Niall Ferguson Is Fellow and Tutor in Modern History at Jesus

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Niall Ferguson Is Fellow and Tutor in Modern History at Jesus

Niall Ferguson Professor, Harvard University Niall Ferguson, MA, DPhil, is Laurence A. Tisch Professor of History at Harvard University. He is also a Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University. He has published fourteen books. His first, Paper and Iron: Hamburg Business and German Politics in the Era of Inflation 1897-1927, was short-listed for the Longman- History Today Book of the Year award, while the collection of essays he edited, Virtual History: Alternatives and Counterfactuals, was a UK bestseller. In 1998 he published The Pity of War: Explaining World War One and The World’s Banker: The History of the House of Rothschild to international critical acclaim. The latter won the Wadsworth Prize for Business History and was also shortlisted for the Jewish Quarterly/Wingate Literary Award and the American National Jewish Book Award. In 2001, after a year as a Houblon-Norman Fellow at the Bank of England, he published The Cash Nexus: Money and Power in the Modern World, 1700-2000. His other books include Empire: The Rise and Demise of the British World Order and the Lessons for Global Power; Colossus: The Rise and Fall of the American Empire; The War of the World: Twentieth-Century Conflict and the Descent of the West; and The Ascent of Money: A Financial History of the World, which won the Handelszeitung Economics Book Prize. In 2011 he published Civilization: The West and the Rest. An accomplished biographer, Ferguson is also the author of High Financier: The Lives and Time of Siegmund Warburg (2010) and is currently writing a life of Henry Kissinger. His most recent book is The Great Degeneration: How Institutions Decay and Economies Die. His many prizes and awards include the Benjamin Franklin Prize for Public Service (2010), the Hayek Prize for Lifetime Achievement (2012) and the Ludwig Erhard Prize for Economic Journalism (2013). .

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Review Essays
Review Essays The Mechanics of Empire by John Hillen John Hillen ([email protected]) is a trustee of the Foreign Policy Research Institute and director of its Program on National Security. He is a contributing editor at National Review. Walter Russell Mead, Power, Terror, Peace, and War: America’s Grand Strategy in a World at Risk (New York: Knopf, 2004) $19.95 Niall Ferguson, Colossus: The Price of America’s Empire (New York: Penguin, 2004) $25.95 Robert Cooper, The Breaking of Nations: Order and Chaos in the 21st Century (New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 2003) $18.95 Francis Fukuyama, State-Building: Governance and World Order in the 21st Century (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2004) $21 James Dobbins, et al., America’s Role in Nation-Building: From Germany to Iraq (Santa Monica, Calif.: RAND, 2003) $35 Just as it took a few years after World War II for the nature of the Cold War and the strategy of containment to become evident,1 so too the reality of the Bush doctrine and the practicalities of waging a war on terrorism and promoting democratization and globalization are only now becoming clearer. As active as the United States has been over the past three years, the operating tenets and mechanics of a durable grand strategy have yet to come. The books under consideration here address that dilemma. They all explicitly accept what has come to be the general principle of American grand strategy: that the surest way to attain lasting security is for the United States to enlarge the community of nations and other groups that generally ascribe to liberal political and economic values.
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Preserving the Values of the West the Decline and Fall of History
Remarks accepting The Philip Merrill Award for Outstanding Contributions to Liberal Arts Education Preserving the Values of the West by Ayaan Hirsi Ali The Decline and Fall of History by Niall Ferguson American Council of Trustees and Alumni 1730 M Street NW, Suite 600 • Washington, DC 20036 Phone: 1-888-ALUMNI-8 or 202-467-6787 • Fax: 202-467-6784 Email: [email protected] • Website: GoACTA.org AMERICAN COUNCIL OF TRUSTEES AND ALUMNI The American Council of Trustees and Alumni (ACTA) is an independent nonprofit educational organization committed to academic freedom, excellence, and accountability. Launched in 1995, ACTA has a network of alumni and trustees from nearly 1,300 colleges and universities, including more than 22,000 current board members. The quarterly newsletter, Inside Academe, reaches over 13,000 readers. ACTA receives no government funding and is supported through the generosity of individuals and foundations. Preserving the Values of the West by Ayaan Hirsi Ali The Decline and Fall of History by Niall Ferguson Remarks accepting The Philip Merrill Award for Outstanding Contributions to Liberal Arts Education with Tributes by Senator John McCain Christina Hoff Sommers Robert Zoellick Louise Mirrer October 28, 2016 Washington, DC Preserving the Values of the West by Ayaan Hirsi Ali Ladies and Gentlemen, I would like to thank you for your kindness in honoring me with this award. For more than two decades, the American Council of Trustees and Alumni has defended the free exchange of ideas on American campuses. The university is a place where knowledge is imparted to students. It is a place where students are introduced to new ideas, and to the notion that there are conflicting worldviews.
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The “Obama Doctrine” in the Middle East
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Learning from History
Earning from History: Financial Markets and the Approach of World Wars Brooking Papers on Economic Activity Niall Ferguson Laurence A. Tisch Professor of History Harvard University William Ziegler Professor of Business Administration Harvard Business School [email protected] FIRST DRAFT February 17, 2008 Ferguson, BPEA, Draft 1 Earning from History: Financial Markets and the Approach of World Wars1 Brooking Papers on Economic Activity February 13, 2008 I Introduction We are living through a paradox—or so it seems. Since September 11, 2001, according to a number of neo-conservative commentators, America has been fighting World War III (or IV, if you like to give the Cold War a number). For more than six years, these commentators have repeatedly drawn parallels between the “War on Terror” that is said to have begun in September 2001 and World War II. Immediately after 9/11, Al Qaeda and other radical Islamist groups were branded “Islamofascists”. Their attack on the World Trade Center was said to be our generation’s Pearl Harbor. In addition to coveting weapons of mass destruction and covertly sponsoring terrorism, Saddam Hussein was denounced as an Arab Hitler. The fall of Baghdad was supposed to be like the liberation of Paris. Anyone who opposed the policy of pre-emption was an appeaser. And so on.2 Yet throughout this period of heightened terrorist threats and overseas military interventions, financial markets have displayed a remarkable insouciance. The U.S. stock market was affected only momentarily by the attacks of 9/11. True, between September 10 and September 21, 2001, the Dow Jones Industrial Average declined by as much as 14 per cent.
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Tadlock 1 the European Union: the Populist Division Niall Ferguson, A
Tadlock 1 The European Union: The Populist Division Niall Ferguson, a senior fellow at Stanford’s Hoover Institution, describes the five ingredients for a populist backlash to be: immigration, increased inequality, the perception of corruption, a major financial crisis, and, finally, a charismatic leader to mobilize the energy of the disaffected public in the wake of the political establishment’s failure. In the aftermath of Brexit, the future of the European Union has come into question as right-wing populist parties are gaining traction, and in some cases even office, across Europe. The wave of refugees and migrants on the shores of Southern Europe, increased inequality as a result of globalization, a widespread perception that European Union institutions are corrupt and undemocratic and the euro-crisis laid the groundwork for a populist backlash in the European Union. In order to understand the rise of populism in the European Union, and indeed most of the West, we’ll analyze the many factors that have led to a more divided Europe and the possible outcomes of this trend. While the European Union has integrated politically and economically, the union lacks continent-wide financial institutions capable of substantively handling financial shock, such as the Euro-crisis or the Greek financial meltdown. In the aftermath of 2008, the United States proved more capable of handling the financial crisis because the US has a federal financial system with the authority to levy taxes and help shock the economy back to life. On the other hand, the Euro crisis in 2011 and 2013 revealed a critical design flaw in the European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU): “the fundamental mismatch between countries sharing a single currency yet running separate fiscal policies” (Ferguson 2).
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Daniel. J Sargent Department of History | Goldman School of Public Policy University of California, Berkeley [email protected]
Daniel. J Sargent Department of History | Goldman School of Public Policy University of California, Berkeley [email protected] Employment University of California, Berkeley Associate Professor, Department of History & Goldman School of Public Policy, 2019- Associate Professor, Department of History, 2015-2019 Assistant Professor, Department History, 2008-2015 Hoover Institution, Stanford University William C. Bark National Fellow, 2018-2019 International Security Studies, Yale University Henry Chauncey Jr. ’57 Postdoctoral Fellowship Publications Books Pax Americana: The History of the American World Order (Princeton University Press. Under Contract, Delivery in 2023). Global America (New York: W.W. Norton, In Progress). A Superpower Transformed: The Remaking of American Foreign Relations in the 1970s (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015). Co-editor, The Shock of the Global: The 1970s In Perspective, with Niall Ferguson, Charles S. Maier, and Erez Manela (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2010). Articles | Chapters | Papers "Strategy and Biosecurity: An Applied History Perspective," Hoover Institution History Working Paper, Forthcoming (2020). "Globalization, Neoliberalism, and U.S. Power," in The Cambridge History of America and the World, Vol. 4, edited by David Engerman, Max Paul Friedman, and Melani McAlister (New York: Cambridge University Press, Forthcoming). "The Decomposition and Improvisation of International Order: Lessons from the 1970s," in After Disruption: Historical Perspectives on the Future of International Order, Washington, D.C.: Center for Strategic and International Studies (2020). 1 Response to Brian DeLay, “Arms Trafficking: Its Past, Present, and Future” in the Bulletin of the American Academy of Arts & Sciences, Vol. LXXIII, no. 3 (2020). "Pax Americana: Sketches for an Undiplomatic History," Diplomatic History Vol.
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Niall Ferguson 1 Western Civilization
Niall Ferguson Western Civilization: A Good Idea Niall Ferguson According to folklore, Mahatma Gandhi was once asked by a reporter what he thought of Western civilization. He replied that he thought it would be a good idea. As the campaign against the concept advances, not least in American and European universities, I am inclined to agree with Gandhi. I think Western civilization really would be a good idea. What exactly – or where – do I mean by “Western civilization”? Post-war White Anglo- Saxon Protestant males used, more or less instinctively, to locate the West (also known as “the free world”) in a relatively narrow corridor extending (certainly) from London to Lexington, Massachusetts, and (possibly) from Strasbourg to San Francisco. In 1945, fresh from the battlefields, the West’s first language was English, followed by halting French. With the success of European integration in the 1950s and 1960s, the Western club grew larger. Few would now dispute that the Low Countries, France, Germany, Italy, Portugal, Scandinavia and Spain all belong to the West, while Greece is an ex officio member, despite its later allegiance to Orthodox Christianity, thanks to our enduring debt to ancient Hellenic philosophy and its more recent debts to the European Union. But what about the rest of the Southern and Eastern Mediterranean, encompassing not just the Balkans north of the Peloponnese, but also North Africa and Anatolia? What about Egypt and Mesopotamia, the seedbeds of the very first great civilizations? Is South America – colonized by Europeans as surely as was North America, and geographically in the same hemisphere – part of the West? And what of Russia? Is European Russia truly Occidental, but Russia beyond the Urals in some sense part of the Orient? Throughout the Cold War, the Soviet Union and its satellites were referred to as “the Eastern bloc.” But there is surely a case for saying that the Soviet Union was as much a product of Western civilization as the United States.
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Brexit Now and We Will Only Have to Breturn
Brexit now and we will only have to Breturn Niall Ferguson | Harvard University | 27 April 2016 European negotiations were once glamorous. Five centuries ago, when Henry VIII met the French king Francis I near Calais, there was so much Tudor bling that the venue became known as the Field of Cloth of Gold. There was feasting, dancing and a great deal of lavish dressing-up. The English king even brought along a pair of monkeys covered in gold leaf. All in all, it was more like the Grammy awards than a modern-day European summit. European leaders in those days took their time. The royal rendezvous of 1520 lasted close to two and a half weeks. Yet Tudor diplomacy was also a contact sport. The French king's nose was broken in a joust. He then got his own back by beating his English counterpart at wrestling. Nothing of any substance was actually agreed, but everyone went home cheerful. Contrast all this pomp and ceremony with the grimy ordeal David Cameron and his fellow European leaders had to endure [in February] as they hammered out the terms of Britain's new "special" status in the European Union. A more dowdy and dishevelled group of people it would be hard to imagine than the leaders of the EU's 28 member states by the end of the week. During the Greek debt crisis, Britain's continental neighbours unwisely got into the habit of negotiating into the wee small hours, not realising that this is something at which the British prime minister excels, like anyone who has spent three years at Oxford, where all-night "essay crises" are the norm.
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Euroscepticism and the Anglosphere: Traditions and Dilemmas in Contemporary English Nationalism
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