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Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany
University of Vermont ScholarWorks @ UVM UVM Honors College Senior Theses Undergraduate Theses 2018 Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany William Peter Fitz University of Vermont Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses Recommended Citation Fitz, William Peter, "Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany" (2018). UVM Honors College Senior Theses. 275. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses/275 This Honors College Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Theses at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in UVM Honors College Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. REACTIONARY POSTMODERNISM? NEOLIBERALISM, MULTICULTURALISM, THE INTERNET, AND THE IDEOLOGY OF THE NEW FAR RIGHT IN GERMANY A Thesis Presented by William Peter Fitz to The Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of The University of Vermont In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements For the Degree of Bachelor of Arts In European Studies with Honors December 2018 Defense Date: December 4th, 2018 Thesis Committee: Alan E. Steinweis, Ph.D., Advisor Susanna Schrafstetter, Ph.D., Chairperson Adriana Borra, M.A. Table of Contents Introduction 1 Chapter One: Neoliberalism and Xenophobia 17 Chapter Two: Multiculturalism and Cultural Identity 52 Chapter Three: The Philosophy of the New Right 84 Chapter Four: The Internet and Meme Warfare 116 Conclusion 149 Bibliography 166 1 “Perhaps one will view the rise of the Alternative for Germany in the foreseeable future as inevitable, as a portent for major changes, one that is as necessary as it was predictable. -
The Global New Right and the Flemish Identitarian Movement Schild & Vrienden a Case Study
Paper The global New Right and the Flemish identitarian movement Schild & Vrienden A case study by Ico Maly© (Tilburg University) [email protected] December 2018 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/ The global New Right and the Flemish identitarian movement Schild & Vrienden. A case study. Ico Maly Abstract: This paper argues that nationalism, and nationalistic activism in particular are being globalized. At least certain fringes of radical nationalist activists are organized as ‘cellular systems’ connected and mobilize-able on a global scale giving birth to what I call ‘global nationalistic activism’. Given this change in nationalist activism, I claim that we should abandon all ‘methodological nationalism’. Methodological nationalism fails in arriving at a thorough understanding of the impact, scale and mobilization power (Tilly, 1974) of contemorary ‘national(istic)’ political activism. Even more, it inevitably will contribute to the naturalization or in emic terms the meta-political goals of global nationalist activists. The paradox is of course evident: global nationalism uses the scale- advantages, network effects and the benefits of cellular structures to fight for the (re)construction of the old 19th century vertebrate system par excellence: the (blood and soil) nation. Nevertheless, this, I will show, is an indisputable empirical reality: the many local nationalistic battles are more and more embedded in globally operating digital infrastructures mobilizing militants from all corners of the world for nationalist causes at home. Nationalist activism in the 21st century, so goes my argument, has important global dimensions which are easily repatriated for national use. -
Illiberalism Studies Program Working Papers
ILLIBERALISM STUDIES PROGRAM WORKING PAPERS M A Y 2 0 2 1 An Identitarian Europe? Successes and Limits of the Diffusion of the French Identitarian Movement M A R I O N J A C Q U E T - V A I L L A N T An Identitarian Europe? Successes and Limits of the Diffusion of the French Identitarian Movement Marion Jacquet-Vaillant Illiberalism Studies Program Working Papers no. 7 May 2021 Photo Cover: “Generation-identitaire” by Pulek1 licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0 ©IERES2021 The Identitarian Movement (IM) was born in France in 2002-2003, founded by Fabrice Robert, Guillaume Luyt, and Philippe Vardon in the weeks following the dissolution of the far-right group Unité radicale. Over the past 19 years, several associations have been involved in the French IM: Les Identitaires (LI) and the Bloc Identitaire (BI) have alternated as the “adult” organizations, while Les Jeunesses Identitaires (JI), Une Autre Jeunesse (UAJ), and Génération Identitaire (GI) have successively embodied its “youth” branch. Génération Identitaire (GI), founded in 2012, progressively became the figurehead of the IM before being administratively dissolved by the French government in March 2021. Since then, activists have been barred from carrying out any action in the name of Génération Identitaire. If the decision has not affected Les Identitaires or local associations (such as the Identitarian bars or cultural associations), it has thrown into jeopardy the GI brand they have successfully diffused throughout Europe. The French Identitarian movement1 claims an attachment to a certain civilizational identity linked to the European continent. In addition to structuring their movement into local chapters, each of which is responsible for the defense and promotion of local identities, the activists strive to embody this common European identity at the European level.2 They have, it seems, succeeded in doing so: since its creation, the French Identitarian movement has effectively maintained links with counterparts in Europe. -
The Radical Roots of the Alt-Right
Gale Primary Sources Start at the source. The Radical Roots of the Alt-Right Josh Vandiver Ball State University Various source media, Political Extremism and Radicalism in the Twentieth Century EMPOWER™ RESEARCH The radical political movement known as the Alt-Right Revolution, and Evolian Traditionalism – for an is, without question, a twenty-first century American audience. phenomenon.1 As the hipster-esque ‘alt’ prefix 3. A refined and intensified gender politics, a suggests, the movement aspires to offer a youthful form of ‘ultra-masculinism.’ alternative to conservatism or the Establishment Right, a clean break and a fresh start for the new century and .2 the Millennial and ‘Z’ generations While the first has long been a feature of American political life (albeit a highly marginal one), and the second has been paralleled elsewhere on the Unlike earlier radical right movements, the Alt-Right transnational right, together the three make for an operates natively within the political medium of late unusual fusion. modernity – cyberspace – because it emerged within that medium and has been continuously shaped by its ongoing development. This operational innovation will Seminal Alt-Right figures, such as Andrew Anglin,4 continue to have far-reaching and unpredictable Richard Spencer,5 and Greg Johnson,6 have been active effects, but researchers should take care to precisely for less than a decade. While none has continuously delineate the Alt-Right’s broader uniqueness. designated the movement as ‘Alt-Right’ (including Investigating the Alt-Right’s incipient ideology – the Spencer, who coined the term), each has consistently ferment of political discourses, images, and ideas with returned to it as demarcating the ideological territory which it seeks to define itself – one finds numerous they share. -
How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics
GETTY CORUM IMAGES/SAMUEL How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics By Simon Clark July 2020 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics By Simon Clark July 2020 Contents 1 Introduction and summary 4 Tracing the origins of white supremacist ideas 13 How did this start, and how can it end? 16 Conclusion 17 About the author and acknowledgments 18 Endnotes Introduction and summary The United States is living through a moment of profound and positive change in attitudes toward race, with a large majority of citizens1 coming to grips with the deeply embedded historical legacy of racist structures and ideas. The recent protests and public reaction to George Floyd’s murder are a testament to many individu- als’ deep commitment to renewing the founding ideals of the republic. But there is another, more dangerous, side to this debate—one that seeks to rehabilitate toxic political notions of racial superiority, stokes fear of immigrants and minorities to inflame grievances for political ends, and attempts to build a notion of an embat- tled white majority which has to defend its power by any means necessary. These notions, once the preserve of fringe white nationalist groups, have increasingly infiltrated the mainstream of American political and cultural discussion, with poi- sonous results. For a starting point, one must look no further than President Donald Trump’s senior adviser for policy and chief speechwriter, Stephen Miller. In December 2019, the Southern Poverty Law Center’s Hatewatch published a cache of more than 900 emails2 Miller wrote to his contacts at Breitbart News before the 2016 presidential election. -
Rec Center Gets a Makeover Dordt Instructor Challenges Steve King for Congress Concert Choir Tour: Ain't No Sickness Can Hold
Dordt NISO Dordt Changes media concert theatre to DCC truck Piano in ACTF Dreamer page 3 page 3 page 4 page 8 January 31, 2019 Issue 1 Follow us online Concert Choir tour: ain’t no sickness can hold them down Haemi Kim -- Staff Writer could incorporate this beautiful language into our piece. I loved the excitement on people’s During winter break, Dordt College Concert faces in the audience—or fear among the high Choir and its conductor Ryan Smit went on a schoolers—when we did this song and I had tour, sharing their talents to many different people at almost every stop come up to me audiences. It was a week-long tour going afterwards and thank me for it.” around Iowa, Wisconsin, Illinois, and Indiana. Even though the choir tour was a blast to Many of the choir students enjoyed being on many of the choir members, this year, the tour because it was an opportunity to meet other stomach flu spread within the choir, affecting choir members and build relationships with around 14 students, and even the conductor other choir members. during their last concert before coming back. “It’s a unique opportunity to get to know the Because of this, TeBrake and Seaman stepped other choir members outside of the choir room,” up to conduct the last concert, each taking half said senior soprano Kourtney TeBrake. of the performance. “Before tour, you recognize people in the As music education majors, it wasn’t their first choir, maybe know their names, but when you time conducting for a choir. -
Defending the Indispensable: Allegations of Anti- Conservative Bias, Deep Fakes, and Extremist Content Don’T Justify Section 230 Reform
Defending the Indispensable: Allegations of Anti- Conservative Bias, Deep Fakes, and Extremist Content Don’t Justify Section 230 Reform Matthew Feeney CSAS Working Paper 20-11 Should Internet Platform Companies Be Regulated – And If So, How? Defending the Indispensable: Allegations of Anti-Conservative Bias, Deep Fakes, and Extremist Content Don't Justify Section 230 Reform Matthew Feeney Director of the Cato Institute’s Project on Emerging Technologies Introduction When President Clinton signed the Telecommunications Act of 1996 it’s unlikely he knew that he was signing a bill that included what has come to be called the “Magna Carta of the Internet.”1 After all, the law was hundreds of pages long, including seven titles dealing with broadcast services, local exchange carriers, and cable. The Internet as we know it didn’t exist in 1996. Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg was 11 years old, and two Stanford University PhD students, Larry Page and Sergey Brin, had only just begun a project that would come to be known at Google. Some didn’t even think that the Internet would last, with Ethernet co-inventor Robert Metcalfe predicting in 1995 that “the internet will soon go supernova and in 1996 will catastrophically collapse.”2 The U.S. Supreme Court would rule much of Title V of the law, otherwise known as the Communications Decency Act, to be unconstitutional in 1997.3 However, a small provision of the law – Section 230 – survived. This piece of legislation” stated that interactive computer services could not be considered publishers of most third-party content or be held liable for moderating content. -
Supplementary File
Glossary / Dictionary for German wording Term Translation Definition Identitäre Identitarians The Identitarian movement is a post-World War II European far-right political ideology asserting the right of Europeans and peoples of European descent to culture and territories claimed to belong exclusively to them. AfD und Anhänger AfD and Alternative for Germany (AfD) is a right-wing to far-right political party in supporters Germany. Parts of the AfD have racist, islamophobic, anti-semitic and xenophobic tendencies. Reichsbürger Sovereign/ The Reich citizen in Germany originated around 1985 and have approximately Reich citizen 19,000 members (2019), more concentrated in the south and east. The originator claimed to have been appointed head of the post-World War I Reich, but other leaders claim imperial authority. Groups have issued passports and identification cards and negate the legitimacy of the German republic. Pegida und Anhänger Pegida and Patriotic Europeans Against the Islamisation of the Occident (Pegida) is a pan- supporters European, anti-Islam, far-right political movement. Members believe that Germany is being increasingly Islamicized and defines itself in opposition to Islamic extremism. Rechte Far-Right These groups share a focus on nationalism, scepticism towards the EU or Gruppierungen groups their emphasis on strict immigration policies. They justify a broad range of political positions on socioeconomic issues based on nationalism. Neonazis Neo-Nazis Member of an organization similar to the German Nazi Party. Neo-Nazis seek to employ their ideology to promote hatred and attack minorities, or in some cases to create a fascist state. Common elements include e.g. racism, xenophobia, antisemitism or Holocaust denial. -
The Fringe Insurgency Connectivity, Convergence and Mainstreaming of the Extreme Right
The Fringe Insurgency Connectivity, Convergence and Mainstreaming of the Extreme Right Jacob Davey Julia Ebner About this paper About the authors This report maps the ecosystem of the burgeoning Jacob Davey is a Researcher and Project Coordinator at ‘new’ extreme right across Europe and the US, which is the Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD), overseeing the characterised by its international outlook, technological development and delivery of a range of online counter- sophistication, and overtures to groups outside of the extremism initiatives. His research interests include the traditional recruitment pool for the extreme-right. This role of communications technologies in intercommunal movement is marked by its opportunistic pragmatism, conflict, the use of internet culture in information seeing movements which hold seemingly contradictory operations, and the extreme-right globally. He has ideologies share a bed for the sake of achieving provided commentary on the extreme right in a range common goals. It examines points of connectivity of media sources including The Guardian, The New York and collaboration between disparate groups and Times and the BBC. assesses the interplay between different extreme-right movements, key influencers and subcultures both Julia Ebner is a Research Fellow at the Institute for online and offline. Strategic Dialogue (ISD) and author of The Rage: The Vicious Circle of Islamist and Far-Right Extremism. Her research focuses on extreme right-wing mobilisation strategies, cumulative extremism and European terrorism prevention initiatives. She advises policy makers and tech industry leaders, regularly writes for The Guardian and The Independent and provides commentary on broadcast media, including the BBC and CNN. © ISD, 2017 London Washington DC Beirut Toronto This material is offered free of charge for personal and non-commercial use, provided the source is acknowledged. -
Defend Europe/ Identitarian Briefing July 2017 Defend Europe/ Identitarian Briefing
DEFEND EUROPE/ IDENTITARIAN BRIEFING JULY 2017 WWW.HOPENOTHATE.ORG.UK DEFEND EUROPE/ IDENTITARIAN BRIEFING Defend Europe is an attempt by far- right activists to confront and block humanitarian rescue ships operating in the Mediterranean. It is being led by key members of the European ‘Identitarian’ movement, a collection of far-right activists operating in France, Germany, Austria and Italy. They aim to disrupt and inhibit the vital efforts of NGOs saving the lives of migrants and refugees – many of whom are children – crossing the “NOW WE ARE ABLE Mediterranean this summer. More than 2,000 people have died on TO ORGANISE A REAL the Mediterranean already this year, and over 5,000 last year. MISSION WITH A BIG SHIP This confrontational and dangerous project is organised by far-right THAT WILL CRUISE IN THE activists with a long track record of anti-Muslim and anti-immigrant MEDITERRANEAN AND activism and while organised by Europeans it is being supported, BLOCK THOSE NGO SHIPS funded and promoted by the extreme far-right around the world. FROM GOING TO THE So far the Identitarians have only launched one operation on a small LIBYAN COAst.” boat, but they have now raised the MARTIN SELLNER, funds to charter a sea-going vessel Leader of Defend Europe. with space for a crew of 25. PAGE 1 OF 4 DEFEND EUROPE/IDENTITARIAN BRIEFING JULY 2017 ships and informing the Libyan coastguard of THE SHIP the NGOs’ activities. The vessel they claim is theirs is actually a They have also stated they will block the NGO Finnish-made research vessel named ‘Suunta’. -
How Wall Street Supports Racist Politicians and Enables White Supremacy
March 2019 BANKROLLING HATE: How Wall Street Supports Racist Politicians and Enables White Supremacy By Alyxandra Goodwin & Carrie Sloan EXECUTIVE SUMMARY White supremacy and white nationalism are ascendant in the Trump era,1 and many elected officials and candidates running for office have been emboldened to rip the mask of politeness off their racist, xenophobic, sexist, and homophobic ideologies.2 The finance industry is aiding and abetting the rise of violent white supremacy and nationalism by donating to the congressional campaigns of candidates who have expressed viciously racist, xenophobic, sexist, and homophobic views. Lobbying Groups Like the American Bankers Association Carry Water for Big Banks The financial sector—classified by the U.S. Census Bureau as finance, insurance, and real estate, or FIRE—is the largest donor to federal parties and candidates.3 Wall Street banks, like JPMorgan Chase, Wells Fargo, and Bank of America, make their own donations but also rely on trade and lobbying groups, such as the American Bankers Association (ABA) and the American Financial Services Association (AFSA), to carry water for them. THE FOUL FOUR: The Intersection of Wall Street’s Deregulation Agenda and Overt White Supremacy In this report, we identify four particularly repugnant candidates whom Wall Street has financially supported in recent election cycles. We call these candidates the Foul Four. The four GOP candidates we highlight all ran for election or reelection in November 2018, with substantial support from Wall Street. The four have all embraced Trumpism, and their campaigns received significant backing from the finance industry generally and the ABA especially. Lou Barletta (R-PA), Matt Gaetz (R-FL), Greg Gianforte (R-MT), and Steve King (R-IA) have voted in line with Trump between 80 and 99 percent of the time.4 All have cast votes that are anti-choice, anti-immigrant, or anti-Black, and each has aligned himself with or associated with known white supremacists or members of the racist so-called “alt-right”. -
Pe a Mlejnko * the Case of the Identitarian Movement
Pea Mlejnko* The Transnationalization of Ethno-nationalism: Intersections. EEJSP The Case of the Identitarian Movement 7(1): 136–149. DOI: 10.17356/ieejsp.v7i1.572 * [[email protected]] (Department of Political Science, http://intersections.tk.mta.hu Faculty of Social Studies, Masaryk University) Abstract The Identitarian movement, a radical-right movement active in a number of European countries, desires to unite European nationalists in international action. Nevertheless, the theory claims that the latter ideology is based on nativism. This might create internal ideological conflict between nativism versus transnationalism. The article offers a qualitative analysis of how the movement solves the issue of identity framing on the transnational level. This is a question of how the ethno-nationalist message is transformed to the transnational level, and how national needs are translated into transnational ones. The findings show that the Identitarian movement constructs a two-fold identity – a national one and a European one; and operates with three types of identity framing, thereby building a complex picture of a common past, present, and future. All three frames always act to maintain a balance between both identities, and always work with the language of civilization. Such framing, then, might lead to the successful mobilization of international resources and turn ideas into action. Keywords: Transnationalization, Identitarian movement, radical right, ethno-national- ism, identity politics 1 Introduction Increasing internationalization raises attention to the transnational mobilization of the Eu- ropean radical right. We can see how radical-right political parties initiate international forms of cooperation in the European Parliament in the form of political factions (Identity, Tradition, Sovereignty in 2007; Europe of Nations and Freedom in the period 2015–2019; Identity and Democracy since 2019) and European political parties (European Alliance for Freedom, Identity and Democracy Party, and the Alliance for Peace and Freedom).