Human Rights and Democracy in the World
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Identity, Narrative and Frames: Assessing Turkey's Kurdish Initiatives
ARTICLE IDENTITY, NARRATIVE AND FRAMES: ASSESSING TURKEY’S KURDISH INITIATIVES Identity, Narrative and Frames: Assessing Turkey’s Kurdish Initiatives JOHANNA NYKÄNEN* ABSTRACT In 2009 the Turkish government launched a novel initiative to tackle the Kurdish question. The initiative soon ran into deadlock, only to be un- tangled towards the end of 2012 when a new policy was announced. This comparative paper adopts Michael Barnett’s trinity of identity, narratives and frames to show how a cultural space within which a peaceful engage- ment with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) would be deemed legiti- mate and desirable was carved out. Comparisons between the two policies reveal that the framing of policy narratives can have a formative impact on their outcomes. The paper demonstrates how the governing quality of firmness fluctuated between different connotations and references, finally leading back to a deep-rooted tradition in Turkish governance. ince 1984 when the PKK commenced its armed struggle against the Turkish state, Turkish security policies have been framed around the SKurdish question with the PKK presented as the primary security threat to be tackled. Turkey’s Kurdish question has its roots in the founding of the republic in 1923, which saw Kurdish ethnicity assimilated with Turkishness. In accordance with the Treaty of Lausanne (1923), only three minorities were and continue to be officially recognized in Turkey: Armenians, Jews and Greeks. These three groups were granted minority status on the basis of their religion. Kurdish identity – whether national, racial or ethnic – was not recognized by the republic, resulting in decades of uprisings by the Kurds and oppressive and * Department assimilative politics by the state. -
Position Paper of February 2018
Regional Office for Europe European Added Value The EU Multi-Annual Financial Framework Post-2020: A Tool to Close Human Rights Gaps in Europe? EUROPEAN ADDED VALUE THE EU MULTI-ANNUAL FINANCIAL FRAMEWORK POST 2020: A TOOL TO CLOSE HUMAN RIGHTS GAPS IN EUROPE? Position Paper by the UN Human Rights Regional Office for Europe in consultation with: - COFACE – Families Europe - European Roma Information Office (ERIO) - European Federation of National Organisations - Mental Health Europe (MHE) Working with the Homeless (FEANTSA) - Platform for International Cooperation on - European Network of Equality Bodies (EQUINET) Undocumented Migrants (PICUM) - European Network on Independent Living (ENIL) - Hope and Homes for Children - European Disability Forum (EDF) - European Roma Grassroots Organisations Network (ERGO Network) - Validity - LUMOS List of Terms Cohesion Policy: The cohesion policy of the European Union (EU) aims to strengthen economic and social cohesion by reducing disparities in the level of development between regions in the EU. It targets regions and cities to support job creation, business competitiveness, economic growth, sustainable development, and improve quality of life. The cohesion policy is the EU’s main investment policy. Directive: An EU Directive is a legislative act that sets out a goal that all EU countries must achieve. It is up to individual EU Member States to adopt national legislation to reach this goal. European Added Value: European added value is a core principle of EU policy-making, used to identify areas in which the EU should act by legislating, policy-making or financing. The added value can consist of greater effectiveness, or complementarity, improved coordination, or enhanced legal certainty. -
Editorial a Flower for the Miljmen of Kabul •
>< Cl) .! i ..:s>< .Q Editorial A Flower for the MilJmen of Kabul • .... • •••••••••••••••••• • ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• i:: The turn of the century is full of promise! Within he postcard below is part of a campaign A Flower for the U'Omen of Kabul, • the next few years, at least two new developments in instigated by the European Parliament and supported by Emma Bonino, EU law will come into force strengthening the princi Tthe European Commissioner responsible for humanitarian affairs. This year's ple of equal opportunities. Last December the Coun International Women's Day on 8 March will be dedicated to the women of Kab cil adopted a directive concerning the burden of ul, whose rights have been systematically violated since the Taliban Islamic proof in sex discrimination cases, as well as agreeing regime took control of the city in September 1996. that the principle of non-discrimination for part-time workers be transposed into EU law. Both decisions The plan to put the spotlight on the crisis in Afghanistan and to support the signal a heightened political consciousness concern plight of women in Kabul was set in motion campaign which will culminate on 8 ing equal opportunities but let's be realistic, much re by Commissioner Bonino on her return March. Organising committees have also mains to be done. For this reason it is vital that the from a visit to EU-funded humanitarian been set up in the Member States. current momentum is sustained and built upon. projects in Afghanistan in September 1997. Whilst visiting Kabul's only hospital open to The situation of Afghan women In the short term, the UK Presidency, whose task won1.en, she was arrested and held in deten tion for over three hours by the Taliban re Before the Taliban regime took power (it it is to guide the IS Member States through the de ligious forces. -
Global Turkey in Europe. Political, Economic, and Foreign Policy
ISSN 2239-2122 9 IAI Research Papers The EU is changing, Turkey too, and - above all - there is systemic change and crisis all G round, ranging from economics, the spread of democratic norms and foreign policy. LOBAL The IAI Research Papers are brief monographs written by one or N.1 European Security and the Future of Transatlantic Relations, This research paper explores how the EU and Turkey can enhance their cooperation in more authors (IAI or external experts) on current problems of inter- T edited by Riccardo Alcaro and Erik Jones, 2011 URKEY GLOBAL TURKEY national politics and international relations. The aim is to promote the political, economic, and foreign policy domains and how they can find a way out of the stalemate EU-Turkey relations have reached with the lack of progress in accession greater and more up to date knowledge of emerging issues and N. 2 Democracy in the EU after the Lisbon Treaty, IN trends and help prompt public debate. edited by Raaello Matarazzo, 2011 negotiations and the increasing uncertainty over both the future of the European project E after the Eurozone crisis and Turkey’s role in it. UROPE IN EUROPE N. 3 The Challenges of State Sustainability in the Mediterranean, edited by Silvia Colombo and Nathalie Tocci, 2011 A non-profit organization, IAI was founded in 1965 by Altiero Spinel- li, its first director. N. 4 Re-thinking Western Policies in Light of the Arab Uprisings, SENEM AYDIN-DÜZGIT is Assistant Professor at the Istanbul Bilgi University and Senior POLITICAL, ECONOMIC, AND FOREIGN POLICY edited by Riccardo Alcaro and Miguel Haubrich-Seco, 2012 Research Affiliate of the Istanbul Policy Centre (IPC). -
With Ursula Von Der Leyen, the Commission of "New Opportunity"
Having problems in reading this e-mail? Click here Tuesday 3rd December 2019 issue 870 The Letter in PDF format The Foundation on and The foundation application available on Appstore and Google Play With Ursula von der Leyen, the Commission of "New Opportunity" Author: Eric Maurice The new Commission entered into office on 1st December. Its president is promising "a transformation process that will impact all of the components of our society and our economy", in a time when the Union wants to play a leading role in the world. With a team that reflects the new political situation in Europe, Ursula von der Leyen will have to work to provide the Union with the means of her ambitions. Read more Front page! : Editorial Foundation : Freedom/Media European Council : President Commission : Entry/Office Parliament : 2020/Budget - Prize/Sakharov - Climate - Protection/Data - Commission Council : Competitiveness - Banks - Transport - Interior Diplomacy : Iran/Instex European Agencies : Ariane - Budget/Space Germany : Budget - SPD Finland : Resignation France : Future/EU - NATO Malta : Resignations Council of Europe : History/Europe ECHR : Russia OECD : Tax fraud - Climate Eurobarometer : Euro - Quality/Air Studies/Reports : Investment - Consumption - Climate - Health Publications : Book/Baltic States Culture : Prize/Cinema - Exhibition/Livourne - Exhibition/Madrid - Exhibition/Paris - Exhibition/Vienna - Exhibition/London Agenda | Other issues | Contact Front page! : Europe: the responsibility of the Member States Six months after the elections, the European institutions are in place. Both Parliament and Commission have indicated their priorities and commitment to try and respond to high expectations on the part of the Europeans. We are now expecting our governments to set the example with real cooperation, writes Jean-Dominique Giuliani in his editorial.. -
Wei Jingsheng and the Democracy Movement in Post-Mao China Merle David Kellerhals Jr
Old Dominion University ODU Digital Commons Institute for the Humanities Theses Institute for the Humanities Summer 1998 Wei Jingsheng and the Democracy Movement in Post-Mao China Merle David Kellerhals Jr. Old Dominion University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/humanities_etds Part of the Asian History Commons, and the Political History Commons Recommended Citation Kellerhals, Merle D.. "Wei Jingsheng and the Democracy Movement in Post-Mao China" (1998). Master of Arts (MA), thesis, Humanities, Old Dominion University, DOI: 10.25777/7pt4-vv58 https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/humanities_etds/13 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Institute for the Humanities at ODU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Institute for the Humanities Theses by an authorized administrator of ODU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. WEI JINGSHENG AND THE DEMOCRACY MOVEMENT IN POST-MAO CHINA by Merle David Kellerhals, Jr B A. May 1995, College of Charleston A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Old Dominion University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS HUMANITIES OLD DOMINION UNIVERSITY August 1998 Approved by: Jin Qiu (Director) hen Jie (Member) David Putney (Member) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. UMI Number: 1391982 Copyright 1999 by Kellerhals/ Merle David, Jr. All rights reserved. UMI Microform 1391982 Copyright 1998, by UMI Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. UMI 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, MI 48103 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. -
G3 Malala Biography
Malala Yousafzai - Biographical Malala Yousafzai was born on July 12, 1997, in Mingora, the largest city in the Swat Valley in what is now the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province of Pakistan. She is the daughter of Ziauddin and Tor Pekai Yousafzai and has two younger brothers. At a very young age, Malala developed a thirst for knowledge. For years her father, a passionate education advocate himself, ran a learning institution in the city, and school was a big part of Malala's family. She later wrote that her father told her stories about how she would toddle into classes even before she could talk and acted as if she were the teacher. In 2007, when Malala was ten years old, the situation in the Swat Valley rapidly changed for her family and community. The Taliban began to control the Swat Valley and quickly became the dominant socio-political force throughout much of northwestern Pakistan. Girls were banned from attending school, and cultural activities like dancing and watching television were prohibited. Suicide attacks were widespread, and the group made its opposition to a proper education for girls a cornerstone of its terror campaign. By the end of 2008, the Taliban had destroyed some 400 schools. Determined to go to school and with a firm belief in her right to an education, Malala stood up to the Taliban. Alongside her father, Malala quickly became a critic of their tactics. "How dare the Taliban take away my basic right to education?" she once said on Pakistani TV. In early 2009, Malala started to blog anonymously on the Urdu language site of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC). -
General Assembly Official Records Fiftieth Session
United Nations A/50/PV.53 General Assembly Official Records Fiftieth Session 53rd plenary meeting Wednesday, 8 November 1995, 10 a.m. New York President: Mr. Freitas do Amaral .............................. (Portugal) The meeting was called to order at 10.35 a.m. Consequently, pursuant to paragraph 3 of General Assembly resolution 1991 A (XVIII) of 17 December Agenda item 15 1963, the five non-permanent members should be elected according to the following pattern: three from Africa and Elections to fill vacancies in principal organs Asia, one from Eastern Europe and one from Latin America and the Caribbean. The ballot papers reflect this (a) Election of five non-permanent members of pattern. the Security Council In accordance with the established practice, there is The President: This morning the General Assembly an understanding to the effect that, of the three States to will proceed to the election of five non-permanent members be elected from Africa and Asia, two should be from of the Security Council to replace those members whose Africa and one from Asia. term of office expires on 31 December 1995. I should like to inform the Assembly that the The five non-permanent outgoing members are the number of candidates, not exceeding the number of seats following: Argentina, the Czech Republic, Nigeria, Oman to be filled, receiving the greatest number of votes and a and Rwanda. These five States cannot be re-elected and two-thirds majority of those present and voting will be therefore their names should not appear on the ballot declared elected. papers. In the case of a tie vote for a remaining seat, there Apart from the five permanent members, the Security will be a restricted ballot limited to those candidates Council will include in 1996 the following States: which have obtained an equal number of votes. -
The European Commission of Human Rights: an Analysis and Appraisal, 3 Brook
Brooklyn Journal of International Law Volume 3 | Issue 2 Article 3 1977 The urE opean Commission of Human Rights: An Analysis and Appraisal John T. White Follow this and additional works at: https://brooklynworks.brooklaw.edu/bjil Recommended Citation John T. White, The European Commission of Human Rights: An Analysis and Appraisal, 3 Brook. J. Int'l L. (1977). Available at: https://brooklynworks.brooklaw.edu/bjil/vol3/iss2/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at BrooklynWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Brooklyn Journal of International Law by an authorized editor of BrooklynWorks. THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION OF HUMAN RIGHTS: AN ANALYSIS AND APPRAISAL John T. Wright* INTRODUCTION During the past thirty years, the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms has been the focus of a number of instruments promulgated by the community of nations. The Uni- versal Declaration of Human Rights,1 the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,2 and the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights3 form the basis of efforts by the United Nations to secure the observance of human rights among member States. In addition to these universal documents, the countries of Europe have drawn upon their common heritage to promote the realization of human rights through the ratifica- tion of the European Convention on Human Rights and Funda- mental Freedoms.' The Convention creates a Commission of Human Rights, as well as a European Court of Human Rights. This article will explore the workings of the Commission, the more active of the two bodies, and will analyze its effectiveness in establishing a standard for the observance of human rights in light of the differing political systems of the European States. -
Special Report
SPECIAL REPORT Key points for the 8th term of the European Parliament (2014-2019) Madrid, November 2014 BARCELONA BOGOTÁ BUENOS AIRES LIMA LISBOA MADRID MÉXICO PANAMÁ QUITO RIO J SÃO PAULO SANTIAGO STO DOMINGO KEY POINTS FOR THE 8TH TERM OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT (2014-2019) 1. THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT 1. THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT 2. THE LATEST ELECTION The European Parliament has, since its creation in 1962 in the 3. MAIN ISSUES IN THE context of the evolution of European integration, become the LEGISLATIVE AGENDA European Union (EU) Institution to have gained more power and 4. SPANISH DELEGATION relevance in the decision-making process of the Union. Indeed, over the years, it has gained increasingly important powers, legitimized 5. CONCLUSIONS and differentiated by the fact that it is the only EU Institution to be 6. APPENDIX 1: COMPETENCES elected by universal suffrage. 7. APPENDIX 2: CURRENT COMPOSITION OF THE It has evolved from being a mere advisory body to having the COMMITTEES power to co-legislate, together with the Council, in more than 85 legislative areas, exercising legislative powers as well as powers 8. APPENDIX 3: THE CURRENT of budgetary and political control. It also wields a considerable BUREAU OF THE EUROPEAN amount of political influence, and its competences include those PARLIAMENT of electing the President of the European Commission, vetoing the 9. APPENDIX 4: EUROPEAN appointment of the College, and even forcing the resignation of the PARLIAMENT DELEGATIONS entire Commission after a motion of no confidence. AUTHORS The official headquarters of the Parliament are in Strasbourg, where the main plenary sessions are held. -
Comprehensive Review on the Status of Implementation of Resolution 1540 (2004)
Comprehensive Review on the Status of Implementation of Resolution 1540 (2004) Background papers prepared by 1540 Committee experts according to the document on modalities for the consideration of a comprehensive review (S/2009/170) Specific Element (c) “Conduct regional analysis of implementation, with some examples of national and regional practices and experience sharing”* Berhanykun Andemicael, Olivia Bosch, Ana Maria Cerini, Richard Cupitt, Isabella Interlandi, Nicolas Kasprzyk, Petr Litavrin and Senan Muhi. * This background paper was prepared by the group of experts at the request of the 1540 Committee. It does not necessarily represent the views of the Committee. This background paper describes the current status of implementation of resolution 1540 (2004), with particular attention to the wide variance in the extent of implementation measures taken in different regions, and outlines the implementation challenges that may explain the divergence, as well as offer some options for addressing those challenges. This will be done with the benefit of some examples from national, sub‐regional and regional practices and experiences that may be shared. A. Regional variance in the degree of implementation of resolution 1540 In resolutions 1540 (2004), 1673 (2006) and 1810 (2008), the Security Council emphasized the importance of the regional and sub‐regional dimensions of the implementation of resolution 1540, while stressing the national responsibility to take appropriate effective measures. By resolution 1810, the Council encourages the -
EU-Turkey Relations and the Stagnation of Turkish Democracy
EU-Turkey Relations and the Stagnation of Turkish Democracy Senem Aydın-Düzgit and E. Fuat Keyman Istanbul Bilgi University and Sabanci University WORKING PAPER 02 EU-Turkey Relations and the Stagnation of Turkish Democracy Senem Aydın-Düzgit and E. Fuat Keyman* Turkey EU Accession Process Democracy Deficit Abstract Introduction The current stagnation of Turkish democracy goes hand in hand with the current impasse in EU-Turkey relations. A combination of domestic Back in August 2004, we published a working paper on the role of factors with a loss of credibility of EU conditionality led to a situation Turkey’s relations with the EU in transforming Turkish democracy in which political reform is substantially stalled and in cases where it as part of a larger project on EU-Turkey relations conducted by the is realised, it is mostly conducted to serve the interests of the ruling Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) and the Economics and political elite and with no real reference to the EU. The virtuous cycle of Foreign Policy Forum (Aydın and Keyman 2004). The central argument reform that characterised the 1999-2005 period has been replaced by of the paper was that the strengthening credibility of EU conditionality a vicious cycle in which lack of effective conditionality feeds into po- towards Turkey, coupled with favourable domestic and international litical stagnation which in turn moves Turkey and the EU further away dynamics resulted in substantial reforms towards the consolidation from one another. of Turkish democracy. The paper, written prior to the EU’s decision to open accession negotiations with Turkey, concluded that the opening of accession talks with the country on the basis of a fair decision that rests on Turkey’s achievements in its modernity and democracy would constitute a crucial step in remedying the remaining problematic aspects of Turkish democracy.