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Political Ideas and Movements That Created the Modern World
harri+b.cov 27/5/03 4:15 pm Page 1 UNDERSTANDINGPOLITICS Understanding RITTEN with the A2 component of the GCE WGovernment and Politics A level in mind, this book is a comprehensive introduction to the political ideas and movements that created the modern world. Underpinned by the work of major thinkers such as Hobbes, Locke, Marx, Mill, Weber and others, the first half of the book looks at core political concepts including the British and European political issues state and sovereignty, the nation, democracy, representation and legitimacy, freedom, equality and rights, obligation and citizenship. The role of ideology in modern politics and society is also discussed. The second half of the book addresses established ideologies such as Conservatism, Liberalism, Socialism, Marxism and Nationalism, before moving on to more recent movements such as Environmentalism and Ecologism, Fascism, and Feminism. The subject is covered in a clear, accessible style, including Understanding a number of student-friendly features, such as chapter summaries, key points to consider, definitions and tips for further sources of information. There is a definite need for a text of this kind. It will be invaluable for students of Government and Politics on introductory courses, whether they be A level candidates or undergraduates. political ideas KEVIN HARRISON IS A LECTURER IN POLITICS AND HISTORY AT MANCHESTER COLLEGE OF ARTS AND TECHNOLOGY. HE IS ALSO AN ASSOCIATE McNAUGHTON LECTURER IN SOCIAL SCIENCES WITH THE OPEN UNIVERSITY. HE HAS WRITTEN ARTICLES ON POLITICS AND HISTORY AND IS JOINT AUTHOR, WITH TONY BOYD, OF THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION: EVOLUTION OR REVOLUTION? and TONY BOYD WAS FORMERLY HEAD OF GENERAL STUDIES AT XAVERIAN VI FORM COLLEGE, MANCHESTER, WHERE HE TAUGHT POLITICS AND HISTORY. -
Multiple Injustices Critical Issues in Indigenous Studies
MULTIPLE INJUSTICES CRITICAL ISSUES IN Indigenous STUDIES Jeffrey P. Shepherd and Myla Vicenti Carpio series editors advisory board Hokulani Aikau Jennifer Nez Denetdale Eva Marie Garroutte John Maynard Alejandra Navarro-Smith Gladys Tzul Keith Camacho Margaret Elizabeth Kovach Vicente Diaz R. AÍDA HERNÁNDEZ CASTILLO MULTIPLE INJUSTICES Indigenous Women, Law, and Political Struggle in Latin America TUCSON The University of Arizona Press www.uapress.arizona.edu © 2016 The Arizona Board of Regents All rights reserved. Published 2016 Printed in the United States of America 21 20 19 18 17 16 6 5 4 3 2 1 ISBN-13: 978-0-8165-3249-0 (cloth) Cover design by Leigh McDonald Cover illustration produced in Pilar Hinojosa’s Sumi-e workshop in the Feminine Prison of Atlacholoaya, Morelos. Publication of this book is made possible in part by the proceeds of a permanent endowment created with the assistance of a Challenge Grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities, a federal agency. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data [to come] This paper meets the requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992 (Permanence of Paper). CONTENTS List of Illustrations vii Acknowledgments ix Introduction 3 1 Activist Research on Justice and Indigenous Women’s Rights 33 2 Multiple Dialogues and Struggles for Justice: Political Genealogies of Indigenous Women in Mexico, Guatemala, and Colombia 67 3 Indigenous Justices: New Spaces of Struggle for Women 123 4 From Victims to Human Rights Defenders: International Litigation and the Struggle for Justice of Indigenous Women 163 5 From the Multicultural State to the Penal State: Incarcerated Indigenous Women and the Criminalization of Poverty 190 Final Thoughts 229 Appendix 1. -
SEWER SYNDICALISM: WORKER SELF- MANAGEMENT in PUBLIC SERVICES Eric M
\\jciprod01\productn\N\NVJ\14-2\NVJ208.txt unknown Seq: 1 30-APR-14 10:47 SEWER SYNDICALISM: WORKER SELF- MANAGEMENT IN PUBLIC SERVICES Eric M. Fink* Staat ist ein Verh¨altnis, ist eine Beziehung zwischen den Menschen, ist eine Art, wie die Menschen sich zu einander verhalten; und man zerst¨ort ihn, indem man andere Beziehungen eingeht, indem man sich anders zu einander verh¨alt.1 I. INTRODUCTION In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, municipal govern- ments in various US cities assumed responsibility for utilities and other ser- vices that previously had been privately operated. In the late twentieth century, prompted by fiscal crisis and encouraged by neo-liberal ideology, governments embraced the concept of “privatization,” shifting management and control over public services2 to private entities. Despite disagreements over the merits of privatization, both proponents and opponents accept the premise of a fundamental distinction between the “public” and “private” sectors, and between “state” and “market” institutions. A more skeptical view questions the analytical soundness and practical signifi- cance of these dichotomies. In this view, “privatization” is best understood as a rhetorical strategy, part of a broader neo-liberal ideology that relies on putative antinomies of “public” v. “private” and “state” v. “market” to obscure and rein- force social and economic power relations. While “privatization” may be an ideological definition of the situation, for public service workers the difference between employment in the “public” and “private” sectors can be real in its consequences3 for job security, compensa- * Associate Professor of Law, Elon University School of Law, Greensboro, North Carolina. -
Mikhail Bakunin,АStateless Socialism: Anarchism
Mikhail Bakunin, Stateless Socialism: Anarchism Full Text at: theanarchistlibrary.org/category/author/mikhailbakunin Mikhail Alexandrovich Bakunin (1814 – 1876) was a Russian revolutionary anarchist. In 1868, Bakunin joined the International Working Men's Association, a federation of trade unions and workers' organizations, which had sections in many European countries, as well as in Latin America. His quarrel with Karl Marx split the anarchist and Marxist wings of the revolutionary socialist movement. Socialism Is Justice. When we speak of justice, we understand thereby not the justice contained in the Codes and in Roman jurisprudence which were based to a great extent upon facts of violence achieved by force, violence consecrated by time and by the benedictions of some church or other (Christian or pagan), and as such accepted as absolute principles, from which all law is to be deduced by a process of logical reasoning no, we speak of that justice which is based solely upon human conscience, the justice to be found in the consciousness of every man even in that of children and which can be expressed in a single word: equity. This universal justice which, owing to conquests by force and religious influences, has never yet prevailed in the political or juridical or economic worlds, should become the basis of the new world. Without it there can be neither liberty, nor republic, nor prosperity, nor peace. It then must govern our resolutions in order that we work effectively toward the establishment of peace. And this justice urges us to take upon ourselves the defense of the interests of the terribly maltreated people and demand their economic and social emancipation along with political freedom. -
Post-Truth Politics and Richard Rorty's Postmodernist Bourgeois Liberalism
Ash Center Occasional Papers Tony Saich, Series Editor Something Has Cracked: Post-Truth Politics and Richard Rorty’s Postmodernist Bourgeois Liberalism Joshua Forstenzer University of Sheffield (UK) July 2018 Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation Harvard Kennedy School Ash Center Occasional Papers Series Series Editor Tony Saich Deputy Editor Jessica Engelman The Roy and Lila Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation advances excellence and innovation in governance and public policy through research, education, and public discussion. By training the very best leaders, developing powerful new ideas, and disseminating innovative solutions and institutional reforms, the Center’s goal is to meet the profound challenges facing the world’s citizens. The Ford Foundation is a founding donor of the Center. Additional information about the Ash Center is available at ash.harvard.edu. This research paper is one in a series funded by the Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation at Harvard University’s John F. Kennedy School of Government. The views expressed in the Ash Center Occasional Papers Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the John F. Kennedy School of Government or of Harvard University. The papers in this series are intended to elicit feedback and to encourage debate on important public policy challenges. This paper is copyrighted by the author(s). It cannot be reproduced or reused without permission. Ash Center Occasional Papers Tony Saich, Series Editor Something Has Cracked: Post-Truth Politics and Richard Rorty’s Postmodernist Bourgeois Liberalism Joshua Forstenzer University of Sheffield (UK) July 2018 Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation Harvard Kennedy School Letter from the Editor The Roy and Lila Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation advances excellence and innovation in governance and public policy through research, education, and public discussion. -
Markets Not Capitalism Explores the Gap Between Radically Freed Markets and the Capitalist-Controlled Markets That Prevail Today
individualist anarchism against bosses, inequality, corporate power, and structural poverty Edited by Gary Chartier & Charles W. Johnson Individualist anarchists believe in mutual exchange, not economic privilege. They believe in freed markets, not capitalism. They defend a distinctive response to the challenges of ending global capitalism and achieving social justice: eliminate the political privileges that prop up capitalists. Massive concentrations of wealth, rigid economic hierarchies, and unsustainable modes of production are not the results of the market form, but of markets deformed and rigged by a network of state-secured controls and privileges to the business class. Markets Not Capitalism explores the gap between radically freed markets and the capitalist-controlled markets that prevail today. It explains how liberating market exchange from state capitalist privilege can abolish structural poverty, help working people take control over the conditions of their labor, and redistribute wealth and social power. Featuring discussions of socialism, capitalism, markets, ownership, labor struggle, grassroots privatization, intellectual property, health care, racism, sexism, and environmental issues, this unique collection brings together classic essays by Cleyre, and such contemporary innovators as Kevin Carson and Roderick Long. It introduces an eye-opening approach to radical social thought, rooted equally in libertarian socialism and market anarchism. “We on the left need a good shake to get us thinking, and these arguments for market anarchism do the job in lively and thoughtful fashion.” – Alexander Cockburn, editor and publisher, Counterpunch “Anarchy is not chaos; nor is it violence. This rich and provocative gathering of essays by anarchists past and present imagines society unburdened by state, markets un-warped by capitalism. -
CRISIS of PURPOSE in the IVY LEAGUE the Harvard Presidency of Lawrence Summers and the Context of American Higher Education
Institutions in Crisis CRISIS OF PURPOSE IN THE IVY LEAGUE The Harvard Presidency of Lawrence Summers and the Context of American Higher Education Rebecca Dunning and Anne Sarah Meyers In 2001, Lawrence Summers became the 27th president of Harvard Univer- sity. Five tumultuous years later, he would resign. The popular narrative of Summers’ troubled tenure suggests that a series of verbal indiscretions created a loss of confidence in his leadership, first among faculty, then students, alumni, and finally Harvard’s trustee bodies. From his contentious meeting with the faculty of the African and African American Studies Department shortly af- ter he took office in the summer of 2001, to his widely publicized remarks on the possibility of innate gender differences in mathematical and scientific aptitude, Summers’ reign was marked by a serious of verbal gaffes regularly reported in The Harvard Crimson, The Boston Globe, and The New York Times. The resignation of Lawrence Summers and the sense of crisis at Harvard may have been less about individual personality traits, however, and more about the context in which Summers served. Contestation in the areas of university governance, accountability, and institutional purpose conditioned the context within which Summers’ presidency occurred, influencing his appointment as Harvard’s 27th president, his tumultuous tenure, and his eventual departure. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution - Noncommercial - No Derivative Works 3.0 Unported License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecom- mons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/. You may reproduce this work for non-commercial use if you use the entire document and attribute the source: The Kenan Institute for Ethics at Duke University. -
Exodus General Idea of the Revolution in the XXI Century
Exodus General Idea of the Revolution in the XXI Century Kevin A. Carson 2021 Contents Reviews 5 Abstract 6 Preface 7 Part One: Background 8 Chapter One: The Age of Mass and Maneuver 9 I. A Conflict of Visions .................................... 9 II. The Triumph of Mass in the Old Left .......................... 15 III. The Assault on Working Class Agency ......................... 42 IV. Workerism/Laborism .................................. 49 Chapter Two: Transition 52 I. Drastic Reductions in Necessary Outlays for the Means of Production . 52 II. The Network Revolution and the Imploding Cost of Coordination . 57 III. The Impotence of Enforcement, and Superiority of Circumvention to Resistance . 70 IV. Superior General Efficiency and Low Overhead .................... 74 V. Conclusion ......................................... 78 Part Two. The Age of Exodus 79 Chapter Three: Horizontalism and Self-Activity Over Vanguard Institutions 80 Introduction ......................................... 80 I. The New Left ........................................ 81 II. Autonomism ........................................ 90 III. The 1968 Movements and the Transition to Horizontalist Praxis . 98 IV. The Post-1994 Movements ................................ 100 Chapter Four: The Abandonment of Workerism 115 I. The Limited Relevance of Proletarianism in the Mass Production Age . 115 II. Technology and the Declining Relevance of Proletarianism . 116 III The Abandonment of Proletarianism by the New Left . 117 IV. The Abandonment of Workerism in Praxis . 127 Chapter Five: Evolutionary Transition Models 131 Introduction and Note on Terminology . 131 2 I. Comparison to Previous Systemic Transitions . 132 II. The Nature of Post-Capitalist Transition . 146 Chapter Six: Interstitial Development and Exodus over Insurrection 157 Introduction ......................................... 157 I. The Split Within Autonomism .............................. 159 II. The Shift From the Factory to Society as the Main Locus of Productivity . -
El Activista Regional
El Activista Regional Revista de Información y Educación Política del Comité Regional Primer Centenario Año 21, Número 231 Junio de 2020 Que quede claro: “La soberanía nacional reside esencial y originariamente en el pueblo. Todo poder público dimana del pueblo y se instituye para beneficio de éste. El pueblo tiene en todo tiempo el inalienable derecho de alterar o modificar la forma de su gobierno”. (Artículo 39 de la Constitución Política de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos). Página 5 A pesar de los deseos gubernamentales, la riesgosa combinación de crisis sanitaria, económica y de seguridad no se detiene El Activista Regional 231 2 Junio de 2020 Índice -Editorial..…………………………..………………………..3 -10 de junio de 1971 siempre en nuestra memoria.-José -Dirigentes socialistas en la historia de México…….….….4 Antonio Rueda Márquez…………………………………..37 -La investigación clínica en COVID-19.-Dr. Gerardo -Pronunciamiento de sobrevivientes de la guerra sucia,10 Gamba...………..…………………………………………...12 de junio no se olvida...……………………………………...38 -En el escenario más sombrío de la ONU para México, -Recordando a Rafael Aguilar Talamantes en el 49 habría 600 mil muertes por COVID-19.-Alejandro….…..13 aniversario de su liberación...…………………...………...39 -Evolución y “fin” del Covid-19.- Dr. Octavio Obregón -El legasdo revolucionario de Carlos Ferra.-Manuel Díaz y Dr. David Delepine…………………………….…...14 Aguilar Mora……...………………………………………..40 -Covid-19 en México.-MOMPADE……………….……....15 -Falleció Nemí Hakel.- Edgard Sánchez Ramírez……….43 -Los datos de Covid-19 no cuadran, la cifra -
POLITICAL ECONOMY for SOCIALISM Also by Makoto Itoh
POLITICAL ECONOMY FOR SOCIALISM Also by Makoto Itoh TilE BASIC TIIEORY OF CAPITALISM TilE VALUE CONTROVERSY (co-author with I. Steedman and others) TilE WORLD ECONOMIC CRISIS AND JAPANESE CAPITALISM VALUE AND CRISIS Political Economy for Socialism Makoto ltoh Professor of Economics University of Tokyo M St. Martin's Press © Makoto ltoh 1995 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London WIP 9HE. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. First published in Great Britain 1995 by MACMILLAN PRESS LTD Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 2XS and London Companies and representatives throughout the world A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN 978-0-333-55338-1 ISBN 978-1-349-24018-0 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-1-349-24018-0 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 I 04 03 02 01 00 99 98 97 96 95 First published in the United States of America 1995 by Scholarly and Reference Division, ST. MARTIN'S PRESS, INC., 175 Fifth A venue, New York, N.Y. 10010 ISBN 978-0-312-12564-6 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data ltoh, Makoto, 1936-- Political economy for socialism I Makoto Itoh. -
LA NUEVA ETAPA DEL NEOZAPATISMO MEXICANO1 the New Era of Mexican Neo-Zapatismo
LA NUEVA ETAPA DEL NEOZAPATISMO MEXICANO1 The new era of Mexican neo-Zapatismo Carlos Antonio Aguirre Rojas2 [email protected] Recibido: 10 de marzo de 2014 Aprobado: 21 de abril de 2014 Resumen: En este ensayo, y a partir de proponer una periodización general de la historia del Neozapatismo mexicano, se intentan caracterizar y analizar los perfiles principales que definen a su etapa más reciente de vida, la cuarta etapa, iniciada en diciembre de 2012. Se estudian entonces, tanto el espacio de acción que ahora propone este movimiento neozapatista con su iniciativa del movimiento de ‘La Sexta’, como los tiempos previstos para el logro de sus objetivos, pero también sus demandas esenciales, su deslinde radical frente a la clase política, sus nuevas formas de organización, su estrategia global actual y su neta definición de los grupos, clases y sectores sociales a los que va dirigida esta nueva convocatoria suya de acción. Palabras clave: Movimientos antisistémicos, neozapatismo mexicano, luchas y protestas sociales actuales, crisis terminal del capitalismo, rebeliones contemporáneas. Abstract: This essay, on the basis of proposing a general periodization of the history of Mexican ‘neo-Zapatismo’, aims to characterize and analyze the main profiles that define its latest stage, the fourth, which began in December 2012. Consideration is given, therefore, to both the action space now proposed by this ‘neo-Zapatista’ movement with its initiative of ‘The Sixth’ (part of its declaration) and the times scheduled for the achievement of its objectives, but also its essential demands, its radical demarcation in relation to the political class, its new forms of organization, its current global strategy and its clear definition of the groups, classes and social sectors that this new call to action is addressed to. -
Notes 335 Bibliography 387 Index 413
CONTENTS PREFACE IX ONE: THE AMBIGUOUS LEGACY 3 The Crisis of Classical Marxism 6 The Crisis in Italy 20 Italian Revolutionary Syndicalism 22 TWO: THE FIRST REVOLUTIONARY SOCIALIST HERESY 32 The Evolution of Syndicalism 32 Syndicalism and the Nature of Man 34 Syndicalism and Social Psychology 37 Syndicalism and the Social and Political Function of Myth 43 Elitism 50 Syndicalism and Industrial Development 58 THREE: THE FIRST NATIONAL SOCIALISM 64 Revolutionary Syndicalism: Marxism and the Problems of National Interests 64 Syndicalism and Proletarian Nationalism 71 Revolutionary Syndicalism, War, and Moral Philosophy 73 Syndicalism, Nationalism, and Economic Development 83 National Syndicalism and Lenin's Bolshevism 91 FOUR: THE PROGRAM OF FASCISM 96 The Fascism of San Sepolcro 101 Syndicalism, Nationalism, and Fascism 103 FascismandIdeology 112 Fascism and Bolshevism 121 FIVE: THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF FASCISM 127 Alfredo Rocco, Nationalism, and the Economic Policy of Fascism 133 Economic Policy from 1922 until the Great Depression 140 Fascist Economic Policy after the Great Depression 153 The Political Economy of Fascism and the Revolutionary Socialist Tradition 162 SIX: THE LABOR POLICY OF FASCISM 172 The Origins of Fascist Syndicalism 172 The Rise of Fascist Syndicalism 183 The Evolution of Fascist Syndicalism 190 The Functions of Fascist Syndicalism 196 The Labor Policy of Fascism and Revolutionary Marxism 206 SEVEN: THE ORCHESTRATION OF CONSENSUS 214 Syndicalism, Fascism, and the Psychology of the Masses 215 The Rationale of Orchestrated