, iv, 150,236,285,History Ofthe King's Works,ed. Colvin, ii, 981-2. 116BpR, iv, 243,244,256,265,342,400,411-12; CPR, 1358-61,341-,CCR, 1360-4,11. 117CPA 1334-8,366; History of the King's Works,ed. Colvin, ii, 562-3. 118Barber, Edward, 243; VC11,Herts, ii, 13-14. 119 1343,BPR, i, 151; 1353,wall repairs;iv, 83; 1359,new kitchen, prison and hall built, ibid., 299,302; 1361- 2. collegeof St Nicholasrepaired at the prince's expense,ibid., 387,426,449; 1363-70,repairs to greattower, greatchamber and otherbuildings; ibid., 502,542,562; CPA 1361-4,501,523,,1364-7.235; 1375,L200 was spenton greathall, greatchamber and chapel,E 101/490/3; History of the King s It orks, ed. Colvin. ii, 85 1. It hasbeen estimated that aboutL500 was spenton generalrepairs as well as work on the greattower between1363 and 1370,Fry, CastlesofBritain, 188. 120CPR, 1374-7,375; 1377-81,376.

277 TheBlack Prince's retinue was linked in a numberof ways.Often the individualsknew eachother prior to servicewith the princeand certainly many of thembecame closely associatedin "extracurricula! ' activities which did not involvehim. Suchlinks are indicative of a recruitingpolicy based on mutualassociations and these were no doubtdrawn on in timeof warwhen the indenturedretainers and others were caUed upon to bringtroops to fight with the prince.The household in peacetimeis moredifficult to analyzebut thereis no doubtthat it was of criticalimportance in maintainingthe princein "necessarymagnificence'. This was undoubtedlyachieved in Aquitaineand to a lesserextent in thehousehold in England, particularlyin Kennington.As in manyother fields, the princedid not matchGaunt's expenditureon building.Kennington was no Kenilworth,but againthe princehad only to wait.

Ilis fatherhad spent a greatdeal of moneyat Windsorand Sheen and many other houses, they wouldbe his soonenough.

278 Conclusion

The householdand retinue of the Black Princein its widest form appearsto have

in in manyof the criteria of an affinity, size,scale, and expense, although perhaps not purpose.if the prince'sretinue did not conformto the unusualmodel of Johnof Gaunt's affinity it is not to saythat thereare not analoguesamong his Lancastrianpredecessors. A be instructive comparisonwith Henry of Grosmontmay more sincethe military and height his political conditionsunder which Lancasteroperated at the of authority coincidedwith the expansionof the prince'sretinue in the aftermathof the Crdcy forms bear campaign.The structure and of retaining and patronagealso more comparison Only five known havedrawn with the first dukeof Lancasterthan the second. menare to up indentureswith Grosmontand one of those,Richard Felstede, was a London carpenter!The compositionof Grosmont'sretinue has been determined by an analysisof fought certainassociates; annuitants, those who regularly with him on campaign, household his witnessesto chartersand andestate officials. Only a small nucleusof but comitivawere donees they provideda core aroundwhich temporaryservants could duties On collect.Administrative tasks and estate were often undertakenby military men. thesecriteria the prince'sretinue appears to havemuch morein commonwith

Grosmont'sentourage than Gaunt'saffinity. However,the prince'sretinue was first duke significantlylarger than that of the of Lancaster,with over threetimes asmany indenturedretainers and many more annuitants. The Black Princemaintained a household

andretinue which was,in size,closer to Gaunt'sthan Grosmont's.it is in the meansof

I Fowler,King's Lieutenant,18 1.

279 difference between Edward patronageand retaining that the significant arises the sonsof

Ill. Furthermore,as the futureking, his retinueas prince of Walesand Aquitaine was not the final product.On his accessionit would be augmentedwith the royal householdof his him fatherand thus2, while manyof the retinue,particularly administrators, served with itself for long periods,the retinuewas a constantlyevolving institutionwhich reformed to hoc basis little long-term meetchanging conditions, often on anad andwith vision of the future.

Suchconcerns were reflected in the meansof retainingthat the princeadopted. An indentureof retinuewas a specificand limited contract,the grantof anannuity was awarded be in for servicesdone in the pastand which would performed the future.An annuity follower be providedthe Black Princewith a whoseservice could reliedupon across a range indentured by of duties,whereas an retainerwas constrained, theoretically, certain The it "Was in conditions-ofemployment. annuitywas a moregenerous grant since absolute

law for the life of the recipientand not evenhis opendisobedience or disloyaltycould justify did thetermination of a payment,a fact that not applyto an indentureof retinue."2 However, individual litigation in practice,it wasmost unlikely that an would go to againstthe prince.

Thus,he providedvery generoussums giving him a highly flexible retinuewithout the indenture. necessityfor the constrainingstrictures of an

why then did he retainat all? 'Two early examples,those of HenryEam and

EdmundManchester, indicate that earlyin his careerthe princeexperimented with a

differentpractice of recruitmentand retaining. Eam. was, in essence,a life retainer Manchester during life. The latter without an indenture,and was retained pleasurenot for

Bean,From Lord to Patron, 14,17.

280 Grenewayin 1365but havebeen because he casecorresponds to that of William this may The intention havebeen flexibility wasonly of yeomanstatus. may to give the prince and lessenhis responsibilities.These are exceptionalcases however, and the majority of The in be contractsfollowed moretypical practice. retainerswere, part, to the military forces Beanindicated. 3 nucleusof the prince'swider retinueand expeditionary as

Nonetheless,the smallnumber and the occasionswhen these contracts were madeout be suggeststhat this cannot the whole story.

A casein point is the block of indenturesmade early in the winter of 1367.In additionto wantingto rewarda numberof thosewho werewith him in Spainthere may havebeen more prescient concerns. -The princereturned to Bordeauxfrom Castileearly in

September.The first trancheof the recalculatedsum owed by Pedrowas dueto be paid

& The Aigues-Mortesbetween Louis on the of that month. treatyof Enriqueand of

Anjou hadbeen signed on 13 Augustgiving the following March asthe datefor the

Furthermore, disintegrating in resumptionof the war. the situation Aquitainenecessitated

thatthe princehave a body of soldierson stand-byfor rebellionor to respondto French

incursions.it maybe that he did not feel he could rely on manyof thosewho had

him in Spainbut had been campaignedwith not paid. It would thereforeappear that

indentureswere used by the princein this casefor very specificreasons. Also the in conditionsof the contracts'which specifiedthat therewould be no furtherwar payment disastrous in additionto the fee,presumably reflects the financialposition which the However,in princefound himself at this point. almostevery other instance,the granting havelittle direct of an indentureof retainerseems to military context,the exceptionbeing

the caseof Baldwin Frevill, retainedin advanceof the Reimscampaign.

ibid., 58.

281 It hasbeen asserted that'It is reasonableto assumethat the Black Prince'sattitude

indentures did 1361 indentures have towardsthe makingof ... not changeafter andthe that for John Gaunt,belong to a different "4This does to be survived ... of generation. not appear thecase. Only six individuals-were retained before 13 61 andmore specifically before 1365.

In the nexteight years 15 received indentures. Changing political conditions,the acquisition

(anddefence) of the principality of Aquitaine and the aftermathof the Castilian campaign may have necessitatedthe recruitmentof specifically military assistance.In many cases, thesemen had fought with the princepreviously and as such were known and trusted. The 1373indentures is less purposeof the 1371and certain.Perhaps the prince was seekingto depleted from it augmenthis householdwhich was after the return Aquitaine or may be that they fulfilled a particularrole which was of especialvalue to him at that time. Financial

have A life have be concernsmay again played a part. annuity would to be continuedto paid for manyyears, an indenturewould only remainlegally binding for the prince'sown lifetime.However, this alsoseems unlikely as the largenumbers of annuitieswere granted in theprince's last years and Richard confirmed a very largenumber of them,including the annuitieslinked to indenturedretainers.

Much military servicewas based on short-termcontracts, either on a yearlybasis or for the durationof a campaign.This is particularlyevident prior to the Reimsexpedition.

Thefew campaignsin whichthe princewas involved and the long periodsof time between

themprecluded there being a largebody of regularsupport from identifiableindividuals.

Retainingwith solelymilitary factorsin mindwould havebeen, perhaps even for the prince,

anunnecessary expense. Recruitment was never a problem,the generalfactors that in in encouragedparticipation the Frenchwars mostmilitary companies,mercenary and

Bean,op cit.. 59.

282 otherwise,were brought into sharprelief in his case.As Beansuggests, '%is retaining practicesmay embody relics of a time whensuch arrangements were looser and the indentureof retinuehad not evolvedinto its conventionalform. "s Thefivnifiaprincipis was a military householdand it fulfilled that role in the campaignsof 1355and thereafter. The sizeof the prince'shousehold, the numberof his bachelorsand other attendants, meant that he did not needto retainto ensurea morethan adequate following.

The householdhad a particularrole to play in the retinuein additionto those alreadymentioned. The prince'sbachelors were conspicuousamong his military servants.

In manycases they were also annuitantsand many of themwere involved in a numberof campaignswith the prince and/or accompaniedhim to Aquitaine in 1363 or were part of the 1369Northampton muster. They also numberedamong them the mostimportant administrativeand estate officials, such as Chandos, Thomas Felton, Richard Stafford and

EdmundWauncy. The princemaintained a much largergroup of bachelorsthan the great majority of his contemporariesand thus drawscomparison with a royal modelrather than a nobleone. This is evidentin the sheernumbers of bachelorsassociated with the prince ascompared to Gauntwhose 1372-6 register noted 21 bachelors,and 1379-83register included27. The Black Prince'sregister gives the title to 72 individualswhich closely equatesto the averageof 70 knightsof the royal householdin the first half of the fourteenthcentury. 6 Thesewere not alwaysmilitary figures,as in the caseof William

Shareshull,although it may indicatewhy Shareshullwas not in receiptof an annuityor was retainedin any otherway. He may simply havereceived the privilegesof a bachelor

5 ibid., 62. 6 Givcn-Wilson,King's Affinity, 211.

283 in the prince'shousehold. However much it was ignored,it was,after all, illcgal to rctain a judge.

Thecomparison with Gauntis againskewed by legaldevelopments in the reignof

Richard11, when retaining, other than for life, wasoutlawed. Among Edward's other brothersthere is morecorrelation. In Thomasof Woodstock'sproposed Irish expeditionary forcethere was apparently only onelife retainerand this wasalso common practice among

7 manyof the greatnobility. TheBlack Prince'sretinue does not conformto eitherthe

Lancastrianmodel of Henry,of Grosmont,or that of Johnof Gaunt.Can, therefore, a comparisonbe drawnwith the royal household,if, ashas been suggested, this wasfor what the BlackPrince himself and his affinity werepreparing?

The expectationthat the princewould assumethe thronewas, of course,natural andshared among contemporaries. He was often referredto asEdward IV andhis impendingcoronation and reign were thought "destined" to be glorious.According to

ThomasWalsingham, the Black Princerediscovered the holy oil presentedto St Thomas by the Virgin for usein the coronationceremony! This hadgreat significancefor his putativereign. Nonetheless, the structureof the prince'shousehold and retinue was not suchthat it was immediatelyapparent as a court in waiting. Thereis no real evidenceof a cadreof chamberknights or esquiresalthough Thomas Wales was described as "one of the bachelorsof the prince'schambee'9 and John Sully wasretained to be a part of the prince's

"especialretinue". If they werethe only knightsso designated,presumably certain bachelorsand others fulfilled a similarfunction to the royalknights of the chamber,vvithout

7 McFarlane,Nobility, 103-4. 8 Noted by J.R. Under, 7heDmitaliom of theEnglishAtonarchyin theLalerAfiddle Ages,Toronto, 1989,41-2. 9 BPR,iv, 136.

284 thetitle. Thelack of centraland household accounts again prevents anything more than suppositionon this matter.It maybe significantthat a largeproportion of Richard'schamber knightsand esquires had previously seen service with his fatherand therefore may have undertakensimilar dutie& Furthermore, at the royal level,the transformationfrom knightsof the householdto knightsof the chamberhappened gradually in the period1350-65 and a comparablesituation may not haveoccurred in the prince'sretinue until the transferto

Aquitaine.The scarcityof evidencewhich followeddoes not allow for morethan speculation.it is possiblethat the role of thesebachelors compared, in somecases, with that of the "king's knight" duringthe reignof RichardII, individualsnot partof the household but nonethelessclosely associated with the king.

Despitedifferences in retainingpractice, it is possibleto seethe prince'sretinue as forminga coreand model among the greatbastard feudal associations of the day.The inter- relationof the royal householdunder Edward III andRichard II, the Lancastrianaffinities underboth Grosmont and Gaunt and the retinueof the Black Princeshows the fluidity of servicebetween these institutions. This is in no way surprisingespecially if the BlackPrince is viewedas the futureEdward IV. However,while the retinueof the Black Princemay be bestdefined as the king's householdin waiting,there were many who stayedresolutely in onecamp, royal, Lancastrian or that of the heir-apparent.It mustbe rememberedthat the knightly communitywas a smallone and closely connected on a numberof levelsand in a varietyof ways.If, ashas been suggested, recruitment was a matterof "word of mouth", local influence,nepotism and military andadministrative experience, then the opportunities for overlappingservice among the greataffinities and retinues of the dayswere very great.

Did the princehave an affinity? Can it be saidthat his influencewas widespread household but not so overtly political as his brother's? Was a large retinue and luxurious sufficient for his needsand inclinations, knowing that an affinity would come with the

285 Crown?Perhaps so, but it was alsotrue that the natureof the prince'sdemesne meant that a significantelement in any affinity would be limited in his case.Wales, Comwall and

Cheshirewere not overly endowedwith significantmembers of the nobility and, therefore,the prince'stenants were not, on the whole, of the samestanding as thosewho comprisedthe affinities'of othergreat men. Equally, the changingnature of feudal obligationsmeant that lessreliance was placedon a lord's tenantsas other sanctionsand formsof encouragementcame into play. Certainlyland in returnfor servicewas not a commonarrangement in the prince'sbastard feudal association and he preferredhis him for servantsto be dependenton a considerableproportion of their income. The nature 10 of "feudalism",the relationshipof overlord,fief andvassal has been hotly debated. The concepthas been exiled in somequarters but, while the "parent" hasbeen cast out the

"child" hasemerged untouched and perhaps legitimated. This debateand other discussionsconcerning bastard feudalism itself, have,to a greateror lesserextent, bypassedthe retinueof the Black Prince.While it is possibleto placethe retinuein sucha basic context,the focusshould remain on the natureof his associationwith the members of his retinuewhatever their link to him. 'Trom the beginning,from a kind of primordial influence, soupof property,rights and ephemeralstructures formed and dissolved:

, feudal' relationships,'affinities, client6les.What hasto be seizedupon is what is in 1 essentialin eachof thesestructures, service return for reward."'

In spiteof its size;the princedid not bequeatha sizeableretinue to his son.The

actionsof Richard,particularly in the late 1380sand 1390s,reveal his lack of political

10Susan Reynolds, Fiefis and Vassals:The Medieval Evidence Reinterpreted, Oxford, 1994. 11 P.S. Lewis, "Reflectionson the role of royal client6lesin the constructionof the FrenchMonarchy (mid- Litat le Lesfondationsde la (W-xvir xivýh/endxvýh centuries), ou roL modernildmonarchique en France Alain sijcles), ed.Neithard Bulst, RobertDescimon et Guerreau,Paris, 1996,56.

286 support.There were a numberof importantindividuals who went on to servethe Black

Prince'sson and a significantnumber of thosewho saton the continualcouncils during

Richard'sminority hadbegun their careerswith the youngking's father.The chamber knightsin the first six or sevenyears of Richard'sreign were mainly his father's former " servants. Nine out of 19of Richard'sesquires of the chamberalso formerly saw service 13 with the Black Prince. Indeed,it wasmany of thesewho werethe focusof attackby the

Appellantsin 1388.Simon Burley sufferedexecution but a numberof otherswere requiredto absentthemselves from court includingRichard Abberbury, Baldwin

Bereford,Nicholas Dagworth and Aubrey Vere. As Given-Wilsonsays, "'Those who would criticisethe courtiersof the 1380smust also wonder whether the Black Princewas a betterjudge of menthan his son." Althoughthey were prominentat court,the remnants

of the Black Prince'sretinue which went on to servehis sondid not Constitutea very failure powerfulbody of support.The of the Black Princewas thereforenot only the loss

of Aquitainebut the failure to establisha secureretinue and a body of supportfor

Richard.

Theextended period between most campaigns and conflicting demands for service from preventedmany of the wider retinue maintaininglinks with the princeover the

durationof his careerin arms.The prince's administrative retinue was more static and stable

thanits military counterpartalthough there was someoverlap of service.This was

12 Theyincluded Richard Abberbury, Baldwin Bereford,Nicholas Bonde,John and SimonBurley, Lewis Clifford, PeterCourtenay, John del Hay, Nicholas Sarnesfield,Aubrey Vere andBernard van Zcdclcs.Among theformer servants of Fdward M who servedas chamberknights to his successorNicholas Dagworth, Robert had dealings Black Roosand Richard stury all with the Princeas did the new men, William Beauchamp,John Hollandand William Neville, Given Wilson, RoyalHousehold, 161-2. 13John Breton, Roger Coghull, Lambert Fermer, Richard Hampton, John Peytevyn, Adam Ramsey,Philip Walweyn,snr, Richard Wiltshire and William Wyncelowe,E101/398/8; Given-Wilson, op cit., 306 n. 128.

287 particularlyso in Aquitainewhere a multiplicity of officeswere created, predominantly for 14 military men. Many menheld office for an extendedperiod and/or exchangcd officcs within the administration.This wasalso extended to thereligious benefices which the prince acquiredfor themor presentedthem to. It wascommon practice for beneficesto be exchangedon a regularbasis. The administrationin Aquitainewas particularly notable for thosewho foundhigh ecclesiasticaloffice afterserving the BlackPrince. These included 15 William Spridlington,who joined the princein Aquitainein 1365 andbecame bishop of St

Asaph,John Streatley was dean of Lincoln,William Farley, of Salisbury,Bernard

Brocas,canon of Chichesterand Wells, Adam Hoghton, bishop of St David's (1361-89),

John Harewell, bishop of Bath and Wells (1366-86) and Robert Wickford, archbishopof

Dublin (1375-90).16 The administrationalso had considerable links with the Crownthrough royal servicebefore or subsequentor concurrentwith serviceto theprince. This wasalso evidentin the mannerin whichthe prince'sestates were administered, using a royal model aswould be expectedfrom clerks,of whom manyhad served their apprenticeshipsin royal circles.The prince'sjudicial andlegal associates and retainers were also often men with royal connections,judges of the royal courts,seýeants at law andso forth.

Nevertheless,the natureof the administrationwas not unwavering,su ect,as it was, to changingpolitical conditions.Administrative practice also varied %rith individual lordships.The acceptedpicture of the princeas a brutaloverlord extracting everything that he couldsqueeze out his tenantsis simplyuntrue with regardto theduchy of Comwall.It wasnot alwaystrue in Cheshireand it maybe that the casehas been overstated even in

14 Yvcs Rcnouard,"Lcs ins6tutionsduduchdd'Aquitainie',llistoiredev institutiopLiFrcvifalresmiAI(4,eneýge. i Insfilutiomseigneuriales, ed. Fcrdimnd Lot ct RobcrtFa%%Iicr, Paris, 1957,179-80. 15Mm/12. 16 Min, "Unc principaut6sans chambre dcs comptcsni 6chiquicr", 118.

288 Wales.Aquitaine was another matter; the princedid not understandor concernhimself With

themass of differingpolitical agendas at play in the principality.His financialpolicies

probablydid not differ wildly from thoseof manyof the previousFrench lieutenants of the

Languedoc.The implementationwas perhaps rather crass and his attitudesto his chief

vassalsalmost certainly haughty. However, just asmany of themwere instinctively opposed

to him, so hetoo hadfaced them in battle- little love waslost on eitherside.

Thereis little doubtthat the prince'sretinue was an extremely efficient military unit.

Thiswas achieved through a mixtureof effectiverecruitment and a numberof talented

commanderswho implementedtactics which hadproved devastating in Scotlandand

France,particularly at Cr6cy,where many of the retinuewere blooded and had formative

military experiences.There was also a measureof goodfortune in the prince'svictories. In

both 1346and 1355-6the level of variousrivers played their part.The ford at Blanchetaque

becameimpassable just in time to preventPhilip pursuingthe Englishand allowed them to

establishthemselves at thebattleground in Ponthieu,and the Black Princetook risksin

crossinga numberof waterwaysduring his expeditionswhich few of the localsthought

possible.On the otherhand, the flood conditionsalso prevented the princebeing able to join

forceswith Lancaster.In Spainin 1367,strategic planning was significant only in its in absence.Crossing the Pyrenees Februarywas foolhardy and its successdoes not makeit

anyless so. The route of the armyleading to Nijera was equallyfoolish andits damaging.Indeed, consequencespotentially as asa result,the princebrought a weakened

armyto thebanks of theNajerilla where Enrique gave up the optionof starvingthe Anglo-

Gasconsinto submissionor retreatand compounded his errorby giving up a highly

defensiveposition. He crossedthe river, whichwould claim manyvictims, to meetthe full princeon his own termsand Edward took advantage,although the vanguard,

289

I- commandedby Gauntand Chandos, was put underheavy pressure by Du Guesclin's battalion.

Thetactics implemented by the retinue,the chevauchee,the useof dismounted troopsand archers in a highly defensiveformation, making use of the terrainto its best

advantage,flew in the faceof chivalrictradition, as did someof the actionsof the Free

Companies,whose members were to be an increasinglysignificant part of the prince's

retinueas his military careerproceeded. Chivalry however, was importantý as a bannerunder whichEdward could fulfil his role in his father'swar, asa standardof behaviourand as a

forumfor the foremostknights of the day.As the first knightof the Garter(after the founder)

"le prince6tait plaO& comme a la t6tedue renouveau, tent6 par la soci6t6aristcratique, la plus

envue de 1'epoque."17 In effect,chivalry was important not for whathappened on the

battlefieldbut for whathappened off it, afterthe conflict andin the lulls in the fighting.

Chivalrywas political and propagandist and, although examples can be foundof traditional

chivalricrecklessness among the membersof theprince's retinue, the implementationof its

stricturesin combatdid not win anybattles and was probably responsible for the failureof

theFrench in 1346and 1356and the Spanishin 1367.Despite his reputation,the princewon

his battles,not becausehe was chivalrous, but becausehe was disciplined and prepared.

Equally,the chivalrousimpulse after Najera released Du Guesclinand others who would

returnto Spainto deposePedro a secondtime andthereby place a Frenchally on the borders in of Aquitaineand a powerfulnavy the Channel,and who would soonbe retaking the

principalityfrom Edwardwhile he lay brokenby illnessand Gascony was wracked by

revolt.it wasunfortunate that the late 1360sand early 1370smarked, for boththe princeand

17 Capra,"Le s6jourdu PrinceNoir". 242.

290 his father,the demiseof manyof their companions-in-arms.The lossof Englishpossessions in Francecannot be attributedto the deathof anyone man, just asDu Guesclinwas not single-handedlyresponsible for their recapture,but Chandos,Audley, the Black Prince himselfand many others died or wereforced to retireat this time andtheir replacements werenot of the samecalibre. These were, in a numberof cases,also the menwho wouldgo on to serveRichard and who wereto becomethe focusof attacksby the LordsAppellant.

Theretinue cannot be dividedinto the "good" servantsof the 1340sto 1360sand the "bad" servantsof the 1370sand those who left Edwardafter the failureof the principalityto pursue careerswith Gauntand others, but therewas a distinctionif only because,as in earlier periods,the retinuewas reshaped in accordancewith the requirementsof the princeand the politicaland personal condition in which he foundhimself

The Black Prince'sretinue was drawnfrom acrossa wide socialand geographical spectrum.In Walesthe fragmentationof political societyserved to concentrateservice andpatronage relations. The lord was solesource of territorial authorityand thereby the naturalfocus of loyalty and servicewithin the lordship.This was very different from

Englandwhere baronial estates tended to be scatteredand authority was dilutedby other powers.18 It was not a situationof which the princetook greatadvantage and there were few Welshmenamong his chief retainers.Indeed, after Cr6cythere were few Welshmen in the prince's expeditionaryforces. The declineof the nativearistocracy reflected this.

After c.1330 the wholesalegranting of officesto absenteeEnglishmen reduced the influence of nativesin the administration,and the attitudeof Welshtroops also shows this decline.In

1345Roger Trurnwyn wrote to the Black Princeinforming him that thetroops he was

18 Davies,Conquest, Coexistence and Change,3 94.

291 levyingwished to be led by anEnglishman. 19 "The importanceof Welshtroops gradually

declinedas the centuryprogressed and the king cameto rely on smaller,more compact

,, 20 andmore mobile armies and placed greater emphasis on hobelarsand mounted archers.

Somehowever did managedto hold very high office. David Cradock'sfamily originated

in Ystrad Tywi althoughthey hadlong settledin .From 1373-81he served

the Black Princeand Richard II aschamberlain of north Wales,justice of north andsouth

Wales,constable of Beaurnarisand Conwyand stewardof the royal lordshipof

21 Haverfordwest.

Cornwallnever provided the princewith a substantialnumber of soldiersbut was the homeof a numberof significantindividuals and did providethe princewith

considerablepatronage which gavea numberof othersinterests in the duchy.It wasalso the prince's"grain store"for his campaignsand, in addition,to foodstuffswas a chief

focusfor purveyanceof all sortsof itemsrequired by the retinueon expedition.

The retinuein Aquitaineremains uncertain in termsof complement,personnel and cost.A little light is shedby later accountsmade in Gasconyby subsequentconstables suchas John Ludham and Robert Wykford, but only scrapscan be deducedfrom the confirmationsof annuitiesmade by Richardas prince of Walesand king. That the Black

Princehad Gascon servants there is no doubt,but they do not appearto havebeen numerous,the captalde Buch, Guichardd'Angle andassorted members of the Free

Companiesare the exceptions.Available sourcematerial for the 1367campaign

19 A. D. Carr, "An Aristocracyin Decline: The Native Welsh Lords afterthe EdwardianConquest", Melsh History Review,5 (1970-1), 118-20. 20 Davies,Conquest, Coexistence and Change,398. 21 Glyn Roberts,"Wales andEngland. Antipathy and Sympathy,1282-14 85". JVelshIjistory Review,i (1960-3), 386.

292 undoubtedlyalters the balance,this is particularlyso in ChandosHerald's account which showsthe considerablerole playedby the prince'sGascon subjects. This was probablyan isolatedincident. The administrationof the principality relied on Gasconsupport at varying levelsalthough they rarely achievedhigh office. Whilst the court was undoubtedly"continental" in atmosphere,the retinue,in its personnel,did not reflectthis.

The prince's retainerswere well rewarded with money and official positions in the householdand administration and in additionthe princetook greatpains to ensure religiousbenefices were availableto his clerks.While strange,it appearsto be the case that it was in those fields where one would expect little personal interest from the prince that the greatestevidence of a structureand policy in the recruitmentand rewarding of the retinueemerges, in the provisionof benefices,through patronage available to the prince andthrough petitions to the papacyand in the perhapsincidental construction of parliamentaryinfluence the Commons.Although he was an ill manby the time he returnedto Englandin 1371,the princetried to assisthis ailing fatherand securea throne for himself or, shouldhis own healthfail, his son.Influence in the Commonswould have helpedin this althoughthere is no evidenceto indicatethat knightsin his serviceor former companionsin armswere directly following a leadfrom the Black Prince.He had greatauthority and influencein the Houseof Lords andit is morelikely that it wasthere andthrough his positionat courtthat the princewielded his greatestpolitical power.

The retinuewas boundtogether both by commonservice to the princeand by personal,regional, religious and other factors.National religious attitudes were to be found in microcosm,through support for the Carthusians,founding of chantriesand hospitals,the supportof particularSaint cults, especiallythe Trinity, andpatronage of local institutions.The evidencefor heresywithin the retinueis by no meansirrefutable but it is compellingand there seems no doubtthat PrincessJoan's household contained a

293

A significantnumber who wereLollards or Wyclifite sympathisers.During the prince's lifetime andthroughout his retinue,a measureof disillusionmentwith traditionalforms of worshipand religious attitudes did appear,and, whilst perhapsnot heretical,many held beliefswhich lay in a grey areabeyond traditional orthodoxy.

Suchcommon attitudes to worshipand group mentalitiesregarding patronage compoundedfeelings of a commonidentity createdthrough links, local, familial and forgedin battle.The limited sizeof the knightly communityensured that, to a degree,this was so but the prince'sretinue had morein commonthan serviceto the sameman.

Despitesuch close links within the retinueand to the princehimself, they were not bound exclusivelyto him and it was not uncommonfor themto be foundunder arms in the serviceof someoneother than the princealthough it was often,but not always,with his blessing.In manyways the retinueconformed to royal andLancastrian models although not on the samescale. It was,however, an examplefor both thoseinstitutions as the princewas an example,arguably not a very good one,for both his youngerbrother and his son.The prince'smilitary personnelwere the king's householdin waiting andthey were soldiers.There was somecontinuity of serviceto Joanof Kent andRichard 11 but in the mainthe retinuedissolved and its memberswent their separateways when there was no more soldieringto be doneand no chanceto servea king.

The householdand military retinueof Edwardthe Black Princewas, in a sense,a transitionalelement in thebastard feudal evolution. it wasa looserassociation than the

Lancastrianaffinity, its loyalty securedin a traditionalmanner, largesse, victory in battle andby the magnificenceof the court andhousehold. The majority of the retinuewere boundto the princeby financial links in the form of annuitiesand through their statusin the household.The increasinguse of life retainersthroughout the prince'scareer does not follow a nationaltrend but changingpolitical conditionswhich requiredhim to makeuse

294 of particularmeans of retaining.The war governedthe prince'slife, it shapedhim evenas he andhis retinueshaped it on the fields of Crdcy,Poitiers and NAjera and at the negotiationsat Bretignyand in the court at Bordeaux.The retinueshaped itself around suchevents and around the changingrequirements of the prince.It wasnot a complete turn of the wheel,but at his deaththe retinuewas returningto the form it hadfirst taken:a long minority stretchedbefore it, the membersof the retinue chosenby the father, the administrationalready in place,and Joan was to guideher sonas Philippa had guided

Edwardfrom 15 June1330 when he hadbeen born at Woodstock.

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