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Home , Ethnoreligious group, Ognjen Kraus, Symbolic ethnicity

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RECONSTRUCTING JEWISH IDENTITY IN : TOWARDS A REFINED

Nita Ginger Hofman DePaul University, Chicago

This paper has two aims. To begin, the analysis ofthe model to include it examines whether the symbolic broader dimensions will also contribute to ethnicity model is relevant to identity our understanding of ethnic identity negotiation among Croatian . In negotiation in capitalist as well as post­ symbolic ethnicity, individuals are not so socialist societies. much interested in the maintenance of I argue, employing ethnographic traditional lifestyles as they are with and historic analyses, that the imposition choosing how to express . ofan essentialist view of Jewish identity In the past, scholars have either employed by national and supranational the model to discuss identity negotiation constituencies may ultimately have among ethnics in the United States and adverse effects on cultural groups such as other core societies, or they have the Croatian Jews who have embraced dismissed it altogether. The second aim humanist and idiosyncratic versions of describes the existing tension between the Jewish identity since the mid-nineteenth self-images of the Croatian Jews and century (Goldstein 1988). Ethnographic those projected on them by others. Both data reveals that despite a lack of strong Croatian "cultural diversity campaigns" religious commitments and highly and international Jewish support idiosyncratic expressions of cultural organizations consider Jewish identity to identity, Croatian Jews are not on the road have an essentially religious core. to amalgamation. I suggest that the Programs sponsored by these disappearance thesis, put forward by the constituencies have constructed critics of symbolic ethnicity, is pronounced cultural differences between contradicted by the experience of Croatian Croatian Jews and non-Jewish Croatians. Jews and that Jewish identity negotiation The symbolic ethnicity model has in Croatia reflects national and not been employed to analyze identity supranational dimensions of cultural negotiation in cross-national comparisons. identity formation without dislocating the Although the model's treatment of importance of individual meanings. identity negotiation continues to be highly applicable to ethnics in core as well as post-socialist societies, I suggest that the Methods model needs to be refined to include The conceptualization of this cultural forces that highlight temporal and paper is based on ethnographic and political aspects of identity construction. historic information collected over the Community based, national and course ofthree visits to Croatia between supranational dimensions of identity construction must be included in an 1997 and 2000. Library research and application of symbolic ethnicity if the participant observation methods in the model is going to continue making a Jewish Community Center (ZOZ) contribution to ethnic theory. Extending were used. Jewish community life in Croatia was examined prior to Wodd War

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II and compared to contemporary associated with mono locality is expressions ofJewish identity. During my disappearing. Gans argues that this research in Croatia I kept abreast of local explains why ethnic cultures do not political events, conducted research at the experience the straight-line assimilation libraries ofthe Ethnographic Institute in patterns that melting-pot theorists have Zagreb and the community ZOZ center. I proposed, but instead respond to social participated in many organized social pressures with patterns of behavior in activities including religious services, which ethnic and religious identities are Torah study groups, seminars on Jewish maintained on an idiosyncratic basis. education and meetings with seniors, While Gans applies his model specifically women and youth. I also spent a good deal to ethnics in the United States, he clearly of time in the company of friends intends the model to have wider discussing politics and the changing applications (Baldassar 1999, Bjorklund meaning ofJewish identity over coffee in 1987, Buckser 1999, Levine 1993, Sprott the recently kosherished cafe of the ZOZ. 1994). Throughout my research I worked Gans's model of symbolic closely with two key consultants, an ethnicity appropriately describes the observant member who introduced me to importance ofnostalgia and sentiments to the spiritual world in the ZOZ and his identity negotiation. Gans argues that antagonist a consultant who defined many ethnic cultures in the United States herself as a secular Jew. Both were employ symbolic ethnicity rather than invaluable resources. They respected the formal rites and religious-based cultural neutrality ofmy position in the practices and values. A concern with community as well as my social Jewish identity rooted in nostalgia and engagement in both religious and cultural sentiment ("cultural ") as opposed activities though neither participated in to rigorous adherence to Judaic practices both these spheres ofactivity. I took their and , are paradigmatic examples views to be representative of the religious of symbolic ethnicity. minority and the majority ofCroatian While nostalgia and sentiments are Jews who define themselves as secular deemed relevant to the invention of Jews. While my key consultants viewed , his critics have viewed Gans' s one another as antagonists they model as a precursor to the disappearance unknowingly shared many views of ethnics. In response, Gans has insisted pertaining to Croatian politics. that nothing in his model implies that Analytic Context groups employing symbolic ethnicity will dissolve within a fixed period of time. Herbert Gans uses the related Symbolic ethnicity is more accurately concepts of symbolic ethnicity (1979) and regarded as a social identity strategy that symbolic religiosity (1994) to refer to a helps maintain individual allegiances to range of strategies associated with ethnic cultural (ethnoreligous) heritage. Gans and religious identity negotiation in further claims that ethnicity is not contemporary societies. Symbolic "doomed to fade away before the ethnicity helps to mitigate the social and irresistible forces of assimilation," but psychological upheaval experienced by could instead "become a permanent source cultural groups as they adapt to a of identity" (Gans 1992: 44-45). (post)modern world in which interaction

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Gans's is not the only model that universally accepted. Bershtel and interprets the "post-traditional" terms in Graubard (1992) have disputed the thesis which contemporary identities are that non-religious behavior among Jews understood. Alba (1990) and Waters will result in . (1990, 1999) have proposed models which Jonathan Webber (1997) points out that an complement symbolic ethnicity. These image of all Jews identifying as members scholars seem to share the view that ethnic of an is no longer identity negotiation in many post­ applicable since sociopolitical processes industrial societies greatly relies on have impacted European Jews in their individual expressions ofidentity. Gans's respective countries differently. Similar, critics, however, assume that symbolic Chervyakov, Gitelman and Shapiro (1997) ethnicity is a misreading ofthe argue that Jewish identity in Russia has communitarian basis of cultural identities become fused with national identities to (Bershtel and Graubard 1992, Conzen et the extent that its no longer possible to al. 1992, Kivisto and Nefzger 1993). divorce Jewish identity negotiation from Like the critics ofGans's model, a citizenship and the national political economy. number of scholars writing on Jewish identity construction have asserted that Building upon the views ofthese Jews engaged in idiosyncratic expressions scholars, my analysis ofthe identity of Jewish identity will ultimately strategies employed by Croatian Jews disappear as a group. Predictions that expands the model of symbolic ethnicity Jewish identity will disappear are to include historic and contemporary typically based on sociocultural processes images, collective and individual such as the near absence ofreligious meanings, local and global influences, and inclinations prevalent in many socialist national politics as important variables in societies. The view that a decline in the process of cultural identity Jewish religiosity eventually results in a negotiation. I argue that the locus of an weaker sense of Jewish identity or idiosyncratic or individual basis of disintegration has been put forward by a identity construction must, ultimately, number of scholars who have studied reside within larger-than-individual Jewish identity maintenance in the United cultural forces. States (Amyot and Singelman 1996, Bakalian 1993, Cohen 1983). A similar Background view has been advanced by scholars Most early Jewish settlers in studying Jewish identity maintenance in Croatia were merchants from regions Europe (DellaPergola 1994, Keller 1966, within the territory ofthe Austro­ Schweid 1994) and is epitomized by Hungarian Empire. Speaking either Harriet Pass Friedenreich's remark that: Hungarian or German as their mother "[The] vibrant Jewish communities of tongue, they measured their success in interwar Yugoslavia, well adapted to terms of social acceptance in Croatian survival in a , live on society (Svob 1997). The lack of a today as memories, not as realities" (Pass culturally unifying language reflects, as Friedenreich 1984:210). elsewhere within the Empire, a natural The linkage between the desire to establish socioeconomic disintegration of Jewish identities with a stability. The ambition to integrate into decline in religious observance is not non-Jewish society by marrying non-Jews

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I 8 was an important by-product of achieving integration ofJews in the mid-nineteenth socioeconomic success. The eighteen­ century was the emergence of Croatian century haskalah (Jewish form of national consciousness. The Croatian European enlightenment) helps explain language provided a focal point for why more devout forms of Judaism, such national identity and thus a means for as those practiced in other parts ofEurope nationalist-minded to question (e.g. orthodox communities prevalent in their loyalty to the Empire (Buntak Russia and Poland), never took hold 1996:386). The nationalist movement in among Croatian Jews (Johnson 1988). In Croatia developed largely in response to response, the nineteenth-century Neologe the rising tendency towards movement, which was concerned with the Germanization within the Empire and the modernization ofJudaism, did manage to fact that both the French and the attract some participants. But even with Hungarians had already begun to assert the reform-minded character ofthe their national identities. The Jewish movement, there was only one Neologe response to Croatian nationalism was synagogue (seating up to 300 people) in threefold: Croatian Jews either exhibited operation in the largest (11,000 members) compliance with Croatian national ideals, Jewish community in Croatia (Goldstein a fierce alliance to Zionist ideals, or a 1998). combination ofthese ideological The reason that Croatian Jews positions. managed to retain their identity, given The first response, compliance their lack of a culturally unifying with Croatian national ideals, relates back language, non-committal religious to the willingness of Croatian Jews to participation and growing rates of participate in civil society and improve exogamy is because the laws within the their social standing -- a strategy that may Empire were such that Jewish be traced back to emancipation trends participation in gentile social and political among European Jews in the early life remained limited. Except for brief nineteenth-century. An example ofthis is periods of time when rulers who advanced the use ofCroatian as the language of Jewish emancipation rose to power, e.g. instruction in Jewish schools and Joseph II (1780-90) and Frans Joseph synagogues. (1847-1897) Jews were forced to live in The second response, a fierce separate social worlds. Jewish societies, alliance to Zionist ideals, provided which developed in response to de jure Croatian Jews with an alternative emancipation, can be organized into four expression to Jewish religious identity. By overlapping categories: humanitarian, emphasizing the need to establish a intellectual, political, and recreational. Jewish -state, allowed for The common thread among the societies non-religious Jews to affirm their identity was that each provided a vehicle for as Jews by supporting political or cultural members to become active in the Jewish aims. The Zionists were organized world and devote themselves to Jewish through a number of societies such as the social advancement, politics and culture Bar Giora association of Jewish students, without a commitment to Jewish religious Young Guard, a socialist youth laws. organization, and societies that prepared Parallel to the development of Jews for immigration to Palestine in the modem Croatian society and the relative early twentieth century. B'nai B'rith, an

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9 international organization that attracted Another important social aspect of people interested in the advancement of Jewish Croatian social identity is Jewish cultural, educational and political cosmopolitanism. Early on Croatian Jews life, gained popularity during that time as began to regard themselves as well. These trends, which continued cosmopolitans. This response that can be throughout the twentieth-century and have traced to the ideological principles of been reinvigorated in the last decade, were equality and openness associated with never regarded by the ruling powers as cosmopolitanism as well as the standing inconsistent with Croatian nationalism. tradition ofCroatian Jews to blend into gentile society. The construction of a The third response, a combination cosmopolitan identity was related to ofthese ideological positions, was the trends in urbanization that swept Europe most remarkable. Croatian Jews remained in the nineteenth and twentieth-centuries, loyal to Croatian national ideals whether and secular ideologies prevalent among or not they identified as Zionists. This can the emancipated Jews ofcentral Europe. be explained by noting that nineteenth­ The promise of social advancement, century nationalism presupposed, and even encouraged ethnic consciousness and opportunity and equality lies at the heart (certain forms of) sectarian patriotism so ofthe liberalism that produced long as such sentiments did not threaten intellectuals such as Theodor Herzl, one of the fathers ofthe Zionist movement and Croatian nationalist efforts. In the twentieth-century Croatian Jews Sigmund Freud. Arising in opposition to cosmopolitanism were various definitions continued to embrace a worldview that is of nationhood and myths related to ethnic rooted in non-religious commitments that emphasized humanistic values. These purity that prevail to the present. sentiments would in time resemble Local Meanings Brotherhood and Unity, a slogan that came to symbolize the political ideology The use of cultural symbols is an ofPresident Tito's Yugoslavia (who held important element of symbolic ethnicity. office between 1945-1980). However, the Croatian Jews use symbols such as newer meaning of"unity" that emerged ethnoreligious artifacts, foods, festivals after Croatia's separation from and other social activities to express Yugoslavia would have very different cultural identity. The importance ofthese consequences for Croatian Jews. symbols is reflected in the recent popularization of Star ofDavid pendants, High rates of exogamy are a menorahs (a seven branch lamp used in continued reality. In modem times, religious services) and other Judaica either exogamy patterns may be explained as a worn or exhibited at home.! Further response to the diminished pool ofJewish evidence ofthe emergence ofcultural marriage partners after 1945. While the symbols in Croatia can be seen in the rates have remained stable in the last fifty popularization of Jewish cookbooks years, since the 1990s the growing written by Croatian Jews, as well as the number of individuals who identify as proliferation of various books, Jews has been on the rise, a statistic that newspapers, lectures and radio programs reflects the desire of intermarried Croatian addressing Jewish themes. In addition to Jews to raise their children with a Jewish these, Croatian Jews can join a Jewish conSCIOusness. folklore dance group, ceramics class,

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soccer team and, with a little luck, community events was considered central participate in the Makabiada (Jewish to the process ofJewish identity Olympic games). They can choose to maintenance in Croatia. It is through study Hebrew, Jewish music, Jewish participation in various social groups that history or Torah in Jewish community Croatian Jews made sense oftheir world centers. All these pursuits (including and made choices about all aspects of Torah reading) are regarded as leisure their cultural identities. Community social activities and are not for the sake of members did so at their leisure. They practicing religiosity or living a were less concerned with enacting culture "traditional" Jewish life according to through obligations as with living culture Jewish law. Rather they are an expression on individual terms. On the whole, of "cultural Judaism" or interest in Jewish community members seemed to be more . Since many ofthese concerned with day-to-day social affairs activities are organized by Jewish and a rise in than with Jewish community centers, the basis ofthese religious laws or the high exogamy rates types of identity enactment requires social that continued to dilute the community. interaction among group members. One consultant made the following comment when I asked how he Although an exact number was difficult to obtain, about 3000 individuals understood the continuation ofJewish who identify as Jewish reside in present community life in Croatia: day Croatia. The largest and most vibrant I don't think our community will die Jewish community is in Zagreb, the because we are intermarrying or not capital of Croatia. The ZOZ community praying on Friday night. In the end a center has about fifteen hundred members community dies when people stop and has experienced a marked (14%) visiting the community. increase in its membership since the 1990s (Sprajc, personal communication It is clear that the people here are 1997). Jewish community centers in coming to the community center for Croatia and elsewhere in Central and something. The center does not exist Eastern Europe experienced revival by itself. during the late 1980s and early 1990s as Jewish educators were brought in from abroad to teach Hebrew, Jewish culture When asked directly, community and history. A cultural society that hosted members associated religiosity with lectures and events like Jewish music and doctrine, nationalism and non­ exhibits ofJewish Croatian artists was cosmopolitanism. Indeed, many people I formed during that time, now referred to spoke with did not regard religious as "Jewish community revival." While the practice as an important part oftheir society published a monthly paper Jewish identity. Friday night services covering events pertinent to the Jewish were practically empty while social events world, the events themselves did more organized by the cultural society were than educate the public about Jewish life. well attended. As one consultant Partaking in activities hosted by the remarked: cultural society were seen as an important I believe that Judaism gives us the way of "being Jewish" or "getting in touch freedom and the opportunity to with one's roots." Participation in choose how to express ourselves as

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Jews. I have chosen the way I wish to belonging to one's , be Jewish. I have met people who particularly if the nationalism practiced in have chosen to keep kosher. A kosher that society is exclusivist (Verdey 1996). couple visited me recently. I did not In this connection, Anthony Smith (1986) insult or asked them why they kept has argued persuasively for the view that kosher. I don't keep kosher but I nostalgia plays an important role in the always make sure I have paper plates, construction ofcommon goals and a sense plastic knives and forks at home in ofbelonging to something larger than case they visit. oneself. The Croatian nationalist movement ofthe 1990s, which promoted Croatian ethnicity largely by constructing The emphasis in these anecdotes non-ethnic Croatians as outsiders and was on individual and humanistic emphasizing ethnicity, has in some ways expressions ofJewish identity. reinforced Jewish identities. Consultants believed that Judaism or Contemporary Jewish identity negotiation Jewish cultural heritage gave them the in Croatia reflects ways of coping with a "freedom and opportunity to choose" how de facto outsider status that has informed they would want to express identity. The Jewish identities in Europe for centuries. increased focus on choice and individualism may be read as endemic of Although my consultants post-socialism. identified with national politics and the idea ofbuilding a democratic nation-state, Other examples ofidentity they did not identify with the xenophobic negotiation were found in the continued regime that followed Croatia's secession allegiance to Zionism. For many Croatian from Yugoslavia. As the Croatian right Jews, support for the State oflsrael is a developed a voice, Jews began turning to significant expression of Jewish identity. the Jewish community for an alternative Although active membership in various voice. Indeed, involvement in Jewish Zionist organizations was the primary communal life in the recent past has outlet for expressing allegiance to the provided a reasonable alternative to the movement, at the time ofmy research changing meaning ofCroatianess. A different means for supporting renewed connection with the Jewish existed such as specialized seminars on community served the function of topics related to Jewish cultural history, ideologically forestalling social isolation "working vacations," private visits and from Croatian society. Membership in the study abroad programs, and the kibbutz Jewish community had other advantages experience. Allegiance to Zionism, which as well. For example, during the war in for economic reasons was strongly Croatia (1991-1995) community members supported by the Croatian government, were able to send their children to stay continues to serve as one ofthe most with families in the United States and important aspects ofJewish identity in Israel. These temporary immigrations . 2 C roatJa. were sponsored by international Jewish organizations and organized through Croatian Nationalist Politics and Jewish communities in Croatia. Jewish identity As the right grew louder (although Life in a society undergoing social not larger), xenophobia began to be seen upheaval encourages feelings ofpride and as a real threat to Jews. The fear was

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further reinforced by the Croatian an opportunity for Croatia to begin the government's attempt to repress memories process ofde-U stashazation." associated with the notorious Ustashas, a fascist party which was supported by the Contested Meanings Nazis and held power between 1941­ The disassociation ofCroatia from 1945. This was accomplished by the Balkans, communism and southeastern downplaying atrocities the Ustashas Europe more generally, along with her committed against the , Gypsies, desire to be included among Europe's communists, non-compliant Croats and "chosen ," is well served by Jews during World War II and promoting non threatening minorities such constructing Croatian W orId War II as Croatian Jews. During my research in criminals as the victims ofthe National Croatia, Jews, who are the smallest Liberation Army revolt led by Tito's in Croatia, were given far army. An important response to these more media attention than other Croatian threats was the development ofsolidarity minorities. The promotion of Croatian among Croatian minorities who continue Jews not only served to obscure Croatia's to gather and mark events such as Anti­ role in the Holocaust, an issue that has Fascism Day and Holocaust Memorial recently received critical attention from Day. the international media and from human An area ofcontention has been the rights organizations, but has also number of victims who perished in emphasized Jews as "others." J asenovac, a Croatian concentration camp While the motives ofthe Croatian established during the Ustasha regime. government and the international Jewish Some have claimed that the number of community differ substantially, both have lives lost in Jasenovac is as low as 40,000 attempted to impose a view of Jewish while others estimate the death toll around identity that is at odds with the self­ 700,000. In 1997, the late President images ofthe Croatian Jews themselves. Tudjman proposed erecting a memorial The view promoted by the Croatian for both victims and murderers at the site. government through the recent The proposal was met with outrage and implementation ofcultural diversity caused large numbers ofpeople to gather programs, derives in part from Croatia's on Holocaust Memorial Day in April 1998 desire to eventually join the European to protest. Among those who protested Union and to stabilize the nation's Tudjman's proposal were individuals who economic crisis. The view promoted by identified as Serbs, anti-fascist and fornler the international Jewish community communists. Speakers called for justice, reflects a commitment to secure the future the restoration ofJ asenovac and respect of Central and East European Jews. The for the memory ofthe victims. They efforts ofboth groups embody the warned that the numbers ofvictims should assumption that Jewish identity revolves neither be belittled nor buried along with around an orthodox religious core or a the remains oftheir executioners. notion ofJews as separate from other Minority group members have been Croatian citizens. This view ofJewish gathering to protest the renaming of the identity is in conflict with the multiple Victims of Fascism Square in Zagreb. As meanings ofJewish identity and the one consultant put it: "Changing the name humanistic and idiosyncratic terms in ofthe square [back to its original name] is which Croatian Jews identify as Jews.

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The aforementioned constituencies ofZagreb's main museums, sponsorship regard cultural identity as essentialist or ofpublic art shows on Jewish religious traditionalist. Essentialist views ofidentity themes and radio programs featuring incorporate meanings associated with interviews with prominent members of the consanguinial ties and a sense ofinnate Croatian Jewish community. Additionally, one-ness among group members. Such the Ministry ofCulture has provided views have the effect of strongly funds for Jewish education centered on juxtaposing selves from others. For Jewish religious and cultural themes and essentialists, identity construction is invited the rabbi to the Croatian understood through presumed social parliament on several occasions. characteristics defined through immutable The view that Croatian Jews are customs and values. Alternatively, in essentially different from non-Jewish humanist terms identity construction is Croatians is supported through the cultural based on values oftolerance and liberal diversity programs. To discern these, democracy. More importantly, humanists however, it is important to realize that view identity as contingent on individual such campaigns have not focused choice rather than rooted in blood-ties. exclusively on essentializing Jewish The cultural diversity programs identities. Indeed, cultural diversity sponsored by the Croatian Ministry of programs in Croatia originated with Culture are premised on the view that Matica Hrvatska, an organization which Jews must be submerged in tradition and sought to construct Croatian ethnicity and . These cultural diversity programs Croatian as a separate language from that advance Jewish religious culture Serbo-Croatian, the official national clearly exist not for their own sake or the language of Former Yugoslavs. Thus the promotion ofan inclusive multicultural promotion of ethnoreligious society. These programs have particular consciousness among ethnic Croatians agendas that seek to promote Croatian originally served to justify Croatian Jews as exotic, religious and different nationalism and secession from the from ethnic Croatians. Jewish religious Former Yugoslavia. Such programs also practices, which are often misunderstood helped construct ethnic Croatians as and regarded as curious by non-Jewish categorically different from ethnic Croatians, have received an abundance of minorities living in Croatia. This has media attention. Local journalists have contributed to a general atmosphere of interviewed the chief rabbi of Croatia xenophobia that has had negative several times since his inauguration in consequences for minority groups such as 1998. The topics of these interviews have Serbs and Bosniacs (Bosnian Moslems). ranged from Jewish religious practices to The international Jewish the future ofthe Jewish community in community has also been concerned with Croatia. Television programs about the promotion of Jewish identity in Jewish religious laws and practices as Croatia. Emphasizing religious and well as foreign documentaries, which cultural components of Jewish identity, depict the lives of ultra-orthodox Jews, Jewish support organizations have begun have been aired. Other public displays of "rehabilitating" Jewish community centers interest in Jews and their religion include throughout Croatia and the Former a course on Judaism at Zagreb University, Yugoslavia by financing a full-time rabbi, a permanent installation of Judaica in one the restoration of a small synagogue in

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Dubrovnik (which has a community of a relatively permanent feature of Jewish less than 50 Jews) and stressing Jewish identity negotiation since its inception in religious education. The rabbi of Croatia the nineteenth-century. Cultural memory has found sponsors among orthodox and the role ofpolitical and communities outside the country to socioeconomic reform have been crucial finance young Croatian Jews religious in shaping and transforming cultural education abroad. Changes have been groups such as the Croatian Jews. I have implemented in the community centers argued that one way ofunderstanding the themselves. The rabbi has kosherised identity strategies ofthe Croatian Jews is community centers and implemented to begin with an account of the historical various Jewish laws therein, campaigned context and the political culture in which for group conversion to counteract high they are situated. Doing so should provide exogamy rates and provided opportunities a rich framework for understanding for those interested in studying and Jewish identities in Croatia as constructed practicing orthodox Judaism. ill many in response to pressure felt by all Croatian ways, the rabbi has revolutionized the citizens to identify as members ofan social organization of Jewish communities ethnic group. I have also pointed out that in Croatia. For the first time in some sixty the effect of our increasingly years Croatian Jews can choose to get interdependent world, in which many married in a Jewish orthodox ceremony. different images of cultural identity are Moreover, they can have a local rabbi projected, needs to be taken into account. perform rites ofpassage (e.g. Even though individuals have circumcision, bar mitzvah, marriage and always been capable of creating and burial ceremonies) and important Jewish transforming individualized meanings of holidays. cultural identity, cultural identity Croatia's cultural diversity negotiation is never a completely random programs thus share with the international process that is meaningless to others. Jewish support organizations the tendency Idiosyncratic expressions of cultural to promote identity maintenance by identity are at the same time a product of reifying differences between cultural collective imagining, time and space. In groups and exaggerating the importance light ofthis, Croatian Jews negotiate their ofreligious consciousness. Both cultural identities primarily through tendencies conflict with the humanistic humanistic values and membership in and idiosyncratic worldviews of the social organizations. The organizations Croatian Jews themselves. In reality, non­ are important precisely because Jewish committal religious participation and community life in Croatia was never integration in Croatian society are central confined to Jewish neighborhoods or aspects ofJewish Croatian identities. synagogues. Jewish societies and organizations in the nineteenth and Summary twentieth centuries flourished in response The interplay between religious to Croatian nationalism. The same trend behavior and the stability ofJewish emerged again in the last decade when identity may be far more complex than the Croatian Jews were once again cast as disappearance prognosis implies. Cultural outsiders. Croatian nationalism has not identity, rather than an index of the only not threatened but also in some ways disappearance of Croatian Jews, has been fortified Jewish consciousness. This fact

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implies a strong relationship between the activities that enact these symbols. construction ofethnic minorities as Additional factors that are characteristic "others" and Jewish identity negotiation. of Jewish identity negotiation in Croatia include high patterns, non­ We have seen that even though the committal religious practices and the objectives of Croatian cultural diversity abiding absence ofunifying cultural programs and the international Jewish language. It is clear from the foregoing organizations differ substantially, both discussion that involvement in Zionist aim to cultivate Jewish religiosity by movements, humanitarian or recreational promoting an essentialist view of Jewish societies in Jewish community centers identity. The former can be traced to ideas enables Croatian Jews to interpret culture about ethnicity that serve to justify and negotiate identity in terms of a variety Croatia's political agenda; the latter is a ofdifferent meanings. The fact that these response to what is perceived as a modem factors continue to play an important role world crisis in Jewish identity in Jewish identity negotiation suggests maintenance. The emphasis on the that Jewish identities in Croatia are far religious aspects of Jewish identity has from disappearing. had a polarizing effect both within Jewish communities in Croatia and between Symbolic ethnicity falls short of Croatian Jews and non-Jews. Contrary to describing the case ofthe Croatian Jews the traditionalist views ofJewish identity, because it does not account for the Jewish identity can never be understood multiple social and political contexts in as stable or incontestable. Instead, its which groups are situated. It also falls meaning is continually revised by short of describing ethnic identity individuals. The real crisis for Croatian negotiation characterized by our Jews has been the fact that these outside globalization. Scholars who have institutions have ignored the multiple employed the symbolic ethnicity model versions of Jewish Croatian identity that have not given enough weight to the role have coexisted for decades. Despite this, ofhistory and national and supranational Jewish Croatian identity continues to politics in their analysis ofparticular embody a commitment to humanistic groups. As I have argued, Jewish identity ideals of tolerance, experimentation and construction in Zagreb is rooted in an contingency. The situation for Croatian historical trajectory and relies on the Jews might improve if Jewish manipUlation ofcultural symbols, communities in Croatia were respected humanistic and idiosyncratic and allowed to flourish on their own interpretations of Jewishness. To better terms. understand identity negotiation strategies among Croatian Jews, one must begin Towards a Refined Symbolic Ethnicity with a careful analysis of Jewish Croatian Symbolic ethnicity is useful to the history, Croatia's troubled political extent that it helps to interpret the social culture, which presently seeks to construct mechanisms through which individualized non-ethnic Croatians as outsiders, and the meanings of identity are negotiated in the influence ofJewish supranationals on the contemporary world. Factors that indicate meaning ofJewish identity. the applicability of symbolic ethnicity to The deterministic claim put Croatian Jews include the consumption of forward by scholars who assert that the cultural symbols and various social decline in religious behavior of Jews

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inevitably signals their eventual among Jews living in post-socialist dissolution fails to acknowledge the societies irrespective of Gans's original contingency and cultural complexity of intentions. To sum up, many aspects of Jewish (or any other) identity negotiation symbolic ethnicity can help to account for strategies. The idea that Jewish identity is the identity strategies by clarifying the somehow divorced from national politics, ways in which SUbjective meanings or that it unfolds along a predetermined inform the nature ofidentity negotiation. trajectory, is, as I have shown, simply A revised model for understanding the inconsistent with the history and nature ofidentity negotiation in the narratives ofthe Croatian Jews. Failure to modem world must relocate cultural acknowledge the dynamic and contingent trends in time and space and consider the character of ethnoreligious identity role of national politics in shaping and negotiation is often due to plain transforming ethnoreligious cultures. Such inattention to the historical, political and a model will enable us to regard symbolic international dimensions ofidentity ethnicity as strongly associated with the construction. Ifwe look carefully at the manipUlation of sentiments and nostalgia, historical record, we can see the national and supranational politics, thoroughly contextual nature ofJewish historical memories and other highly identity construction in Croatia as well as symbolic expressions of collective its complex relation to the surrounding identity. political and global environment. In pointing this out, I do not mean to References advance an inversion of the straight-line Alba, Richard. 1990. Ethnic Identity: assimilation theory, in terms ofwhich the The Transformation ofWhite future ofthe Croatian Jews as safely America. New Haven, insulated from the threat ofbeing Connecticut: Yale University swallowed up by the larger community. In Press. other words, I want to challenge this view without making the parallel mistake of Amyot, Robert P. and Lee Sigelman. supposing that the future of the Croatian 1996. "Jews Without Judaism? Jewish community is secured. Rather than Assimilation and Jewish Identity prognosticating about the future ofJewish in the United States." Social identities (a temptation which the Croatian Science Quarter~v, vol. 77, no. 1, Jews themselves resist) we are better off 177-189. trying to incorporate a view ofJewish Bakalian, Anny. 1993. Armenian­ identity into Gans's model that ultimately : From Being to Feeling leads to a better understanding ofthe Armenian, New Brunswick,New cultural factors underlying identity Jersey: Transaction Publishers. negotiation. Baldassar, Loretta. 1999. "Marias and A more thorough look at the Marriage: Ethnicity, Gender and historical and political context ofidentity Sexuality Among Italo- negotiation among contemporary ethnics provides support for the extension ofthe Australian Youth in Perth." The model beyond core societies. Symbolic Australian Journal ofSociology, ethnicity helps interpret individual and vol. 35, no.l, 1-22. collective identity negotiation strategies

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Bershtel, Sara and Allen Graubard. Gans, Herbert J. 1979. "Symbolic 1992. Saving Remnants: Feeling Ethnicity: the Future ofEthnic Jewish in America, New York: The Groups and Cultures in America." Free Press. Ethnic and Racial Studies, vol. 2, Bjorklund, Ulf. 1987. "Ethnicityand no. 1, 1-20. the Welfare -State." International Gans, Herbert J. 1992. "Comment: Social Science Journal, vol. 39, Ethnic Invention and no.l,19-30. Acculturation, A Bumpy-Line Approach. " Journal ofAmerican Buckser, Andrew. 1999. "Keeping Ethnic History, vol. 12, no. 1,42­ Kosher: Eating and Social Identity 52. Among the Jews ofDenmark. " , vol. 38, no. 3, 191-209. Gans, Herbert J. 1994. "Symbolic Buntak, Franjo. 1996. Povijest Ethnicity and Symbolic Religiosity: Towards a Zagreb a, Zagreb: Nakladni Zavod Matice Hrvatske. Comparison ofEthnic and Religious Acculturation." Ethnic Chervykov, Valery, Zvi Gitelman and and Racial Studies, vol. 17, no. 4, Vladimir Shapiro. 1997. "Religion 577-592. and Ethnicity: Judaism in the Ethnic Consciousness of Gans, Herbert J. 1994. "Symbolic Contemporary Russian Jews." Ethnicity." In John Hutchinson Ethnic and Racial Studies, vol. 20, and Anthony D. Smith, editors. no. 2,280-305. Ethnicity. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press. Cohen, Steven M. 1983. American Goldstein, Ivo. 1998. "Zagrebacka Modernity and Jewish Identity. Zidovska Opcina od Osnutka do New York and London: Travistock Publishers. 1941." In Ognjen Kraus, editor. Dva Stoljeca Povijesti i Kultere Cozen, Kathleen Neils et al. 1992. Zidova u Zagrebu i Hrvatskoj. "The Invention of Ethnicity: A Zagreb: Published by Zidovska perspective from the U.S.A." Opcina Zagreb. Journal ofAmerican Ethnic History, 3-32. Goldstein, Slavko. 1988. Jevreji u Yugoslaviji. Zagreb: MGC. Dellapergola, Sergio. 1994. "An Heilman, Samuel. 1988. "Jews and Overview ofthe Demographic Judaica: Who Owns and Buys Trends of European Jewry." In What?" In Walter P. Zenner, Jonathan Webber, editor. Jewish Editor. Persistence and Flexibility: Identities in the New Europe. London and Washington: Anthropological Perspectives on Published for the Oxford Center the American Jewish Experience. for Postgraduate Hebrew Studies New York: State University of Littman Library of Jewish ' N ew York Press. Civilization. Johnson, Paul. A History of the Jews. New York: Harper & Row.

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Krauss, Ognjen. 1996. "The Jewish Sprott, Julie E. 1994. "Symbolic Community in Croatia." Voice of Ethnicity" and Alaska Natives of the Jewish Communities in Mixed Ancestry Living in Croatia, no. 1,4-9. Anchorage-Enduring Group or A Sign of Impending Assimilation?" Keller, Mose. 1966. "An Historical Journal ofthe Society for Applied and Sociological Survey of , vol. 53, no. 4, 311­ European Jewry." In Ann Rose, 322. Editor. Judaism Crisis Survival. : World Union ofJewish Svob, Melita. 1997. Zidovi U Students. Hrvatskoj: Migracije i Promjene u Zidovskoj Populaciji, Zagreb: D­ Kivsto, Peter and Ben Nefzger. 1993. Graff. "Symbolic Ethnicity and : the Relationship ofEthnic Verdery, Katherine. 1996. What was Identity to Behavior and Group Socialism, and What Comes Next? Affiliation." The Social Science Princeton: Princeton University Journal, vol.30, no. 1, 1-12. Press. Levine, Herbert B.1993. Making Walters, Mary C. 1990. Ethnic "Sense of Jewish Ethnicity­ Options: Choosing Identities in Identification Patterns ofNew America, Berkeley: University of Zealanders of Mixed Parentage." California Press. Ethnic and Racial Studies, vol.l6, Walters, Mary C. 1999. Black no. 2, 323-344. Identities: West Indian Immigrant Pass-Friedenreich, Harriet. 1984. The Dreams and American Realities. Jews of Yugoslavia: A Quest for Cambridge, Massachusetts: Community. Philadelphia: Jewish Harvard University Press. Publication Society. Webber, Jonathan. 1997. "Jews and Schweid, Eliezer. 1994. "Changing Judaism in Contemporary Europe: Jewish Identities in the New Religion or Ethnic roup?" Ethnic Europe and the Consequences for and Racial Studies, vol. 20, no. 2, Israel." In Jonathan Webber, 257-279. editor. Jewish Identities in the New Europe. London and Acknowledgements Washington: Published for the Research for this paper was supported by Oxford Center for Postgraduate grants from the Memorial Foundation for Hebrew Studies, Littman Library Jewish Culture and the Purdue Research of Jewish Civilization. foundation. I thank Daphne Wineland, Smith, Anthony D. 1986. The Ethnic Teri Strenski, Katie Watson and John Origins ofNations. New York: DeMoulpied for their suggestions. Basil Blackwell. Sprajc, Dunja. 1996. "Struggling for a Notes New Identity." Voice ofthe Jewish Communities in Croatia, no. 1, lO­ 1 I am using Samuel Heilman's B. definition ofJudaica which has a

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number of meanings related to objects associated with Jewish cultural and religious life (Heilman 1988:268).

2 In contrast to former Yugoslav politics, Croatia has recently (1998) established diplomatic ties with Israel. Yugoslavia's official policy was pro­ Arab and anti-Zionist. Even though Yugoslavia was among the first nations to recognize the state of Israel in 1948, its official policy supported the Palestinian national cause (Pass­ Freidenreich 1984:208). During the Yom Kippur War in October 1973 and six years after the country's diplomatic break with Israel in 1967, Yugoslavia aligned herself with the Arab world while publicly equating Zionism with racism. Despite Yugoslav foreign politics, the Jewish Croatian communities continued to nourish its ties with Israel. The recently established diplomatic ties between Israel and Croatia are viewed as desirable for several reasons. Diplomacy is thought to improve trade relations, the tourist industry and perhaps to mitigate Croatia's infamous role during World War II.

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