New Perspectives on the Bronze Age Proceedings of the 13Th Nordic Bronze Age Symposium Held in Gothenburg 9Th to 13Th June 2015

New Perspectives on the Bronze Age Proceedings of the 13th Nordic Bronze Age Symposium held in Gothenburg 9th to 13th June 2015

edited by Access Sophie Bergerbrant and Anna Wessman Open

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Archaeopress Archaeology

ISBN 978 1 78491 598 8 ISBN 978 1 78491 599 5 (e-Pdf)

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I wish to express my sincere gratitude to all who participated in the 13th Nordic Bronze Age symposium. Thank you for attending the conference, for presenting excellent papers and for asking stimulating questions and sharing a wealth of specialist knowledge, all of which led to a successful, and memorable, conference. I am especially grateful to the session organisers for leading interesting sessions with lively discussions. I am also grateful to Johan Ling for organising the excursion to Tanum on the last day, and to Anna Wessman for leading the excursion to the so-called Bronze Age Strait. In addition, heartfelt thanks must also go to GAST, the student society, and to the student helpers who volunteered during the symposium.

A further round of thanks must go to the contributors to this volume, both for taking the time to write and revise the articles, and for having patience with the numerous small questions that always arise in finalising an edited volume. I would also like to thank my co-editor, Anna Wessman, who assisted until the start of her maternity leave in April 2016. Thanks are also due to Kristin Bornholdt Collins for assisting with matters of language and in the task of adopting the style guidelines of the publisher, and to Rich Potter for Accesssetting the volume. I am also grateful to Archaeopress for showing interest when I approached them about publishing the volume.

For generously sponsoring both the conference and this volume, I am profoundly grateful to Lennart J Hägglunds Stiftelse för arkeologisk forskning och utbilding. Open Finally, I wish to thank my colleagues at the Department of Historical Studies at the University of Gothenburg for their support, from conference planning to production of this volume. Particular thanks go to Johan Ling, Peter Skoglund and Kristian Kristiansen for their input along the way. I hope that the authors are pleased with the final result, and that many will find the diverse collection of articles an interesting and inspiring read.

Gothenburg, March 2017

Sophie Bergerbrant Archaeopress

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Introduction ��1

New perspectives on Nordic Bronze Age graves ��5 Kristian Kristiansen

Mjeltehaugen: Europe’s northernmost Bell Beaker expression? ��7 Anette Sand-Eriksen

Bronze Age burials in megalithic graves in Falbygden ��19 Malou Blank

Identifying commoners in the Early Bronze Age: burials outside barrows ��37 Sophie Bergerbrant, Kristian Kristiansen, Morten E. Allentoft, Karin M. Frei, T. Douglas Price, Karl-Göran Sjögren and Anna Tornberg

Visible ships were the graves of Bronze Age ritual specialists ��Access 65 Gisela Ängeby

From bird wings to fool’s gold. Organic materials and stone from burials of the Late Bronze Age ��81 Karen Margrethe Hornstrup Open Craft and materials in the Bronze Age ��95 Nils Anfinset

On the behaviour of potters and metalworkers at the Narkūnai hillfort ��97 Vytenis Podėnas and Evaldas Babenskas

Castelluccio painted pottery: shared repertoires and local identity: A case study from Early Bronze Age Sicily ��109 Valentina Copat, Annalisa Costa and Paola Piccione

Bronze Age metal workshops in Denmark between 1500–1300 BC: elite-controlled craft on Zealand ��127 Heide Wrobel Nørgaard Archaeopress Bronze casting specialists during the Late Bronze Age in the Lake Mälaren region of East Middle Sweden ��143 Reidar Magnusson

Crafts and resources — western Norway in the Late Neolithic and the Early Bronze Age ��153 Nils Anfinset

New currents in Scandinavian Bronze Age settlement and landscape archaeology ��169 Mette Løvschal and Kristian Brink

Time warps and long-term structures: images of Early Bronze Age landscape organisation in south-west Denmark ��177 Marianne Rasmussen

Settlements, political economy and social organisation: a study from the Únětice Circumharz Region ��187 Claes Uhnér

iii © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. Continuity and change in settlement from LN II to EBA II. New results from a southern Jutland inland region ��203 Martin Egelund Poulsen

Tanum 1821 — Examining cooking pits in landscape studies ��219 Stig Swedberg, Annika Östlund and Oscar Jacobsson

Introduction to the rock art session at the 13th Nordic Bronze Age symposium ��233 Johan Ling

‘It’s a man’s world’? Sex and gender in Scandinavian Bronze Age rock art ��237 Christian Horn

Carved ship images from the Bronze Age barrows of north-eastern Zealand: on the trail of Bronze Age farmer- fishers and seafarers ��253 Liv Appel

Materiella bilder: Visuella uttryck bland Mälarvikens hällbilder ��267 Fredrik Fahlander

Re-cut rock art images (with a special emphasis on ship carvings) ��281 Gerhard Milstreu

The Kivik tomb: Bredarör enters into the digital arena — documented with OLS, SfM and RTI ��289 Ulf Bertilsson, Johan Ling, Catarina Bertilsson, Rich Potter and Christian HornAccess

The northern perspective 2000 BC – AD 1 ��307 Marianne Skandfer and Joakim Wehlin

Textiles from the peripheries? Upland evidence from NorwayOpen �� 313 Christopher Prescott and Lene Melheim

Stone Age appearances in the south-eastern Arctic Bronze Age ��327 Jarkko Saipio

Different Bronze Ages — the emergence of diverging cultural traditions in the southern inland, Norway ��343 Hilde Rigmor Amundsen

Nordic-Mediterranean relations in the second millennium BC ��355 Serena Sabatini and Lene Melheim Archaeopress The wheel and the sun: ‘Glocal’ symbologies of wheel-pendants across Europe ��363 Sara De Angelis and Maja Gori¹

Danish beads of Egyptian and Mesopotamian glass in context, and the amber connection ��375 Flemming Kaul and Jeanette Varberg

Mortuary rituals at Mycenaean Dendra: the Baltic connection and the role of amber ��387 Ann-Louise Schallin

The North from the perspective of the Greek mainland in the Late Bronze Age ��395 Helène Whittaker

Identity, individuals and agency in the Bronze Age ��403 Sophie Bergerbrant

iv © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. Communicating identity through built space — Concise-sous-Colachoz (CH), a case study ��409 Markus Spring

Tracing boundaries of local group identities in the Early Bronze Age — south-west Norway ��421 Knut Ivar Austvoll

Intentionally made: objects as composite indexes of agency and the case of the Late Bronze Age house urns ��435 Serena Sabatini

Authors ��447

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v © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. Access

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Anette Sand-Eriksen

Abstract

By focusing on the monumental mound Mjeltehaugen, situated on the outer coast of western Norway, the present article explores the Bell Beaker Culture’s northern influence. Through presenting an analysis of the decorated slabs discovered inside the mound, alongside an assessment of style as an expression of social identity, the study provides a better understanding of the enigmatic mound. It also contextualises it within the changes, social processes and characteristics of the historical circumstances occurring at an overall pan-European level during the third millennium BC. These transformations have a connection with the European Bell Beaker Culture, and Mjeltehaugen will be assessed as a possible indication of Bell Beaker expansion to the north, along the Norwegian coast.

Key words: Burial mound, Bell Beaker Culture, identity, style, geometric decoration, dagger, expression of power, maritime travel. Access

Introduction TheOpen Mjeltehaugen mound, estimated to have been around 25m in diameter and 7m high, was excavated During the 3rd millennium BC the Bell Beaker Culture on three occasions during the 19th century (Christie (BBC) spread across large parts of Europe (e.g. Harrison 1847; Henrichsen 1867; Lorange 1879). These 1980; Vander Linden 2007; Turek 2013). Over the last excavations revealed internal constructions, which decade, the scale of this socio-cultural movement’s have been interpreted as the remains of a chamber or influence has expanded to encompass new areas, with a set of eight cists (Christie 1847; Lorange 1879: 25; today’s area of Denmark marking its northernmost also see Mandt 1984: 74). The reason for the varying border (Prescott and Glørstad 2015; see also Prieto- interpretations is the fragmented state of the stone slabs, Martínez 2008; Vandkilde 2001). However, it has been which today consist of c. 120 fragments. However, and argued that archaeological evidence associated with more importantly – at least in this context – is that these the BBC is found further northArchaeopress in present-day Norway, fragments are decorated. The decoration consists of six such as archery equipment (i.e. wristguards and barbed- different geometric motifs arranged in several bands, and-tanged flint arrowheads) and Lomborg’s type-I early boat motifs and the blade of what is probably a flint daggers (e.g. Apel 2001; Holberg 2000; Myhre dagger. With the exception of the latter, which has an 1979; Prescott and Walderhaug 1995; Østmo 2008). enigmatic history of discovery, these prominent rock art In addition, more direct evidence of a Bell Beaker finds have been used in debates regarding the age and affiliation in the material culture has been found, cultural context of the Mjeltehaugen mound (e.g. Linge particularly in southwestern and western Norway. The 2007; Mandt 1983; Marstrander 1978). This article will most noteworthy here is the bell beaker from Slettabø in present some results from a recent study by the present Rogaland and the various findings of Bell Beaker-related author, which re-examined the geometric and figurative objects from the Skrivarhelleren rock shelter in Sogn motifs and compared them with Nordic and European (e.g. Prescott 1991, 2009, 2012a, 2012b; Prescott and grave contexts (Sand-Eriksen 2015). The aim is to Glørstad 2012, 2015; Prescott and Walderhaug 1995). explore whether the geometric decoration represents a Slightly further north, there is a third site with possible part of a larger pan-European phenomenon, e.g. BBC affiliation to the BBC (cf. Prieto-Martínez, 2012: 44). (cf. Prieto-Martínez 2013a: 225), or whether the mound This is the monumental mound called Mjeltehaugen, should be understood as an individual case in Norwegian which is situated on the island of Giske on the coast of prehistory. Sunnmøre (Figure 1).

Figure 1. Map showing Mjeltehaugen and its context within Norway, as well as the location of other sites in Norway with direct evidence of Bell Beaker affiliation.Access

Can the puzzle be solved? 1879: 23). As a result, Lorange (1879: 24) stated that the moundOpen was situated on a natural sand layer, probably Mjeltehaugen was first excavated in 1847 by landholder affected by heat. He also claimed that the idea about the Christopher Hagerup. He notified Bergen Museum, eight cists was probably a misunderstanding between which sent Wilhelm F. K. Christie to visit Hagerup and Hagerup and Christie, and that it had to have been one have a look at the mound. Christie (1847) reported back larger chamber constructed of eight slabs (Lorange, that the mound was of great interest and that it should be 1879: 25). Later scholars have mostly supported further investigated. The same letter contained a short Lorange’s proposal (e.g. de Lange 1912; Fett 1950; description of the mound and its internal construction, Marstrander 1963; Aksdal 1996), probably due to it which today is the only documentation from the first being more thorough and detailed. However, there are excavation. According to the landholder the mound had those who believe that the proposal suggesting eight contained eight smaller cists placed close together, and separate cists cannot be ruled out (e.g. Mandt 1983, these had covering slabs; Archaeopressthere were no finds except 1984, 1991; Randsborg 1993), and in the early 2000s some burned bones and ash. Christie also added that a new perspective was suggested. Following a recent the slabs that had been taken out of the mound were analysis of the remaining fragments and reinterpretation severely broken, perhaps as a result of being used for of their interrelation, it was proposed that two larger play by Hagerup’s children (Christie 1847). During slabs had each covered four cists (Linge 2004, 2005, the following excavation in 1867, the main objective 2007). However, due to slabs being broken and the lack was not to further explore the decorated cists, but to of important documentation from the early excavations, uncover a tomb of royal dimensions believed to be it is impossible to determine which of the proposals, if located beneath (Henrichsen 1867). However, due to the any, is correct. An additional complicating factor is that trench collapsing and the museum not granting any more the majority of the remaining 120 fragments were cast money, Christian Henrichsen, who led the excavation, with cement into boxes (Figure 2) sometime between never had the chance to finish (Henrichsen 1867). His the last excavation in 1878 and the first publication of idea about the royal tomb was refuted 11 years later the slab’s decoration in 1912 (i.e. de Lange 1912: 12- during an excavation led by Anders Lorange. 21). There are, however, some fragments that have not been placed in cement, probably because decoration In 1878, Lorange excavated the entire mound to look was identified on both sides. During my examinations for unbroken cists or anything else that might illuminate of the stone slabs, a motif, which is not mentioned the age and cultural context of Mjeltehaugen (Lorange in any of the publications from the 20th century, was

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Figure 2. The fragments encased in cement and a drawing highlighting the particular decoration, consisting of boat stems, fringes, waves, herringbones, horizontal lines and zigzags. Photo and drawing: A. Sand-Eriksen. Archaeopress observed: the blade of a dagger (Sand-Eriksen 2015: it to both Norwegian and foreign cases. He believed 46). However, the carving might have been observed that the stone slabs exhibited a continental influence, in the late 1800s, and in the early 2000s, but described and that the closest counterparts were among a group quite differently (Lorange 1879: 27; Linge 2007: 48). of decorated slabs in present-day central Germany Since at least some of the decorations on the slabs are (Marstrander 1978: 54). Marstrander argues that the both difficult to discern and identify, it is possible that decorative schemes from Göhlitzsch in Halle, Germany some of the fragments placed in cement could have and Mjeltehaugen display congruence that could hardly previously unrecognised decoration on both sides. be explained as a coincidence (Marstrander 1978: 52). Thus, based on the geometric motifs, Marstrander (1963: Since the excavations, Mjeltehaugen has captured 319, 325) argued for a dating to the Late Neolithic (LN). the attention of several scholars who have discussed In contrast, Gro Mandt (1983, 1984, 1991) suggested the enigmatic mound (i.e. Linge 2004, 2005, 2007; that Mjeltehaugen has to be understood as an isolated Goldhahn 2005), emphasising the decoration in and individual case in Norwegian prehistory. She particular (e.g. de Lange 1912; Mandt 1983, 1984, 1991, argues that far-reaching cultural impulses, as suggested 2005; Marstrander 1963, 1978; Prieto-Martínez 2008, by Marstrander, probably do not explain the mound’s 2012, 2013a, 2013b). Sverre Marstrander (1963, 1978) cultural context, as she finds it improbable that ‘the discussed the decoration in greatest detail, and compared influence of the continental cultural environment in

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Figure 3. One of three boats (all are incomplete). This one is c.Open 40cm long. These fragments were not cast in cement, probably due to having decoration on both sides. Photo and drawing: A. Sand-Eriksen.

the Neolithic would only leave this one mound on the Whether or not any burned bones were found – in which Norwegian west coast, and no equivalent in the vast area case they are now lost – it is not certain that they belonged in between’ (author’s translation of Mandt 1984: 76). to the chamber or the cists with the decorated slabs. For Mandt therefore emphasised the boats (Figure 3) when example, they could have been part of a secondary burial discussing Mjeltehaugen’s age and cultural context, (in Mjeltehaugen), which is dated to the Pre-Roman and she argued that there is a small group of boats Iron Age (Lorange 1879: 25-26). Therefore, in order to with common characteristicsArchaeopress (similar stems, keel, hull further reinforce the idea of a cremation in connection etc.) along the Norwegian west coast (Mandt 1983: 22, with the decorated slabs, and thus dating them within 1991: 242). In an extensive study on Norwegian rock art the later parts of the EBA and early parts of YBA it was boats, Mandt (1991) dates this group of boats to EBA pointed out that the coffins (c. 125cm x 60cm) were too per. I; she also claims that it is likely that the boats from small to fit an adult in an extended position (Linge 2007: Mjeltehaugen are the earliest occurrence of this type, 72). This line of reasoning based on burial customs is and that they could belong to the LNII (Mandt 1991: too narrow, though, since cremations also occur in the 280, 330). Late Neolithic, although far from being the prevailing custom (e.g. Kraus 2009). Furthermore, the placement The above perspectives exemplify how divergent of the deceased in a hocker position was a common way previous research has been in trying to understand and to position bodies within LN and EBA burial customs, explain the mound’s existence and cultural context. including the BBC (cf. Vandkilde 2005: 22; Moragón They do, however, more or less agree on a general age of 2012: 53; Turek 2012: 663). So even though cremation Mjeltehaugen. Others have claimed the mound is later. is a possibility, it cannot be used to rule out a date before A recent study (Linge 2004, 2005, 2007) relied partly 1500 BC (cf. Linge 2007:119, 129). on a note from one of the excavations mentioning finds of cremated bones, thus being one of several elements This section indicates that Mjeltehaugen could have indicating EBA period II or III (Linge 2007: 131). both regional and continental parallels. The following

10 © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. Anette Sand-Eriksen section will explore this further by applying a broader identified and described individually, while the second geographical perspective. Thus, Mjeltehaugen’s area of stage went from looking at them separately to examining possible cultural context is expanded, while possible them as an assemblage and group of decorative schemes local connections are taken into account (cf. Sand- (Sand-Eriksen 2015: 30-31). This approach enabled Eriksen 2015). an allocation of four predefined general stylistic tendencies, which then made it possible to define the Style as a display of social identity specific styles based on a common frame of reference. The four predefined stylistic tendencies are (Sand- In an attempt to approach the enigma of Mjeltehaugen’s Eriksen 2015: 37): age and the cultural context of the decorative elements on the stone slabs, the focus is here placed on their •• A relatively simple decorative scheme consisting association with similar Nordic and European grave of a few geometric motifs. contexts (Sand-Eriksen 2015: 72-83). This connection •• A more complex and varying decorative scheme was explicitly tested since it has been noted that with several different geometric motifs. Mjeltehaugen’s geometrical motifs have a seemingly •• A relatively simple decorative scheme, but unlike close affiliation with decoration associated with the the first tendency this one is more repetitive. It BBC (cf. Prieto-Martínez 2012: 44). The objective was may well consist of only one motif that covers an to examine the shared similarities with the BBC, and entire surface. to explore the possibility that the decorated slabs could •• Primarily figurative motifs, and any other represent one of the regional variations that emerged decoration that is difficult to place in one of the during the BBC (i.e. Czebreszuk 2004: 7; Prieto- other stylistic tendencies. Martínez 2013a: 225). An additional objective was thus to contribute to the discussion on the presence of The decorated Mjeltehaugen slabs have a varying the BBC and its establishment in Norway (cf. Kilhavn and complex Accessdecorative scheme comprised of six 2013; Holberg 2000; Prescott 2012b; Prescott et al. different motifs: herringbones, zigzags, checkerboard in press; Prescott and Glørstad 2015; Prieto-Martínez patterns, waves, horizontal lines and fringes (Figure 2008; Østmo 2011) as well as to advance research on 2). The motifs are organised in a very similar manner northern European BBC (Prieto-Martínez 2008, 2012; across the fragments, and with the exception of the Sarauw 2007a, 2007b, 2008; Vander Linden 2007, 2012; wavesOpen and zigzags, which change between having Vandkilde 2001, 2005). The objectives were explored double and triple parallel lines, they almost seem to on the premise that decorative style is an expression of have been formed by a template and are consistently social identity. According to Richard Jenkins (2004: 4-5), patterned (Sand-Eriksen 2015: 42-44). This rigorous the latter concerns how people distinguish themselves arrangement in horizontal bands is reminiscent of and others on the basis of similarities and differences, woven tapestries or textiles, which is emphasised by thus making social identity our understanding of who the fringes. In addition to the geometric motifs there we are and of who other people are (Jenkins 2004: 5). are three figurative boat motifs (Figure 3), as well as As such, style is the product of human intentionality fragments of several others, which provide maritime (Dietler and Herbich 1998: 236). The decision to associations. The geometric wave motif, which is the decorate something, e.g. the slabs in a tomb, is an act only motif from Mjeltehaugen not found within the associated with the desire toArchaeopress forge closer relations with BBC decoration, may further emphasise the association someone or something, or potentially creating distance with the sea (Sand-Eriksen 2015: 47-8). Mjeltehaugen to something else (cf. Bourdieu 1985: 727). This makes has frequently been grouped together or associated with it possible to approach and use style as a tool to display EBA graves such as such as Skjøllingstad (Rogaland, social identity, where similarities could indicate some Norway), Kyrkje-Eide (Hordaland, Norway) and Kivik sort of commonness. To get a hold of the style, and (Skåne, Sweden) (e.g. Christie 1874; Lorange 1879; thus the potential social identity, it was necessary to Marstrander 1978; Nordenborg Myhre 2004; Linge establish an approach capable of defining styles. In the 2005, 2007; Syvertsen 2005; Goldhahn 2005; Oestigaard following section the basic concept of this approach will and Goldhahn 2006). However, the comparison in the be presented, but the main focus will be on the results present study demonstrated that Mjeltehaugen has of the analysis and the ensuing comparison between little in common with the Nordic EBA graves (Sand- Mjeltehaugen and the Nordic and European grave Eriksen 2015: 61-68, 72-76). The EBA cases mentioned contexts. above both have a fundamentally different decorative scheme and expression from the Mjeltehaugen slabs. Defining, grouping and comparing the styles Nevertheless, there were a couple of singular and very general similarities, especially regarding the To define the styles the decoration was analysed in figurative motifs. These apparent similarities could be two stages. In the first stage the different motifs were a reason why previous researchers have drawn parallels

11 © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. Mjeltehaugen between Mjeltehaugen and the mentioned cases, but Some of these similarities have previously been studied; closer examinations reveal important differences. For for example, Marstrander (1978) drew a parallel examples, while both Kyrkje-Eide and Mjeltehaugen between Mjeltehaugen and Göhlitzsch, both in terms have carvings of daggers, they display very different of the construction of the chamber and the decoration, typological traits. The Mjeltehaugen dagger blade is while Prieto-Martínez (2013a) placed the decoration in triangular with sharp, well-defined edges, while the a larger context of decorative design and distribution of dagger from Kyrkje-Eide is more elongated and has Bell Beaker material. In addition, the European graves curved edges. Together with the lack of similarities in turned out to be situated in areas that were important the geometric motifs and the internal construction of the zones for communication and circulation of material in grave this parallel was therefore refuted as an indication the 3rd millennium BC, i.e. the coasts and major rivers of contemporaneity (Sand-Eriksen 2015: 77). Another extending into central Europe and across the Alpine comparative case is that of Kivik and Mjeltehaugen. In passes (Prieto-Martínez 2012: 38). For example, Le addition to some similarities in internal construction, Petit-Chasseur (Sion, Switzerland) is located right at the the main similarities between the two that have been intersection of cultural zones that were linked together emphasised in previous research are the engravings of by rivers – The Rhône connects towards western and the boats. However, the boats are, according to Mandt southwestern Europe, the river Po links to Italy and (1991: 48-51), of different types, and following her the southeast, the Danube provides direct connections typology the boats from Kivik are much later than the to the east, while the Rhine connects to the north and type from Mjeltehaugen. This parallel was therefore northwestern Europe (Harrison and Heyd 2007: 185). also refuted as an indication of common chronological or cultural context (Sand-Eriksen 2015: 82). The comparative study showed that Mjeltehaugen had little in common with the European graves with Although Mjeltehaugen had little in common with the simple decorative schemes that consisted of repeating Nordic graves with regard to the geometric motifs, the one or two motifsAccess over large parts of the slab, like site of Steine (Trøndelag, Norway) could be a possible Dölauer Heide (Halle, Germany) and Coitemil (Galicia, exception. Unfortunately, the monumental mound was Iberian Peninsula). The closest parallels were found in destroyed sometime before 1884 (de Lange 1912: 21) the graves that contained both complex and varying and only two decorated fragments of stone slabs remain decorative schemes comprising several different motifs, today (pers. comm. Sognnes). One fragment features butOpen it also showed an interesting parallel to the graves motifs similar to Mjeltehaugen’s fringes and waves, with relatively simple decorative schemes. This latter but this is not enough to support a further analysis. It parallel was not based on the motifs and their assembly, is, however, worth mentioning that this area (Trøndelag) but on the overall visual expression of the decorative has both yielded a parallel to Mjeltehaugen’s boat motifs scheme. For example, the slab from Ínsua (Galicia, (Marstrander 1963: 71; Sognnes 1990: 65) and is one Iberian Peninsula) only shares with Mjeltehaugen out of two places where the special type of slate used the geometric motifs of zigzags and fringes, but they for the internal construction of the cists or the chamber both have a visual expression that resembles woven geologically occurs in Norway. The other is around 100km tapestries (Sand-Eriksen 2015: 57-61). This does to the south along the coastline (Askvik 1983: 33), where not necessarily need to be regarded as particularly even clearer parallels to Mjeltehaugen’s boat motifs have meaningful according to the aforementioned objectives, been found (Mandt 1983: Archaeopress22, 1991: 242; Sand-Eriksen but the likeness to tapestries could be explained by 2015: 68-70). This area along the Norwegian west coast, how motifs were transmitted from one area to another stretching from north of present-day Bergen to around (Sand-Eriksen 2015: 70, 83) – i.e. through depictions on Trondheim (Figure 1), may indicate the area where this other materials, like textile, wood or leather, as has been type of boat found its shape. However, this is in no way suggested by both Glob (1969) and Malmer (1981) in a certain, and the boats may be the result of either southern more general discussion of rock art. or northern impulses. The most important point is that they, in all likelihood, represent an older type of boat, Although Mjeltehaugen’s visual expression is more possibly dating to the Nordic LN (cf. Mandt 1991: 280, similar to Ínsua and other graves resembling tapestries 330), and provide testimony regarding the importance of or textiles, like Göhlitzsch and Steine, the motifs and the sea (Sand-Eriksen 2015: 82). their assembly have much closer parallels to the graves with more complex decorative schemes comprising Unlike the Nordic graves, Mjeltehaugen had several motifs, and especially Le Petit-Chasseur. This counterparts in several of the European graves (Sand- particular site consists of cemeteries belonging to a Eriksen 2015: 49-60, 72-6). These examples were nearby farming community, where stelae were erected chosen for comparative study because they, like and used to identify individuals throughout large parts Mjeltehaugen, are tombs featuring decorated slabs with of the 3rd millennium BC. The site is believed to be a motifs bearing a resemblance to that of Mjeltehaugen. key to understanding 3rd millennium BC archaeology

Figure 4. The dagger blade motif. In the middle picture the carved area has been highlighted and the small notch has been marked, making it likely that the blade is in fact shaped after a metal object. Photo and drawings: A. Sand-Eriksen.

in Europe. The monumental tombs, with their decorated that the decorated Mjeltehaugen slabs have a Bell Beaker stelae and grave goods, demonstrate how a population affiliation (Sand-Eriksen 2015:76). The discovery of adjusted to pan-European ideological changes in a possible dagger blade motif (Figure 4) on one of the that period (Harrison and Heyd 2007: 130, 134). The decorated fragmentsAccess from Mjeltehaugen further reinforces Mjeltehaugen slabs were compared to 11 stelae from Le this connection. As previously mentioned, this motif Petit-Chasseur, which previous research has grouped may have been observed earlier, but was then perceived in two categories (Gallay 1995). The heavily decorated and interpreted differently. During the late 1800s, the type B stelae are dated to between 2450 and 2150 BC motif was described as a 12cm long figure resembling and belong to the early Bell Beaker horizon, while aOpen vase (Lorange 1879: 27), and in the early 2000s as a the less decorated type A stelae precedes type B, and triangular-shaped figure, but then portrayed in drawings have been dated back to c. 2900 BC (Harrison and as uneven (Linge 2007: 48, 51-52). In contrast to these Heyd 2007: 144, 150, 170, 191). The majority of the earlier observations, the motif observed during my study Le Petit-Chasseur stelae visually emulate clothing or is clearly a depiction of a weapon (Sand-Eriksen 2015: dresses, and some can be identified as either male or 46). Unfortunately, the shaft and pommel are missing, female. This is partly due to certain geometric motifs making it difficult to determine the exact type, but due and the quantity of motifs used, e.g. the female dresses to the blade, possible parallels can be found. Because of generally being more richly decorated, but mainly the small notch, marked on Figure 4, it seems that this showcased by figurative motives, such as weapons, to is a triangular blade with well-defined edges, which is suggest a male identification (Harrison and Heyd 2007: more reminiscent of metal daggers than, for example, 165). In addition, the clothingArchaeopress decorated with geometric any of Ebbe Lomborg’s (1973) flint dagger-types. The motifs yields, according to Harrison and Heyd (2007: triangular Mjeltehaugen blade with sharp edges is, 171), a Bell Beaker connection and should be regarded however, very similar to several of the daggers depicted as signs of belonging to a Bell Beaker society. on the stelae from Le Petit-Chasseur. These daggers are of the Remedello type, recognisable by their well-defined Like the Mjeltehaugen slabs, the majority of the stelae triangular blade and cresent-shaped pommel (Harrison from Le Petit-Chasseur (with both male and female and Heyd 2007: 160). They primarily appear in tombs of associations) have decorative schemes comprising the eponymous Remedello culture and on stelae of the three or more geometric motifs arranged in a complex final Neolithic in the Alpine region, mainly between 2900 assembly of horizontal bands. The two sites also have to 2500 BC (Fossati 2015: 864-866). several motifs in common, such as zigzags, herringbones and checkerboard patterns, which as a whole result in a Although it is highly interesting that the dagger blade striking resemblance between Mjeltehaugen and several from Mjeltehaugen is similar to the daggers from of the stelae from Le Petit-Chasseur, and especially Le Petit-Chasseur, especially in light of the other those belonging to type B (Sand-Eriksen 2015: 56, 75). similarities in geometric design, it is impossible So, although the Mjeltehaugen slabs do not visually accurately to determine the dagger-type when both the emulate clothing, the occasionally striking similarity in shaft and the pommel are missing. On the other hand, geometric decorative schemes may potentially indicate it is likely that the blade alone could link Mjeltehaugen

13 © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. Mjeltehaugen to a wider European phenomenon in connection with shared features in the material culture between northern early metal production. Seen together with the complex Jutland and southwestern Norway suggest a direct assembly of geometric motifs this should reasonably connection across the Skagerrak strait (cf. Prescott be associated with the BBC. In addition to indicating 2012b: 117). Following successful voyages across a general Bell Beaker influence, the complexity and the strait – themselves suggesting the importance of variations of motifs, especially in a context with maritime knowledge and travelling as a political force depictions of weapons, alludes to a warrior identity or at that time (cf. Kvalø 2007; Prescott 2012b; Prescott ethos (cf. Prieto-Martínez 2013a: 226-227). et al. in press; Østmo 2008, 2012) – the immigrants disembarked somewhere in southwestern Norway, The slabs are not without local influence, represented by perhaps at the aforementioned Slettabø-site (Figure 1). the boats, which according to Mandt (1991: 280, 330) At this particular site, interpreted as a harbour (Prescott could belong to the Nordic LN (cf. Vandkilde 1996: and Glørstad 2015), a fragmented bell beaker was found 140, Vandkilde et al. 1996). Here it has been shown alongside several barbed-and-tanged flint arrowheads that the geometric motifs and the dagger also point in (Skjølsvold 1977). This makes Slettabø highly relevant the direction of an earlier date than previously assumed in terms of initial Bell Beaker explorations. Here the (i.e. EBA Period I to III), and that the monumental immigrants encountered an area suitable for agro- Mjeltehaugen should most likely be dated to the Nordic pastoral production, and an environment that in many LN and possibly the LN1 and second half of the 3rd ways resembled Jutland (Prescott 2012b: 118). So why millennium (Sand-Eriksen 2015: 83). did these emigrants seek further north?

A Bell Beaker afflicted warrior identity within a The search for resources, possibly as ‘scouts’ (cf. maritime environment Anthony 1990), is very likely. Although the type of resources is difficult to determine, the proximate causes The above has shown that Mjeltehaugen had stronger were conceivablyAccess linked to outfield and wilderness 3rd-millennium European parallels than to the Nordic resources, such as fur, pelts, antlers, soapstone and EBA, and the Bell Beaker monuments from Le Petit- timber. Furthermore, the old idea of a travelling metal Chasseur are especially relevant. Although not identical, prospector, as originally suggested by Childe (1930), the geometric motifs from Mjeltehaugen did occasionally warrants new examination (cf. Melheim 2012; Melheim display striking similarities with Le-Petit-Chasseur. This andOpen Prescott 2016). Several copper deposits are found Similar but Different (Czebreszuk 2004) expression along the coast north of Slettabø (Melheim 2015: 164), corresponds well with the general description and with Årdal in Sognefjorden as one of the most promising. perception of Bell Beaker decoration as a standardised The Skrivarhelleren rock shelter (Figure 1) is situated in expression as well as a wide range of regional variations the same area. This site has yielded evidence for one of (cf. Czebreszuk 2004: 7; Prieto-Martínez 2013a: 225). the earliest examples of in situ metallurgical practice of The geometric motifs should therefore be considered as a LN / EBA date in southern Norway (Melheim 2012: a possible expression of Bell Beaker affiliation, which 169; Prescott 1988: 28). This could suggest a relationship together with the dagger blade motif illustrates a warrior with the copper deposits, thus making it probable that identity. However, the slabs also feature a possible early metal artefacts are a result of locally exploited local or regional expression through the boat motifs, copper ores in the Årdal region (Melheim and Prescott which in conjunction with Archaeopressthe placement of the mound 2016; Prescott 2006, 2009). However, indisputable – overlooking the sea-lane – express the importance evidence is lacking. Additionally, the site has findings of the sea and how it was a source of power for elites of Bell Beaker-related objects, most prominently a type (Sand-Eriksen 2015: 86). By tying all this together, the IB flint dagger deposited c. 300m from the rock shelter, monumental Mjeltehaugen mound emerges as possibly a metal rivethead possibly belonging to a LNII halberd one of the oldest expressions of the new institutions of / dagger, as well as an abundance of small ornaments power that in time would characterise the EBA (Sand- of bone, shell and slate, echoing the material culture of Eriksen 2015; also see Prescott et al. in press). Bell Beaker burials (Prescott 1991). This indicates that the early occupants at the Skrivarhelleren rock shelter From Jutland to Norway operated within a Bell Beaker network.

Around 2400 BC a series of new practices and Based on the archaeological record from the mid-3rd institutions, i.e. the introduction of agriculture and millennium BC and onwards, it can be argued that the establishment of the farm, were rapidly adopted some of the aforementioned migrations were to some in present-day Norway. These transitions were likely degree in affiliation with the BBC (e.g. Holberg 2000; tied to regional interactions, with migration and Prescott 2012b; Prescott and Glørstad 2015), while the maritime capacity as relevant factors (e.g. Prescott and sites of Slettabø and Skrivarhelleren clearly display the Walderhaug 1995; Prescott 1996, 2009). Numerous impact of the BBC in western Norway, and it is likely

14 © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. Anette Sand-Eriksen that these sites played an important part in the northern had a need to consolidate their position and increase expansion of the Bell Beaker complex. In the section their power, but in order to do so they were reliant on that follows, it will be argued that Mjeltehaugen should establishing a connection and collaboration with the local be understood in the context of such an expansion, and inhabitants. In an interactional perspective, this would should be seen as an expression of the establishment of make Mjeltehaugen a result of external identification a new elite on the northwestern coast of Norway. and internal self-identification (cf. Jenkins 2004: 176). This could partially explain this grave of ‘foreign’ origin, A monumental expression of the establishment of a which simultaneously contains expressions related to new elite local adjustments (Sand-Eriksen 2015: 90).

During the mid-3rd millennium BC, the area of Mjeltehaugen should therefore be regarded as a result present-day Norway underwent dramatic social and of Bell Beaker impact and as part of a cultural northern economic changes (i.e. the introduction of agriculture expansion along the Norwegian coast. There are, and the establishment of the farm institution) that were however, few findings attributable to the Bell Beaker triggered through the development of a connection Culture in the adjacent areas, thus making it reasonable across the Skagerrak, and the creation of networks to assume that the culture was not dominant throughout between the communities of southern and southwestern the entire coast – or in this particular region for that Norway and Jutland (Prescott 2009: 210; Prescott and matter. It is more likely that the attractive lifestyle Melheim 2009; Prescott and Walderhaug 1995; Østmo of the Bell Beaker Culture appealed to some, and by 2005, 2008, 2009). These changes resulted in increased establishing contact with the locals, the immigrants or socio-political complexity, and a society that saw the ‘scouts’ consolidated their position and increased their emergence of a more comprehensive framework of power. To summarise, it seems likely that Mjeltehaugen identities as well as increased individualisation (cf. is a monumental expression of the establishment of a Moragón 2012: 49, 55-6). Helle Vandkilde (2001: 352) new elite on theAccess northwestern coast of Norway, and that has summed up the situation of the LN in Denmark as a the pan-European Bell Beaker movement reached further social order with sharply defined vertical relationships. north in Scandinavia than has previously been assumed. These social diversities were constituted by social mobility and competition, where the identity as a warrior Acknowledgments was favoured (Vandkilde 2001: 352; see also Harrison Open and Heyd 2007: 133). As argued earlier, the decorated I would like to thank the following individuals who, by Mjeltehaugen slabs could display a social identity different means, contributed to this article: Christopher centred on the notion of an idealised warrior. Based Prescott, Jessica Leigh McGraw, Knut Ivar Austvoll and on this, and in accordance with the above description Eirik Haug Røe. of LN Denmark, the decorated Mjeltehaugen slabs should be regarded as an example of internally directed References social differentiation and identification. The monument and slabs were also externally directed through the Oldfunn XXVI. Oslo, Kulturhistorisk museum. placement of the monumental mound in relation to the Aksdal, J. 1996. Neolitikum i Vestnoreg. Sosiale sea (Sand-Eriksen 2015: 89-90). prosessar i eit regionalt perspektiv. Unpublished Archaeopress Master’s thesis, University of Bergen. Mjeltehaugen is situated on the flat island Giske, thus the Anthony, D. 1990. Migration in Archeology: The Baby monumental mound was visible to everyone sailing by. and the Bathwater. American Anthropologist 92 (4): As such, it may have served a purpose as a marker along 895–914. the sea-lane, as well as demonstrating ownership and Apel, J. 2001. Daggers, knowledge & power: the social status. The open sea along the coast of western Norway aspects of flint-dagger technology in Scandinavia, is difficult to sail, and due to this it is likely that seafaring 2350-1500 cal BC. Coast to Coast Books 3. Uppsala, vessels had to pass through the narrow strait on the Uppsala university. eastern side of Giske. This is also the part of the island Bourdieu, P. 1985. The Social Space and the Genesis of where Mjeltehaugen is located, which could suggest that Groups. Theory and Society 14(6): 723-744. the mound may have expressed control of this strait and Childe, V. G. 1930. The Bronze Age. London, Cambridge the sea-lane itself. In addition to exhibiting high status, University Press. the mound must therefore be considered in association Christie, W. F. K. 1847. Indberetning til Directionen with the overall control of the surrounding area during for det Bergenske Museum. University of Bergen the LN / EBA with a political economy highly dependent Library Manuscrips collection nr. 193 on maritime knowledge, trade and travel (cf. Prescott Czebreszuk, J. 2004. Introduction. In J. Czebreszuk et al. in press; see also Earle 2002; Kristiansen 2007). Similar but Different: Bell Beakers in Europe: 7-10. It is conceivable that migrating Bell Beaker groups Poznan, Adam Mickiewicz University.

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