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The Political Rollercoaster of Italian-French Relations

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The Political Rollercoaster of Italian-French Relations The Political Rollercoaster of Italian-French Relations © 2019 IAI by Jean-Pierre Darnis The French government’s decision perceived in Italy as a French betrayal on 7 February to recall its ambassador because it stopped, albeit temporarily, ISSN 2532-6570 from Rome was the last and most Piedmont’s plans for the unification of dramatic episode in the growing Italy. In the following years, Napoleon tensions between France and Italy. III’s France protected the Pope and the The diplomatic crisis has been fuelled Vatican state with its troops, preventing by differences over a number of the new kingdom of Italy from bilateral European dossiers with a conquering Rome until 1870. mixture of internal and external policy motivations. In 1881, in what was dubbed in Italy the “Slap of Tunis”, France took power The two countries have an intense and over Tunisia without taking into problematic history. Since the French consideration Italian interests in the revolution and Napoleon’s campaign country. In 1940, Italy declared war in Italy in the late 18th century, bilateral on an already defeated France, a move relations have witnessed many ups and denounced as a “stab in the back” by downs. Paris. For example, the 1859 Treaty between Between these crises long periods of Frances’ Napoleon III and the kingdom friendly and cooperative relations have of Piedmont-Sardinia provided ensued. In the 20th century, particularly crucial military support from France after World War II, a significant number to Piedmont during Italy’s second war of Italians immigrated to France. The of independence against Austria. Yet, post-war period was characterised the separate armistice between France by a steady increase in economic and Austria which ended the war was exchanges, leading France and Italy Jean-Pierre Darnis, Associate Professor at the University of Nice Sophia-Antipolis, is Scientific Advisor and Head of the Tech-IR Programme at the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI). IAI COMMENTARIES 19 | 14 - FEBRUARY 2019 19 | 14 - FEBRUARY IAI COMMENTARIES 1 The Political Rollercoaster of Italian-French Relations to become each other’s second largest Emmanuel Macron’s election in 2017 trading partner. added new complications in the bilateral relationship. Macron ran on The 2011 military intervention in Libya a pro-Europe platform, raising high spearheaded by France led to a new rift. expectations in the broadly pro-EU The Italian government led by Silvio Italian centre-left governing coalition Berlusconi at the time was initially led by Paolo Gentiloni. However, one opposed to the intervention fearing of the first decisions taken by Macron © 2019 IAI that it might have destabilising effects, was to block the planned merger but then it reluctantly agreed to partake between Italy’s state-owned ship maker in the military operation on condition Fincantieri and France’s STX Shipyard.2 that leadership be given to NATO.1 This move had domestic motivations Since then, France has been widely in France, but Rome saw it as an depicted in Italy as the main culprit for infringement of a negotiated deal. the ensuing chaos in Libya. France’s This sentiment stemmed in part from critics tend to forget that the civil Italy’s acceptance of multiple takeovers ISSN 2532-6570 war was already underway before the of Italian companies by French intervention and that military action counterparts, notably in the fashion was conducted by a NATO-led coalition and agri-food industries. which also included the US, the UK and Italy itself, as well as other 11 Western In a bid to promote constructive allies. dialogue, French ministers paid several visits to Rome over the following With increased migration pressure months, but failed to make progress on Italy since 2014 in part due to on the stalled merger. The negative the worsening situation in Libya, atmosphere deepened when in the accusatory charges against France have summer of 2017 France organised a periodically re-emerged in the Italian conference on Libya at La Celle Saint- public debate. Cloud with the participation of the two rival leaders, Fayez al-Sarraj, head Yet, the migrant challenge is also an of the Libyan Government of National important political issue in France. It Accord, and Khalifa Haftar, leader of figures prominently on the agenda the Libyan Armed Forces loyal to the of the anti-migrant right. Internal House of Representatives in the Eastern constituencies in both countries are city of Tobruk. pushing for tough anti-migration measures, which leaves very limited The Gentiloni government saw this as space for bilateral or European a further attempt by France to sideline migration deals. Italy on a dossier with key relevance to the Italian national interest. While the 1 Alessandro Colombo and Arturo Varvelli, “L’Italia e la crisi libica”, in Alessandro Colombo 2 Jean-Pierre Darnis, “Bilaterale Francia- and Ettore Greco, eds, La politica estera Italia: Stx/Fincantieri, torna il sereno”, in dell’Italia. Edizione 2012, Bologna, Il Mulino, AffarInternazionali, 26 September 2017, https:// 2012, p. 73-96. www.affarinternazionali.it/?p=66388. IAI COMMENTARIES 19 | 14 - FEBRUARY 2019 19 | 14 - FEBRUARY IAI COMMENTARIES 2 The Political Rollercoaster of Italian-French Relations meeting did not produce any tangible Salvini’s League party, which presents progress in the ongoing attempts to itself as the champion of the struggle bring stability and political unity to against migration, has indeed assumed Libya, the French summit added a an antagonistic stance towards Macron, new dose of acrimony to the bilateral harshly criticising his European vision. relationship. Macron and several French ministers, in turn, have not spared criticism of Yet, the new French presidency became Salvini’s anti-EU and anti-migration © 2019 IAI aware that relations with Italy had tirades. become a problem and began to back- pedal: in September 2017, during a Macron has thus become the bogeyman bilateral summit in Lyon, a renewed of the Italian governing coalition. As a and more complex deal was reached result, the already widespread distrust between Fincantieri and the French towards the French President has companies STX and Naval Group.3 deepened in Italy. Some of the French ministers reciprocated, accusing Moreover, and following Macron’s the new Italian leaders of “populist ISSN 2532-6570 initiative, a plan for a bilateral treaty – leprosy”.5 a “Quirinale Treaty” after the name of the residence of Italy’s President of the These developments may be the first Republic – modelled on the successful political volleys in the upcoming 1963 Franco-German Élysée treaty – campaign for European parliamentary was announced in early 2018 during elections scheduled for 26 May. The the French president’s visit to Rome.4 acrimonious relations between the leaders and governing parties in France The move came too late, however, and Italy have indeed seeped into the as Italy was entering its political broader bilateral relations between campaign for the 2018 general Paris and Rome. elections which resulted in the victory of the anti-establishment Five Star It is worth noting that France’s Movement (MoVimento 5 Stelle – M5S) ambassador in Rome, Christian Masset, led by Luigi Di Maio and the right-wing was twice summoned by the Italian League party led by Matteo Salvini. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 2018. two winning parties, which formed The first happened on 30 March due to a coalition government headed by an incident in which French customs current Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte, officers performed checks on a Nigerian are very critical of Europe and favour a for possible possession of drugs in the broadly nationalist agenda. Bardonecchia train station without an Italian officer present. The second came in June, to protest against Macron’s statement about “Italy’s cynicism and 3 Ibid. irresponsibility” on the migration issue 4 Emanuele Cuda, “Francia-Italia: destinazione ‘Trattato del Quirinale’”, in L’Indro, 11 January 2018, https://www.lindro.it/francia-italia-destinazione- 5 Nicolas Barotte, “Macron dénonce ‘la lépre’ trattato-del-quirinale. populiste en Europe”, in Le Figaro, 21 June 2018. IAI COMMENTARIES 19 | 14 - FEBRUARY 2019 19 | 14 - FEBRUARY IAI COMMENTARIES 3 The Political Rollercoaster of Italian-French Relations following Salvini’s refusal to allow the local elections in Italy and the 26 May Aquarius vessel carrying migrants European election. In this context, rescued in the Mediterranean to dock each has been competing, among in Italian ports, unless an agreement other things, in attacking the French was first reached among European presidency to gain popular support. countries on the national distribution of these migrants. Di Maio, in particular, has intensified his criticism of France and vowed to © 2019 IAI Then, in early 2019, bilateral tensions support the yellow jacket movement. took a further hit. On 21 January France These moves, which triggered the strong summoned the Italian ambassador in French diplomatic reaction, eventually Paris and on 7 February moved to re- played into the hands of electoral rival call its ambassador from Rome. and coalition partner Matteo Salvini, Italy’s other Deputy Prime Minister, and The action was taken following yet Interior Minister. The latter was indeed another accusatory statement by Luigi quicker in softening his anti-French Di Maio, Italy’s Deputy Prime Minister, rhetoric when the crisis reached its ISSN 2532-6570 Minister of Economic Development, climax with the recalling of the French Labour and Social Policies – as well ambassador, which made him appear as the formal head of the M5S party –, more moderate and statesmanlike who accused France of “colonialism” in compared to Di Maio. Africa.6 To make matters worse, Di Maio subsequently travelled to France and While the recent diplomatic scuffle met a controversial leader of the French is simply the last development in “yellow vests” movement, Christophe an ongoing disagreement it may be Chalençon, who had called for a transformed, if managed properly, into military coup to overthrow Macron.7 an opportunity for an institutional reset.
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