DOCSLIB.ORG

Digital Platforms, Content Moderation & Free Speech How to Set A

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Digital Platforms, Content Moderation & Free Speech How to Set A MASTER OF ARTS IN LAW & DIPLOMACY CAPSTONE PROJECT Digital Platforms, Content Moderation & Free Speech How To Set A Regulatory Framework for Government, Tech Companies & Civil Society By Adriana Lamirande Under Supervision of Dr. Carolyn Gideon Grant Awarded by Hitachi Center for Technology & International Affairs Spring 2021 | Submitted April 30 In fulfillment of MALD Capstone requirement TABLE OF CONTENTS I. RESEARCH QUESTION……………………………………………………………………. 2 II. BACKGROUND……………………………………………………………………………. 2 ○ Social Media: From Public Squares to Dangerous Echo Chambers ○ Algorithms as Megaphones ○ Looking Forward: The Case for Regulation & Cross-Sectoral Collaboration III. OVERVIEW OF ANALYTIC FRAMEWORK………………………………………………… 10 IV. EVIDENCE………………………………………………………………………………… 13 ○ Public Interest Framework………………………………………………………. 13 ○ Common Carrier Framework…………………………………………………….. 17 ○ Free Market Framework…………………………………………………………. 22 ○ International Human Rights Law Framework……………………………………. 29 V. CONCLUSION/POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS…………………………………………….. 35 ○ For U.S. Policymakers………………………………………………………………. 36 ○ For Social Media Companies………………………………………………………. 39 1 RESEARCH QUESTION Which content moderation regulatory approach (international human rights law, public interest, free market, common carrier) best minimizes disinformation and hate speech inciting violence on social media? Which practices by social media companies and civil society, alongside existing legislation, are best suited to guide U.S. policymakers? BACKGROUND/CONTEXT To borrow the words of Anne Applebaum and Peter Pomerantsev from Johns Hopkins’ SNF Agora Institute in The Atlantic: “We don’t have an internet based on our democratic values of openness, accountability, and respect for human rights.”1 Social Media: From Public Squares to Dangerous Echo Chambers Social media platforms have become digital public squares, creating a new arena for users to air opinions, share content they like or feel is informative (whether true or false), and express their unique worldviews without constraint. In the last few years, a slew of complaints and controversies have emerged regarding Facebook, YouTube and Twitter’s ad hoc content moderation practices, as well as the exploitative nature of their ad-based monetization business model. Their “growth at all costs” ethos is problematic in that it inordinately collects private user data to curate personalized news feeds and strengthens highly profitable precision ad targeting – the major caveat being that such a model thrives on content that is controversial, conflict-inducing and extreme in nature. The notion that “the medium is the message” was first pioneered by lauded communications expert Marshall McCluhan, and purports that the media through which we choose to communicate holds as much, if not more, value than the message itself. He states: “the personal and social consequences of any medium—that is, of any extension of ourselves—result from the new scale that is introduced into our affairs by each extension of ourselves, or by any new technology. [...] The restructuring of human work and association was shaped by the technique of fragmentation that is the essence of machine technology.”2 In our post-truth era, where platforms have become a stand in for traditional news media and are increasingly asked to arbitrate speech online, his warning about scale, fragmentation and social consequences feel especially prescient. Social networks struggle with waves of misinformation and problematic fact-checking practices and policies which can elevate news of poor quality. A Columbia 1Applebaum, Anne and Pomerantsev, Peter. “How to Put Out Democracy’s Dumpster Fire.” The Atlantic, March 8, 2021. https://bit.ly/3gQONAW 2McLuhan, Marshall. Understanding Media: The Extensions of Man. MIT Press, 1964, page 1. https://bit.ly/3aIkeXz 2 Journalism Review study3 found, for example, that Facebook failed to consistently label content flagged by its own third-party partners, and 50% of some 1,1000 posts containing debunked falsehoods were not labelled as such. Critics also point out that the fact-checking process is too slow, when information can reach millions in a matter of hours or even minutes. While digital platforms never set out to undermine or replace journalism, they have for many Americans become a primary source for news, a battleground for flaming partisan debates, and an unruly sphere where information – false or not – is transferred and elevated, with the potential for harmful impact beyond the web. According to a 2019 Pew Research Center report, 55% of U.S. adults now get their news from social media either "often" or "sometimes" – an 8% increase from the previous year. The report also found that 88% of Americans recognized that social media companies now have at least some control over the mix of the news that people see each day, with 62% of them feeling this was a problem and acknowledging companies having far too much control over this aspect of their lives.4 In the past, the news business and broadcast industries were built on stringent checks and balances by the government, and a foundation of mostly self-enforced professional integrity standards and editorial guidelines that provided recourse and due process for readers and critics alike. One example we can recall is the Fairness Doctrine, introduced by the Federal Communications Commission in 1949, which was a policy that required the holders of broadcast licenses to both present controversial issues of public importance and to do so in a manner that was—in the FCC's view—honest, equitable, and balanced. During this period, licensees were obliged not only to cover fairly the views of others, but also to refrain from expressing their own views. The Fairness Doctrine grew out of the belief that the limited number of broadcast frequencies available compelled the government to ensure that broadcasters did not use their stations simply as advocates of a single perspective. Such coverage had to also accurately reflect opposing views, and afford a reasonable opportunity for discussing contrasting points of view.5 This meant that programs on politics were encouraged to give opposing opinions equal time on the topic under discussion. Additionally, the rule mandated that broadcasters alert anyone subject to a personal attack in their programming and give them a chance to respond, and required any broadcasters who endorse political candidates to invite other candidates to respond.6 Though the Fairness Doctrine experienced erosions before this, it was officially repealed in 2011 after challenges on First Amendment grounds.7 This is an 3Bengani, Priyanjana and Karbal, Ian. “Five Days of Facebook Fact-Checking.” Columbia Journalism Review. October 30, 2020. https://bit.ly/2Rd0mYw 4 Grieco, Elizabeth and Shearer, Eliza. “Americans Are Wary of the Role Social Media Sites Play in Delivering the News.” Pew Research Center: Journalism & Media, October 2, 2019. https://pewrsr.ch/2W8n2rx 5 Perry, Audrey. “Fairness Doctrine.” The First Amendment Encyclopedia, May 2017. https://bit.ly/3eLm0ev 6 Matthews, Dylan. “Everything you need to know about the Fairness Doctrine in one post.” Washington Post, August 23, 2011. https://wapo.st/3bMV37v 7 McKenna, Alix. “FCC Repeals the Fairness Doctrine and Other Regulations.” The Regulatory Review. September 26, 2011. https://bit.ly/3sZbNAc 3 example about one type of mechanism that some suggest could be used to regulate social media content moderation practices today. Platforms enjoy the primacy and responsibility of mediating “the truth” once held by traditional news publishers, without the same formalized editorial intervention, at the expense of a filter-bubbled user experience and questionable news quality. Furthermore, the core ad monetization business model is intrinsically linked to the creation of siloed echo chambers, as algorithms elevate and personalize what posts users see based on their on-site activity. Experts assert that this limits people’s exposure to a wider range of ideas and reliable information, and eliminates serendipity altogether.8 By lauding neutrality in their role and policies, digital platforms are attempting to escape scrutiny of algorithmic bias that fuels and is complicit in the broadcasting of extremist views, disinformation, and hate speech inciting violence, thus enabling its spread at a quicker and more effective pace than level- headed reports and stories based in fact. One article around Facebook’s refusal to review political content – even if it violates its hate speech guidelines – summarizes the issue as such: “The fact check never gets as many shares as the incendiary claim.”9 It is impossible to figure out exactly how systems might be susceptible to algorithmic bias since the backend technology operates in a corporate “black box,” which prevents experts and lawmakers from investigating and determining how a particular algorithm was designed, what data helped build it, or how it works.10 Algorithms as Megaphones The internet and its communications networks were once imagined as a space to foster widespread citizen engagement, innovative collaboration, productive debate around political and social issues, and public interest information sharing. Now, weaponized by extremists and conspiracy theorists, companies’ loosely defined rules and disincentive to abandon a toxic business model renders their current practices an existential threat to society and democratic process, as hate speech inciting violence manifests into domestic terrorism,
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Media Self-Regulation Guidebook
    The Media Self-Regulation Guidebook All questions and answers The Representative on Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe Freedom of the Media The OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media wishes to thank the Governments of France, Germany and Ireland for their generous support to this publication. We would also like to extend our gratitude to Robert Pinker, Peter Stuber and the AIPCE members for their invaluable contributions to this project. The views expressed by the authors in this publication are their own and do not necessarily reflect the views of the OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media. Published by Miklós Haraszti, the OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media Edited by Adeline Hulin and Jon Smith © 2008 Office of the Representative on Freedom of the Media Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) Wallnerstrasse 6 A-1010 Vienna, Austria Tel.: +43-1 514 36 68 00 Fax: +43-1 514 36 6802 E-mail: [email protected] http://www.osce.org/fom Design & Layout: Phoenix Design Aid, Denmark ISBN 3-9501995-7-2 The Media Self-Regulation Guidebook All questions and answers The OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media Miklós Haraszti Vienna 2008 CONTENTS Contents 7 Miklós Haraszti Foreword 9 I. The merits of media self-regulation Balancing rights and responsibilities By Miklós Haraszti 10 1. The nature of media self-regulation 13 2. Media self-regulation versus regulating the media 18 3. The promotion of mutual respect and cultural understanding 21 II. Setting up a journalistic code of ethics The core of media self-regulation By Yavuz Baydar 22 1.
    [Show full text]
  • We Are All Rwandans”
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles “We are all Rwandans”: Imagining the Post-Genocidal Nation Across Media A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Film and Television by Andrew Phillip Young 2016 ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION “We are all Rwandans”: Imagining the Post-Genocidal Nation Across Media by Andrew Phillip Young Doctor of Philosophy in Film and Television University of California, Los Angeles, 2016 Professor Chon A. Noriega, Chair There is little doubt of the fundamental impact of the 1994 Rwanda genocide on the country's social structure and cultural production, but the form that these changes have taken remains ignored by contemporary media scholars. Since this time, the need to identify the the particular industrial structure, political economy, and discursive slant of Rwandan “post- genocidal” media has become vital. The Rwandan government has gone to great lengths to construct and promote reconciliatory discourse to maintain order over a country divided along ethnic lines. Such a task, though, relies on far more than the simple state control of media message systems (particularly in the current period of media deregulation). Instead, it requires a more complex engagement with issues of self-censorship, speech law, public/private industrial regulation, national/transnational production/consumption paradigms, and post-traumatic media theory. This project examines the interrelationships between radio, television, newspapers, the ii Internet, and film in the contemporary Rwandan mediascape (which all merge through their relationships with governmental, regulatory, and funding agencies, such as the Rwanda Media High Council - RMHC) to investigate how they endorse national reconciliatory discourse.
    [Show full text]
  • Issues and Consequences of Newspaper Framing on Ethnic Conflict: a Qualitative Study of Ethnic Group Leaders’ Conflict Frames
    Jurnal Komunikasi Malaysian Journal of Communication Jilid 32 (2) 2016: 294-316 ______________________________________________________________________________ ISSUES AND CONSEQUENCES OF NEWSPAPER FRAMING ON ETHNIC CONFLICT: A QUALITATIVE STUDY OF ETHNIC GROUP LEADERS’ CONFLICT FRAMES RASAQ MUHAMMED ADISA UNIVERSITY OF ILORIN, NIGERIA ROSLI BIN MOHAMMED MOHD. KHAIRIE AHMAD UNIVERSITI UTARA MALAYSIA Abstract This paper attempts to explore the waves of media frames on ethnic group leaders’ conflict frames. In general, the effects of what media frame as news on public behaviours to politics have been discussed extensively in scholarly works. However, the extent that newspapers framing stimulate conflict frame (behaviours) in ethnic leaders who rheostat the hearts and minds of ethnic groups, are still underexplored. Specifically, this study seeks to understand the extent that media frames about ethnic issues have become the driving force behind volatile ethnic groups in Nigeria. Therefore, series of in-depth interviews on 26 ethnic group leaders were conducted and data were analyzed thematically using NVIVO 10 software. The study found that the unswerving newspapers framing on ethnic issues, especially on interethnic relations and politics, culminated to inciting, double standard, name calling, all of which stemmed from the ownership interest, are some of the major factors that widen ethnic differences and eventually stimulated ethnic groups into conflict. Based on the lived experiences of the ethnic group leaders, newspapers are culpable
    [Show full text]
  • Colorado February Issues Survey
    In your own words, please describe the reasons why you agree that more government regulation and oversight of social media companies is needed. Region/Sex Age Marital College Party Response There just needs to be agreement to ethics. A pledge they agree to in order to have access to S Town Fem Old Boom Married 4+ Yr Dem. adds or some sort of quid pro quo S Town Fem Old Boom Married 4+ Yr Dem. has become a sounding board for too many anonymous bullies Sub. Male Old Boom Married 4+ Yr Dem. Either social media controls itself or it needs to be controlled To extent possible we need to balance free speech with the proliferation of lies & Urb. Fem Old Boom Married 4+ Yr Dem. misinformation that is potentially harmful. Urb. Fem Old Boom Married 4+ Yr Dem. To get accurate news and the correct information Urb. Fem Old Boom Married 4+ Yr Dem. Unregulated & out of control. S Town Fem Old Gen X Married 4+ Yr Dem. Because its all spewing of disinformation and stupid people believe it. Regulation of incorrect and potentially degrading comments, fueling ideas like the capital Sub. Fem Old Gen X Married 4+ Yr Dem. insurrection. The media that has been around for the last decade is fine; its the newer conspiracy theory FOX type of news who ironically started the idea of fakenews when they are of course the Sub. Fem Old Gen X Married 4+ Yr Dem. fake news. Scary what normally intelligent people will believe. Rur. Fem Old Mill. Married 4+ Yr Dem.
    [Show full text]
  • Media, Protest and Resistance in Authoritarian Contexts Media, Protest and Resistance in Authoritarian Contexts
    APSA 2020 WORKING CONFERENCE PAPER Hashemi – Media, Protest and Resistance in Authoritarian Contexts Media, Protest and Resistance in Authoritarian Contexts Layla M. Hashemi, Ph.D. Public Policy George Mason University, 2020 [email protected] laymay.com Abstract Information communication technologies (ICTs) facilitate transnational connection, coordination and collaboration, which are essential for new social movements. At the same time, issues of access and censorship hinder social movement use of social media for mobilization. This paper examines how internet technology is used by social movements to discuss issues of identity, dignity and justice and to contest gender-based discriminatory laws. Through subtle everyday acts of protests, women contest state narratives by documenting their presence in both physical and virtual public spaces. Iranian women practice the art of presence, demonstrating social media activism’s ability to circumvent censorship and facilitate public discourse regarding controversial issues under repressive contexts. This study collects and analyzes data from Twitter and other social networking platforms to investigate the evolution of digital campaigns and relates these cases to the long-standing tradition of Iranian women’s voices with a focus on the critical role of the camera and user generated content in art and daily life. Keywords: social movements; social media; internet studies; information communication technology; computational social science; Iran; gender; human rights DRAFT WORKING PAPER Prepared for the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, September 2020 1 “Where there is power there is resistance” - Michel Foucault Information communication technologies (ICTs) facilitate transnational connection, coordination and collaboration, which are essential for new social movements. At the same time, issues of access and censorship hinder social movement use of social media for mobilization.
    [Show full text]
  • Media Law Handbook for Eastern Africa VOLUME 2
    Media Law Handbook for Eastern Africa VOLUME 2 Media Law Handbook for Eastern Africa VOLUME 2 Justine Limpitlaw KONRAD-ADENAUER-STIFTUNG REGIONAL MEDIA PROGRAMME • JOHANNESBURG • 2016 Published by Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung Regional Media Programme: Sub-Saharan Africa 60 Hume Road PO Box 55012 Dunkeld 2196 Northlands Johannesburg 2116 Republic of South Africa Republic of South Africa Telephone: +27 (0)11 214-2900 Telefax: +27 (0)11 214-2913/4 www.kas.de/mediaafrica ISBN: 978-0-9870243-4-3 © Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, 2016 This publication is an open source publication. Parts thereof may be reproduced or quoted provided the publication is fully acknowledged as the source thereof. Cover design: Jocelyn Adamson Design Author photograph: Lisa Trocchi, [email protected] Editing, layout Tracy Seider, Tyrus Text and Design and production: [email protected] Printing: United Litho, South Africa v Acknowledgements It is not easy to write a book about media law in Eastern Africa because of the difficulty in accessing the laws. In a number of countries, consolidated laws are not published so one has to piece together the current state of the law based on a series of amendment acts. Law reports are not published, so copies of actual judgments have to be obtained from the courts. In many countries there is only one source of statutes or regulations: the government printer, with a single outlet in the capital. Not only is it tough for journalists in these countries to access laws, it is tough for an author to track them down. This book would therefore not have been written without the very great assistance provided by lawyers in or from these countries.
    [Show full text]
  • The Alt-Right: a Discourse Analysis/Deplatforming and the Role of Social Media in the Regulation of Speech
    St. Cloud State University theRepository at St. Cloud State Culminating Projects in English Department of English 3-2020 The Alt-Right: A Discourse Analysis/Deplatforming and the Role of Social Media in the Regulation of Speech Michael Fry Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.stcloudstate.edu/engl_etds Recommended Citation Fry, Michael, "The Alt-Right: A Discourse Analysis/Deplatforming and the Role of Social Media in the Regulation of Speech" (2020). Culminating Projects in English. 156. https://repository.stcloudstate.edu/engl_etds/156 This Starred Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of English at theRepository at St. Cloud State. It has been accepted for inclusion in Culminating Projects in English by an authorized administrator of theRepository at St. Cloud State. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Alt-Right: A Discourse Analysis ***************************************** Deplatforming and the Role of Social Media in the Regulation of Speech by Michael Fry A Starred Paper Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of St. Cloud State University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in English: Rhetoric and Writing March, 2020 Starred Paper Committee: Matthew Barton, Chairperson Michael Dando Debra Japp The Alt-Right: A Discourse Analysis by Michael Fry A Starred Paper Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of St. Cloud State University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in English: Rhetoric
    [Show full text]
  • Co-Regulation of the Media in Europe
    Co-Regulation of the Media in Europe Published by the European Audiovisual Observatory In addition to the question of which media and services should be regulated and to what extent, the regulatory apparatus itself has been a topic of debate for some time now. The discussion has particularly centred on the possibility, either alongside or instead of traditional legislation (parliamentary acts, ordinances, directives, etc), of introducing “alternative” forms of regulation. Self-monitoring, self-regulation and co-regulation are examples of these alternative types of regulation, the boundaries between which are difficult to define. This IRIS Special focuses in particular on co-regulation. This publication explains co-regulation, offers current examples of its use and discusses possible areas in which it may be applied. It describes the characteristics and legal requirements of co-regulation, as well as the chances and risks associated with it. Any discussion of co-regulation should take into account the current debate over what criteria should be met by the content of audiovisual regulation. Acceptance, competence, flexibility, harmonisation, simplification, legal certainty and speed are just a few key concepts which come to mind and which are discussed in the report. As well as practical demands, the publication considers how co-regulation can be brought in from a technical point of view. In particular, the interfaces between traditional and alternative methods of regulation are explained in concrete terms, with reference to existing European regulatory instruments. Four questions form a central theme throughout the various articles: Is there already a legal framework for co-regulation? Are there good or bad examples of its use? What tools are needed for this and who is in charge of them? Consideration is also given to possible differences between national and supranational co-regulation and to whether there is a need for a European framework for co-regulation.
    [Show full text]
  • Why Kids Are 'Lovin' It': a Q Methodology Analysis of the Appeal of Mcdonald's Erica Nelson Rivera Brigham Young University
    Brigham Young University BYU ScholarsArchive All Theses and Dissertations 2016-06-01 Why Kids Are 'Lovin' It': A Q Methodology Analysis of the Appeal of McDonald's Erica Nelson Rivera Brigham Young University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd Part of the Communication Commons BYU ScholarsArchive Citation Rivera, Erica Nelson, "Why Kids Are 'Lovin' It': A Q Methodology Analysis of the Appeal of McDonald's" (2016). All Theses and Dissertations. 6440. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/6440 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Why Kids Are 'Lovin' It': A Q Methodology Analysis of the Appeal of McDonald’s Erica Nelson Rivera A thesis submitted to the faculty of Brigham Young University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Tom Robinson, Chair Clark Callahan Kristoffer Boyle School of Communications Brigham Young University June 2016 Copyright © 2016 Erica Nelson Rivera All Rights Reserved ABSTRACT Why Kids Are 'Lovin' It': A Q Methodology Analysis of the Appeal of McDonald’s Erica Nelson Rivera School of Communications, BYU Master of Arts The dramatic rise in childhood obesity is a major concern nationwide. Unprecedented media exposure, drastically decreased time spent interacting as a family, and the consumption of calorie-dense foods are all heated topics of discussion with ties to weight gain. In this research, possible associations are examined between media, social groups and a favorite fast-food restaurant among children: McDonald’s.
    [Show full text]
  • Media Framing of Political Conflict: a Review of the Literature
    This is a repository copy of Media framing of political conflict: A review of the literature. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/117315/ Monograph: Vladisavljević, N (2015) Media framing of political conflict: A review of the literature. Working Paper. MeCoDEM . ISSN 2057-4002 (Unpublished) ©2015 Nebojša Vladisavljević. The Working Papers in the MeCoDEM series serve to disseminate the research results of work in progress prior to publication in order to encourage the exchange of ideas and academic debate. Inclusion of a paper in the MeCoDEM Working Papers series does not constitute publication and should not limit publication in any other venue. Copyright remains with the authors. Reuse Unless indicated otherwise, fulltext items are protected by copyright with all rights reserved. The copyright exception in section 29 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 allows the making of a single copy solely for the purpose of non-commercial research or private study within the limits of fair dealing. The publisher or other rights-holder may allow further reproduction and re-use of this version - refer to the White Rose Research Online record for this item. Where records identify the publisher as the copyright holder, users can verify any specific terms of use on the publisher’s website. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Nebojša Vladisavljević Media framing of political conflict: A review of the literature May 2015 1 The Working Papers in the MeCoDEM series serve to disseminate the research results of work in progress prior to publication in order to encourage the exchange of ideas and academic debate.
    [Show full text]
  • Regulation of Food Advertising to Children in Six Jurisdictions: a Framework for Analyzing and Improving the Performance of Regulatory Instruments [Article]
    Regulation of Food Advertising to Children in Six Jurisdictions: A Framework for Analyzing and Improving the Performance of Regulatory Instruments [Article] Item Type Article; text Authors Reeve, Belinda; Magnusson, Roger Citation 35 Ariz. J. Int'l & Comp. L. 71 (2018) Publisher The University of Arizona James E. Rogers College of Law (Tucson, AZ) Journal Arizona Journal of International and Comparative Law Rights Copyright © The Author(s) Download date 25/09/2021 18:04:56 Item License http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/ Version Final published version Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/658798 REGULATION OF FOOD ADVERTISING TO CHILDREN IN SIX JURISDICTIONS: A FRAMEWORK FOR ANALYZING AND IMPROVING THE PERFORMANCE OF REGULATORY INSTRUMENTS Belinda Reeve & Roger Magnusson TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT................... .................................. ....... 72 I. INTRODUCTION ........................................................... 72 II. REGULATORY CONTROLS ON FOOD ADVERTIZING TO CHILDREN IN SIX JURISDICTIONS ............................................................. 76 A. The Regulatory Landscape for Children's Food Advertising..................76 B. The six different regulatory models ............................ 80 III. EVALUATING THE OUTCOMES OF RESTRICTIONS ON FOOD ADVERTISING TO CHILDREN................... .................................. ....... 85 A. Findings of Studies Evaluating the Impact of Food Advertising Regulation ............................................... 86 B. Methodological Differences Between
    [Show full text]
  • Freedom of Speech and Media
    CARR CENTER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS POLICY 1 SPRING 2021 ISSUE 013 CARR CENTER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS POLICY HARVARD KENNEDY SCHOOL Freedom of Speech and Media Reimagining Rights & Responsibilities in the U.S. 2 CARR CENTER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS POLICY Reimagining Rights & Responsibilities in the United States: Freedom of Speech and Media Carr Center for Human Rights Policy Harvard Kennedy School, Harvard University February 15, 2021 John Shattuck Carr Center Senior Fellow; Former US Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor; Professor of Practice, Fletcher School, Tufts University Mathias Risse Lucius N. Littauer Professor of Philosophy and Public Administration; Director for the Carr Center for Human Rights Policy The authors’ institutional affiliations are provided for purposes of author identification, not as indications of institutional endorsement of the report. This report is part of a Carr Center project on Reimagining Rights and Responsibilities in the United States, directed by John Shattuck. The project has been overseen by a faculty committee chaired by Mathias Risse, with the collaboration of Executive Director Sushma Raman, and the support of the Carr Center staff. This research paper was drafted by Kathleen Addison (RA). The authors are grateful to Michael Blanding and Mayumi Cornejo for editing, and Alexandra Geller for editorial and design. CARR CENTER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS POLICY 1 Table of Contents 2. Introduction 5. Polarization and Attacks on Speech 9. Social Media and Its Impact on the Information Ecosystem 14. Recommendations 17. How to Reimagine Rights and Responsibilities 2 CARR CENTER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS POLICY Introduction As the first line of defense against The First Amendment guarantees some of the most fundamental governmental overreach, the press rights provided to Americans under the Constitution.
    [Show full text]