Book Review of Allen G. Debus

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Book Review of Allen G. Debus Book Reviews 131 mistakes and unrealized possibilities, is ALLEN G. DEBUS : Chemistry and always worthwhile in history; and here Medical Debate. Van Helmont to it pays off too, and allows authors to Boerhaave , Science History Publica- raise the question whether (as biog- tions, Canton MA, 2001, xvii + 277 raphers of Lavoisier have wondered) the pp. [ISBN 0-88135-285-3]. honor and glory goes to the ambitious bastards. We also meet conservatism about innovations, theoretical or in- In the field of the history of science Al- strumental, which historians have len G. Debus deserves to be ranked learned to expect at all times and places. among the innovators. In his pioneering One unsurprising feature is that whereas studies, he has presented such figures as (as Wurtz in fact ruefully realized) nine- Paracelsus and Robert Fludd as subjects teenth-century chemistry was a German worthy of study. Within a domain that science, the twentieth was the American was dominated by physics and astrono- century – important things happened my, he saw a space for chemistry. He elsewhere, but it was the research has placed the history of medicine with- schools in the American universities and in a wider scientific, religious, and phil- their links with industry, brought out osophical context and has characterized particularly by Nicolas Rasmussen, that the ‘chemical philosophy’ as a third were dominant. force between the declining Aristoteli- We look at the rise of cosmochemis- anism and the rising mechanical philos- try, at radiochemistry, polymer science, ophy. He has always highlighted the and biotechnology, with authors who close relationship between the spread of are good guides into these territories – humanistic ideals, the increase in philo- though some of the papers would have logical skill, and scientific progress in benefited from a read-through by a na- the early-modern period (from this tive speaker of English. And we end point of view, his Man and Nature in the with BERNADETTE BENSAUDE -VINCENT Renaissance is exemplary). He has never looking at materials science and raising missed the opportunity to emphasize the question whether chemists have a the connections among such cultural future in this new world. Chemistry has factors as religious humanism, biblical such a long past that it would be sur- studies, and textual authority in the prising if like some dinosaur it were to making of the scientific enterprise, most become extinct; but while sciences are of all the cross-referencing of the great not social constructions, the boundaries book of nature and the Scriptures. Last between them clearly are – and ‘chemis- but not least, he has never undermined try’ might cease to be a useful label. But the role of the educational establish- we can infer from these studies that ment and the pedagogical implications chemists are likely to continue to be of the new science. crucial figures in the research teams In this volume, Debus retraces the which, to the continuing bafflement of principal results of his studies, specifi- lay people, will carry science forward as cally focusing on the debate between an intellectual, a practical, and a social chemistry and medicine, a debate that activity. was triggered in the 16 th century by the appearance of the Paracelsian œuvre and David Knight: that was far from concluded at the end Department of Philosophy, University of of the eighteenth century. One of the Durham, 50, Old Elvet, great merits of Debus’ book is its far- Durham DH1 3HN, UK; ranging scope and the attention to long- [email protected] term developments in the history of sci- ence. It is indeed the case that teleology has become anathema in the field of his- torical studies of late. One ought to ask HYLE – International Journal for Philosophy of Chemistry, Vol. 8 (2002), No. 2. Copyright 2002 by HYLE and the authors. 132 Book Reviews whether teleology implies, as it is sup- cartes’ advocacy of dualism? Was chem- posed, a linear account of history. One istry a Trojan horse in the philosophical might ask whether teleology may be citadel of the mechanical philosophy used to indicate instead a tension to- (especially when dealing with such elu- ward a potential meaning in the unfold- sive topics as respiration, combustion, ing of human events. (The question and digestion)? Was the mechanical phi- whether this meaning is inherent in his- losophy so unmoved by the chemical tory or it is only a reasonable projection philosophy? Borelli, Malpighi, and Bel- by the historian can here be left aside lini, for instance, were sincere believers being a matter of metaphysics and phi- in the validity of the iatrophysical ap- losophy of history rather than of histo- proach in medicine, and yet they made riography.) The philosopher may be frequent use of the chemical armory – content with a view of history as the both from a theoretical and an experi- domain of chance, arbitrariness, and ir- mental point of view – to explain the rationality, but the historian, in recount- origin and maintenance of life within ing a meaningful story, looks for a se- the bodily engine. quence of events, that is, a plot. And By way of dialectical counterpoint, plots have prologues and aftermath. the establishing of the mechanical medi- This is quite apparent, for example, cine is an important component of De- when dealing with Jan Baptiste van bus’ book. Iatrophysics was a complex Helmont’s work and its fortunes and variegated phenomenon. It could through the 17 th and 18 th centuries. De- represent the introduction of quantifica- bus tells us that if we want to follow the tion and measurement into the domain Wirkungsgeschichte of Helmont’s chemi- of physiology up to the most refined cal and medical thought we need to bear use of the calculus in matters of animal well in mind the writings of Hermann economy. It could advocate reliance on Boerhaave, Georg Ernst Stahl, Joseph mathematics and on the universal laws Black, Gabriel François Venel, Antoine of motion, fluids and solids for the Lavoisier, and Xavier Bichat, and not study of the life processes. Albeit reluc- confine ourselves to the parochial set- tantly, some iatrophysicists agreed to ting of late 17 th -century English medi- reserve some space for chemical applica- cine. Big pictures, macro-histories, and tions in the medical field, but even sa- the widening of geographical horizons vants like Boerhaave and Stahl were in- produce sense. And not only that: in van terested in what we would call inorganic Helmont’s case, the diachronic pattern chemistry rather than the chemical in- is more reliable than the typical syn- terpretation of life; that is to say, they chronic, contextual device traditionally did not embark on any attempt to un- adopted by historians, namely, the battle derstand the vital functions of the body between mechanists and vitalists. and the processes of living matter in The rich historical reconstruction chemical terms. Referring to Boerhaa- provided by Debus’ book makes the ve’s and Stahl’s position, Debus rightly reader question more than once the le- notes that it was “a fundamental break gitimacy of the hackneyed polarization with the Paracelsian-Helmontian tradi- between mechanism and vitalism in ear- tion” (p. 222). Before Lavoisier’s grand ly modern medicine. Can we still label synthesis, the separation between chem- Boerhaave a mechanist when we learn istry and medicine, apart from the spe- that, especially in the last part of his life, cific section of materia medica, re- he devoted so much energy to under- mained common among medical and standing the alchemical legacy? Can we chemical practitioners. It may seem a refer to Stahl as a vitalist when his belief paradox, but the division between medi- in the inertia of matter and the mechan- cine and chemistry – medicine and ical arrangement of the body has the chemistry being understood as the re- same clarity and presumption as Des- spective domains of the ensouled body Book Reviews 133 and inert matter – could be justified as try as a product of the Egyptian wisdom the result of a far-fetched interpretation on the other. With an eye for the tech- of Helmont’s philosophy. In the Hel- nological side of the chemical practice, montian system, life and matter were Boerhaave argued that chemical theoriz- incommensurable entities, and the vital ing originated from the fabulous stories spark was a transcendent accident super- made up by miners eager to make sense imposed on prime matter by a divine of the terrifying and inexplicable sides command. Whilst the contingent nature of their job. Platonic and Hermetic ele- of the manifestations of life in the creat- ments were added later to give an aura ed world had not prevented Helmont of mysticism and philosophy. Depend- from viewing chemistry as the privileged ing on the specific idelogical need, the access to knowledge of life in the new Arabs (Rhazes and Avicenna, in particu- foundation of medicine, the great ma- lar) were extolled to the detriment of jority of physicians and anatomists, in Paracelsus’ contribution, or vice versa. keeping with the more reassuring tenets In his Histoire de la médicine (1696) of the chemical Galenism à la Sennert, Daniel LeClerc restated the belief that preferred to maintain the foundations of “Hermes, or Mercury, or Toth” was the medicine and chemistry separated and to “Inventor of Physick” and repeated the relegate the chemical contribution to the traditional genealogy from the Arabic manufacture of metallic-based remedies. alchemists to Paracelsus via Roger Ba- We have to wait for the medical theore- con and Arnald of Villanova. John ticians of the Montpellier school (a re- Freind replied to LeClerc’s alchemical- nowned center of vital medicine) such ly-biased account with his History of as François Bossier de Sauvages, Théo- Physick (1744) in which he presented phile Bordeu, and Paul-Joseph Barthez, medicine and chemistry as evolving to- to find a deliberate attempt to bridge the ward a fully realized Newtonian system.
Recommended publications
  • Vitalismo, Idéologiey Fisiología En Buenos Aires. La Polémica Entre
    Artículos de investigación en Estudios Sociales de la Salud Vitalismo, idéologie y fisiología en Buenos Aires. La polémica entre Cosme Argerich y Crisóstomo Lafinur en El Americano, 1819 Vitalism, Idéologie and Physiology in Buenos Aires. The Debate between Cosme Argerich and Crisóstomo Lafinur in El Americano, 1819 Vitalismo, Ideologia e fisiologia em Buenos Aires. A polémica entre Cosme Argerich e Crisóstomo Lafinur emEl Americano, 1819 Mariano Di Pasquale, PhD1 Recibido: diciembre 11 de 2014 • Aprobado: marzo 11 de 2015 Doi: dx.doi.org/10.12804/revsalud13.especial.2015.02 Para citar este artículo: Di Pasquale M. Vitalismo, idéologie y fisiología en Buenos Aires. La polémica entre Cosme Argerich y Crisóstomo Lafinur en El Americano, 1819. Rev Cienc Salud 2015; 13 (esp): 13-28. Doi: dx.doi.org/10.12804/revsalud13.especial.2015.02 Resumen Objetivo: analizar la disputa intelectual entre el médico Cosme Mariano Argerich y el profesor de Filosofía Juan Crisóstomo Lafinur. El debate, situado en el espacio porteño y registrado en el diario El Americano, se originó por la introducción de nuevas enseñanzas ligadas al sensualismo y a la Fisiología francesa en el Colegio de la Unión del Sud en 1819. Desarrollo: se desea demostrar la existencia de un proceso de apropiación de saberes de estos actores locales según sus intereses y posicionamientos. Conclusiones: el propósito de Argerich y Lafinur era construir argumenta- ciones con el fin de convencer a una incipiente opinión pública de las propuestas del sensualismo y de la Fisiología de Magendie, respectivamente. En su afán por vencer en la discusión, ambos personajes perfeccionaron tanto sus demostraciones, que se puede observar un registro discursivo distinto respecto a las nociones originales de los autores europeos.
    [Show full text]
  • The Controversy Between Leibniz and Stahl on the Theory of Chemistry
    The Controversy Between Leibniz and Stahl on the Theory of Chemistry Alexis Smets* During the early modern period, the relation between chemistry and the other disciplines was in a state of flux. Aristotle’s matter theories presented in De gene- ratione et corruptione and in the Meteorologica had been embedded in his overall hylemorphic system. With the breakdown of the Aristotelian system, it became unclear where chemistry belonged and whether it had to borrow its principles from another science or had to establish them by itself. The situation was rende- red even more delicate as chemistry could be divided into a theoretical part, which was strongly related to natural philosophy, and a practical part, which qualified more as an art than as a science. Seventeenth-century textbooks of chemistry usually opened with a theoretical account of matter; but indeed, they very often defined chemistry as an art, not as a purely deductive science in the manner of the Cartesian project.1 However, as Leibniz often pointed out, building theories in a deductive fashion was useful, since it permitted to capture and organise elements of knowledge that would otherwise remain scattered.2 In other words, deduction allowed finding general principles under which elements of knowledge were to be structured.3 Thus, in spite of the eventual difficulty of erecting chemistry on its own principles, there existed a real need, internal to chemistry itself, for a theory that gave a solid account of practice.4 The existence of this tension between chemical and physical theories, and betwe- en practice and theory, is the reason why the controversy that arose between Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646–1716) and Georg Ernst Stahl (1660–1734) is so interesting.
    [Show full text]
  • Herman Boerhaave
    Herman Boerhaave History of Science and Scholarship in the Netherlands, volume â The series History of Science and Scholarship in the Netherlands presents studies on a variety of subjects in the history of science, scholarship and academic institu- tions in the Netherlands. Titles in this series ". Rienk Vermij, The Calvinist Copernicans. The reception of the new astronomy in the Dutch Republic, "äæä^"æäò. áòòá, isbn ñò-åñðã-âãò-ã á. Gerhard Wiesenfeldt, Leerer Raum in Minervas Haus. Experimentelle Natur- lehre an der Universita« t Leiden, "åæä^"æ"ä.áòòá,isbn ñò-åñðã-ââñ-ò â. Rina Knoeff, Herman Boerhaave ,"ååð^"æâð). Calvinist chemist and physician. áòòá, isbn ñò-åñðã-âãá-ò ã. Johanna Levelt Sengers, How fluids unmix. Discoveries by the School of Van der Waals and Kamerlingh Onnes. áòòá, isbn ñò-åñðã-âäæ-ñ Editorial Board K. van Berkel, University of Groningen W.Th.M. Frijhoff, Free University of Amsterdam A. van Helden, Utrecht University W.E. Krul, University of Groningen A. de Swaan, Amsterdam School of Sociological Research R.P.W. Visser, Utrecht University Herman Boerhaave 7"ååð-"æâð) Calvinist chemist and physician Rina Knoeff Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen, Amsterdam áòòá ß áòòá Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopy- ing, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the pub- lisher. Edita knaw, P.O. Box "ñ"á", "òòò gc Amsterdam, the Netherlands [email protected], www.knaw.nl/edita isbn ñò-åñðã-âãá-ò The paper in this publication meets the requirements of *? iso-norm ñæòå 7"ññã) for permanence For my parents Every man's work, whether it be literature or music or pictures or architecture or anything else, is always a portrait of himself, and the more he tries to conceal himself the more clearly will his character appear in spite of him.
    [Show full text]
  • The Problem of Combustion S
    EHIND B TH Y E R The Problem of Combustion S O C T I E S Explanation and Phlogiston N E C H E T Georg Ernst Stahl Much early thinking about combustion sought to ! explain its observable impact. The flickering flames Teaching and learning contemporary well- and rising smoke, for example, were interpreted as established science ideas without periodically something escaping from the burning material. examining how those ideas were developed and Furthermore, combustion of rigid and heavy logs left became accepted can create misconceptions behind a much lighter and less substantial ash. Many regarding the nature of science. As this story observers claimed that an 'inflammable principle' was regarding the problem of combustion illustrates, escaping during combustion. Thus, when the fire science research is an intense puzzle-solving extinguished, this was due to the inflammable principle endeavor with no answer-key. Scientists must departing from its original vessel into the air. The develop ideas to make sense of nature and objective of many 17th and 18 th century chemists was to assess the viability of those ideas. As you read, identify the nature of this 'inflammable principle.' keep in mind that the efforts to understand the problem of combustion and uncertainty By the mid-18th century, most chemists referred to the regarding conservation of mass were occurring 'inflammable principle' asphlogiston — the agent of at the same time (see the related story “The combustibility. This thinking, originating in the German Development and Acceptance of the lands, went against the mechanical worldview that Conservation of Mass Law”). prevailed in science at the time.
    [Show full text]
  • ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UPSALIENSIS Uppsala Studies in History of Ideas 48
    ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UPSALIENSIS Uppsala Studies in History of Ideas 48 ANDREAS RYDBERG Inner Experience An Analysis of Scientific Experience in Early Modern Germany Dissertation presented at Uppsala University to be publicly examined in Geijersalen (Eng6-1023), Engelska Parken, Humanistiskt centrum, Thunbergsvägen 3P, Uppsala, Friday, 9 June 2017 at 10:00 for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. The examination will be conducted in Swedish. Faculty examiner: Kristiina Savin (Lunds universitet, Institutionen för kulturvetenskaper). Abstract Rydberg, A. 2017. Inner Experience. An Analysis of Scientific Experience in Early Modern Germany. Uppsala Studies in History of Ideas 48. 245 pp. Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis. ISBN 978-91-554-9926-6. In the last decades a number of studies have shed light on early modern scientific experience. While some of these studies have focused on how new facts were forced out of nature in so-called experimental situations, others have charted long-term transformations. In this dissertation I explore a rather different facet of scientific experience by focusing on the case of the Prussian university town Halle in the period from the late seventeenth till the mid-eighteenth century. At this site philosophers, theologians and physicians were preoccupied with categories such as inner senses , inner experience, living experience, psychological experiments and psychometrics. In the study I argue that these hitherto almost completely overlooked categories take us away from observations of external things to the internal organisation of experience and to entirely internal objects of experience. Rather than seeing this internal side of scientific experience as mere theory and epistemology, I argue that it was an integral and central part of what has been referred to as the cultura animi tradition, that is, the philosophical and medical tradition of approaching the soul as something in need of cultivation, education, disciplination and cure.
    [Show full text]
  • Chemistry Qualities Vs. Quantities Quantities Only, Please…
    Chemistry The Science of Matter: A development in the later part of the Scientific Revolution SC/STS 3760, XVII 1 Qualities vs. Quantities Chemical properties seem qualitative. – Alchemy was almost entirely qualitative. – Colour, consistency, taste, odour, hardness, what combines with what. – Chemical change is a change of quality. Terminology: – “Virtues” – “Active principles” All ancient precepts SC/STS 3760, XVII 2 Quantities only, please… The new science, since Newton, required that all facets of the physical world be describable with measurable quantities. – Everything is to be understood as matter and motion. SC/STS 3760, XVII 3 1 Phlogiston Theory Phlogiston theory was the first workable chemical theory that was conceived entirely on mechanist principles. – Its origin was from alchemy. SC/STS 3760, XVII 4 A Biblical interpretation J. J. Becher was a German scientist/philosopher of the mid 17th century, the son of a Lutheran minister. – He noted that the book of Genesis spoke only of organic materials, and concluded that they were the sole basis of creation. – Metals, he concluded, were byproducts of organic matter. SC/STS 3760, XVII 5 Terra Pinguis Becher believed that there were three principles of compound bodies: – Vitreous – Mercury – Terra Pinguis (fatty earth). Terra pinguis is what gave bodies their properties of taste, odour, and combustibility. SC/STS 3760, XVII 6 2 Phlogiston Georg Ernst Stahl (1660-1734), a German physician, took the notion of terra pinguis as an essential explanatory principle. He changed its name to phlogiston, the fire principle. – Through phlogiston, Stahl endeavoured to explain all of chemistry. SC/STS 3760, XVII 7 Phlogiston’s properties Phlogiston is released when: – Wood burns.
    [Show full text]
  • Marie François Xavier Bichat (11.11.1771 Thoirette (Dep
    36 Please take notice of: (c)Beneke. Don't quote without permission. Marie François Xavier Bichat (11.11.1771 Thoirette (Dep. Jura) - 22.7.1802 Paris) Mitbegründer der experimentellen Physiologie Klaus Beneke Institut für Anorganische Chemie der Christian-Albrechts-Universität der Universität D-24098 Kiel [email protected] Auszug und ergänzter Artikel (Januar 2004) aus: Klaus Beneke Biographien und wissenschaftliche Lebensläufe von Kolloid- wissenschaftlern, deren Lebensdaten mit 1996 in Verbindung stehen. Beiträge zur Geschichte der Kolloidwissenschaften, VIIi Mitteilungen der Kolloid-Gesellschaft, 1999, Seite 37-40 Verlag Reinhard Knof, Nehmten ISBN 3-934413-01-3 37 Marie François Xavier Bichat (11.11.1771 Thoirette (Dep. Jura) - 22.7.1802 Paris) Marie François Xavier Bichat wurde als Sohn des Physikers und Arztes Jean-Baptiste Bichat und dessen Ehefrau Jeanne-Rose Bi- chard, einer Cousine ihres Mannes geboren. Dieser hatte in Montpellier studiert und prakti- zierte als Arzt in Poncin-en-Bugey. M. F. X. Bichat studierte Medizin in Montpellier und Lyon. Allerdings wurde das Studium durch die Ereignisse der Französischen Revolution öfters unterbrochen. Von 1791 bis 1793 studierte Bi- chat als Schüler von Marc-Antoine Petit (03.09.1766 Lyon - 07.07.1811 Villeurbanne) am Hôtel-Dieu in Lyon Chirugie und Anatomie. Danach ging er nach Paris, wo er von dem Chi- rugen Pierre Joseph Desault (06.02.1744 Magny-Vernois - 01.06.1795 Paris) besonders gefördert wurde und dieser ihn mit der Leitung Marie François Xavier Bichat des „Journal de Chirugie“ betraute. Pierre Desault wurde 1795, kurz vor seinem Tode, Professor an der ersten von ihm begründeten chirugischen Klinik in Frankreich, nachdem er ab 1788 als Chefchirug am Hôtel-Dieu in Paris wirkte.
    [Show full text]
  • Michael Alberti and the Medical Therapy of the Internal Senses
    Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences, Vol. 74, No. 3, pp. 245–266 doi: 10.1093/jhmas/jrz030 Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/jhmas/article-abstract/74/3/245/5520624 by Uppsala Universitetsbibliotek user on 16 October 2019 Advance Access Publication: June 19, 2019 Original Article Michael Alberti and the Medical Therapy of the Internal Senses ANDREAS RYDBERG Researcher, Department of History of Science and Ideas, Uppsala University, Sweden [email protected] ABSTRACT In the first half of the eighteenth century, the German physician Michael Alberti was responsible for hundreds of dissertations and other works in medicine. While the bulk of the production reflected the dominating medical topics of his time, he also devel- oped an original focus on the internal senses and their effects on bodily health and dis- ease. Depending on whether internal senses, such as imagination and memory, were cultivated in the right way or not, they could work as powerful remedies or as equally powerful triggers of disease and even death. This article explores this little known strand of early modern medicine in three steps. First, it shows that Alberti’s medicine took form in intimate connection to the Stahlian brand of Pietist medicine. As such, it further elaborated an existing strand of medicine that was intimately connected to German Pietism. Second, it analyses in some detail the role of the internal senses from a pathological and therapeutic perspective as well as examining what kind of persona the physician ought to embody. Lastly, it raises larger questions regarding how to un- derstand this strand of early modern medicine.
    [Show full text]
  • The Order of the Prophets: Series in Early French Social Science and Socialism
    Hist. Sci., xlviii (2010) THE ORDER OF THE PROPHETS: SERIES IN EARLY FRENCH SOCIAL SCIENCE AND SOCIALISM John Tresch University of Pennsylvania Everything that can be thought by the mind or perceived by the senses is necessarily a series.1 According to the editors of an influential text in the history of social science, “in the first half of the nineteenth century the expression series seemed destined to a great philosophical future”.2 The expression itself seems to encourage speculation on destiny. Elements laid out in a temporal sequence ask to be continued through the addition of subsequent terms. “Series” were particularly prominent in the French Restoration and July Monarchy (1815–48) in works announcing a new social science. For example, the physician and republican conspirator J. P. B. Buchez, a former fol- lower of Henri de Saint-Simon who led a movement of Catholic social reform, made “series” central to his Introduction à la science de l’histoire. Mathematical series show a “progression”, not “a simple succession of unrelated numbers”; in human history, we discover two simultaneous series: “one growing, that of good; one diminishing, that of evil.” The inevitability of positive progress was confirmed by recent findings in physiology, zoology and geology. Correlations between the developmental stages of organisms, species, and the Earth were proof that humanity’s presence in the world “was no accident”, and that “labour, devotion and sacrifice” were part of the “universal order”. The “great law of progress” pointed toward a socialist republic in fulfilment both of scripture and of the promise of 1789.
    [Show full text]
  • Organism of a Body to the Body of an Organism: Occurrence and Meaning of the Word ‘Organism’ from the Seventeenth to the Nineteenth Centuries
    BJHS 39(3): 319–339, September 2006. f British Society for the History of Science doi:10.1017/S0007087406007953 From the organism of a body to the body of an organism: occurrence and meaning of the word ‘organism’ from the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries TOBIAS CHEUNG* Abstract. This paper retraces the occurrence of the word ‘organism’ in writings of different authors from the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries. It seeks to clarify chronological and conceptual shifts in the usage and meaning of the word. After earlier uses of the word in medieval sources, the Latin word organismus appeared in 1684 in Stahl’s medico- physiological writings. Around 1700 it can be found in French (organisme), English (organism), Italian (organismo) and later also in German (Organismus). During the eighteenth century the word ‘organism’ generally referred to a specific principle or form of order that could be applied to plants, animals or the entire world. At the end of the eighteenth century the term became a generic name for individual living entities. From around 1830 the word ‘organism’ replaced the expressions ‘organic’ or ‘organized body’ as a recurrent technical term in the emerging biological disciplines. There is still confusion in the secondary literature about the occurrence of the word ‘organism’ from the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries. The first objective of this essay is to clarify the sources and contexts of its first usages; the second is to highlight a major shift in its meaning. At the end of the eighteenth century the ‘organism’1 as a principle of order became a generic name for individuals as natural entities or living beings.
    [Show full text]
  • Aimé Bonpland (1773-1858)
    Julio Rafael Contreras Roqué, Adrián Giacchino, Bárbara Gasparri y Yolanda E. Davies ENSAYOS SOBRE AIMÉ BONPLAND (1773-1858) BONPLAND Y EL PARAGUAY, EL BOTÁNICO Y SU RELACIONAMIENTO HUMANO Y UN ENIGMÁTICO VISITANTE ENSAYOS SOBRE AIMÉ BONPLAND (1773-1858) BONPLAND Y EL PARAGUAY, EL BOTÁNICO Y SU RELACIONAMIENTO HUMANO Y UN ENIGMÁTICO VISITANTE ENSAYOS SOBRE AIMÉ BONPLAND (1773-1858) BONPLAND Y EL PARAGUAY, EL BOTÁNICO Y SU RELACIONAMIENTO HUMANO Y UN ENIGMÁTICO VISITANTE Diseño gráfico: Mariano Masariche. Ilustración de tapa: Aimé Bonpland. Acero grabado. Alemania siglo XIX. Fundación de Historia Natural Félix de Azara Centro de Ciencias Naturales y Antropológicas Universidad Maimónides Hidalgo 775 P. 7º - Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires (54) 11-4905-1100 int. 1228 / www.fundacionazara.org.ar Impreso en Argentina - 2020 Se ha hecho el depósito que marca la ley 11.723. No se permite la reproducción parcial o total, el almacenamiento, el alquiler, la transmisión o la transformación de este libro, en cualquier forma o por cualquier medio, sea electrónico o mecánico, mediante fotocopias, digitalización u otros métodos, sin el permiso previo y escrito del editor. Su infracción está penada por las leyes 11.723 y 25.446. El contenido de este libro es responsabilidad de sus autores Aimé Bonpland, 1773-1858 : Bonpland y el Paraguay, el botánico y su relacionamiento humano y un enigmático visitante / Julio Rafael Contreras Roqué ... [et al.]. - 1a ed . - Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires : Fundación de Historia Natural Félix de Azara ; Universidad Maimónides, 2020. 214 p. ; 24 x 17 cm. ISBN 978-987-3781-48-3 1. Biografías. I. Contreras Roqué, Julio Rafael CDD 920 Fecha de catalogación: abril de 2020 ENSAYOS SOBRE AIMÉ BONPLAND (1773-1858) BONPLAND Y EL PARAGUAY, EL BOTÁNICO Y SU RELACIONAMIENTO HUMANO Y UN ENIGMÁTICO VISITANTE AUTORES Julio Rafael Contreras Roqué(†) Adrián Giacchino1 Bárbara Gasparri1 Yolanda E.
    [Show full text]
  • The Strange Case of 19Th Century Vitalism
    The Strange Case of 19th Century Vitalism El extraño caso del vitalismo del siglo XIX Axel PÉREZ TRUJILLO Universidad Autónoma de Madrid [email protected] Recibido: 15/09/2011 Aprobado: 20/12/2011 Abstract: The progress of the Natural Sciences at the dawn of the 19th century was decisive in the me- taphysical debates between philosophers, as well as in literary circles around Europe. Driven by the breakthroughs in Biology, Chemistry, and Physiology, Medicine became an essential source of influence in philosophical research. The purpose of this paper is twofold: on the one hand, it will attempt to demonstrate the influence that Medicine had on the arguments advanced by a central philosopher during the 1800s, Arthur Schopenhauer, and, on the other hand, it will also trace such influence within Gothic fiction. The result will be a sober witness to the interdisciplinary nature of Philosophy, Medicine, and Literature. Keywords: Medicine, Arthur Schopenhauer, Xavier Bichat, Mary Shelley, pessimism, physio- logy, vitalism, Gothic fiction. Resumen: El avance de las Ciencias Naturales durante los primeros años del siglo XIX fue decisivo en el desarrollo de los debates metafísicos entre filósofos y, a su vez, inspiró los temas de muchas tertu- lias literarias en Europa. Impulsada por los descubrimientos en Biología, Química y Fisiología, la BAJO PALABRA. Revista de Filosofía. 63 II Época, Nº 7, (2012): 63-71 The Strange Case of 19th Century Vitalism Medicina se convirtió en una fuente de inspiración en las investigaciones filosóficas de la época. El propósito de este artículo es demostrar el impacto que la Medicina tuvo sobre los argumentos de uno de los filósofos centrales de la época, Arthur Schopenhauer.
    [Show full text]