Ideas / Histories of Feminism
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Commercial Speech and Gender Inequality
Case Western Reserve Law Review Volume 60 Issue 1 Article 4 2009 Onslaught: Commercial Speech and Gender Inequality Tamara R. Piety Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/caselrev Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Tamara R. Piety, Onslaught: Commercial Speech and Gender Inequality, 60 Case W. Rsrv. L. Rev. 47 (2009) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/caselrev/vol60/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Case Western Reserve Law Review by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. ONSLAUGHT: COMMERCIAL SPEECH AND GENDER INEQUALITY Tamara R. Pietyt ABSTRACT Utilizing Dove's infamous "Onslaught" viral ad, this Article explores the ways commercial speech constructs images of and attitudes toward women that interfere with full equality for women. Advertising and marketing contribute to creating a social reality in which it is taken for granted that women must spend a great deal of time on appearance and that appearance is of critical importance to life success. As is typical for much advertising, it often does this by stimulating anxiety. Such anxiety may contribute to low self-esteem, lowered ambitions and stereotype threat reactions, as well as to biased reactions on the part of others-all of which may serve as obstacles to women achieving greater equality. The barrage of images which portray women as sexual objects or commodities also sends a message in some tension with full equality for women and may similarly lead to harmful self-conceptions on the part of women, as well as leading both men and women to view women as less competent. -
From the Head of School
From the Head of School December 2007/January 2008 Dateline: Johannesburg, South Africa My time in South Africa has left me asking Shakespeare’s question, ‘What’s in a name?’ I went seeking partnerships with the Oprah Winfrey Leadership Academy for Girls and African Leadership Academy (ALA), two schools in Johannesburg that are committed to developing the next generation of African leaders. I went to forge relationships that will be beneficial to our school and to these two Leadership Academies. Castilleja’s global education initiatives will clearly be enhanced by these relationships, but what do we bring to the table? Make no mistake about it: I was asked that question often, beginning just a few hours after our 22-hour trip from San Francisco. That first night John and I went out to dinner with John’s longtime friend and colleagueCharlayne Hunter-Gault, until recently CNN’s bureau chief for South Africa, and her husband, business leader Ron Gault. After an invaluable orientation to the current social, political and economic climate of the city and country, they cut to the chase. “What makes you think you can help or that these schools will want your help?” It was a gentle but direct warning about the danger of coming across as ‘educational imperialists,’ a sensitive issue in a country that has only recently shaken off the shackles of white rule. Forewarned, I resolved to keep quiet about our 100 years of educating women to be leaders. As it turned out, I needn’t have worried, because Castilleja’s reputation preceded me, and the leaders at each Leadership Academy asked questions and sought my advice. -
Libertarianism, Feminism, and Nonviolent Action: a Synthesis
LIBERTARIAN PAPERS VOL. 4, NO. 2 (2012) LIBERTARIANISM, FEMINISM, AND NONVIOLENT ACTION: A SYNTHESIS GRANT BABCOCK* I. Introduction MURRAY ROTHBARD’S CONTRIBUTION to libertarian ethics was to outline a theory prohibiting aggressive violence (1978, p. 27-30). The influence of Rothbard’s ethics,1 combined with a decades-long political alliance with conservatives based on anticommunism, has produced a debate within libertarian circles about whether libertarians qua libertarians must take positions against certain forms of repression that do not involve aggressive violence. The non-aggression principle is as good a libertarian litmus test as has been suggested. Often, the voices who levy allegations of non-aggressive (or at least not exclusively aggressive) oppression come from the political left, and have un-libertarian (read: aggressive) solutions in mind, even if they do not conceive of those solutions as violent. Despite these considerations, I do believe that libertarians qua libertarians are obligated to say something about the kind of non-aggressive oppression that these voices from the left have raised regarding issues including, but not limited to, race, class, gender, and sexual orientation. Making the case that libertarians have these obligations irrespective of their * Grant Babcock ([email protected]) is an independent scholar. My thanks to Robert Churchill, Matthew McCaffrey, Ross Kenyon, and two anonymous referees for their help and encouragement. The paper’s merits are largely a result of their influence; any remaining errors are my own. CITATION INFORMATION FOR THIS ARTICLE: Grant Babcock. 2012. “Libertarianism, Feminism, and Nonviolent Action: A Synthesis.” Libertarian Papers. 4 (2): 119-138. ONLINE AT: libertarianpapers.org. -
79385 AMA Conference Cover:Mppcover2
79385_AMA_conference Cover:MPPCover2 4/17/08 4:53 PM Page 1 2008 MARKETING and 2008 PUBLIC POLICY Conference Proceedings MARKETING VOLUME 18 and EDITORS PUBLIC POLICY John Kozup Charles R. Taylor Ronald Paul Hill Conference Proceedings May 29–May 31, 2008 Loews Hotel Philadelphia, Pennsylvania VOLUME 18 Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Sound Policy: Research at the Birthplace of Our Democracy Marketing and Public Policy Conference Proceedings 2008 “Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Sound Policy: Research at the Birthplace of Our Democracy” May 29–31, 2008 Loews Hotel Philadelphia, Pennsylvannia Editors: John Kozup Charles R. Taylor Ronald Paul Hill Volume 18 311 South Wacker Drive, Suite 58 • Chicago, Illinois 60606 PROGRAM COMMITTEE Natalie Adkins, Creighton University Gregory T. Gundlach, University of North Florida Kathryn Aikin, Food and Drug Administration Jane Hoek, Massey University Alan Andreasen, Georgetown University Jeanne Hogarth, Federal Reserve Board J. Craig Andrews, Marquette University Pauline Ippolito, Federal Trade Commission Lauren Block, Baruch College/CUNY Alan Levy, Food and Drug Administration Paul N. Bloom, Duke University Ingrid M. Martin, California State Univ. Long Beach Scot Burton, University of Arkansas Rob Mayer, University of Utah Jack Calfee, American Enterprise Institute Michael Mazis, American University Les Carlson, Clemson University Julie Ozanne, Virginia Polytechnic Institute Mary Culnan, Bentley College Janis K. Pappalardo, Federal Trade Commission Pam Scholder Ellen, Georgia State University Connie Pechman, University of California, Irvine Gary Ford, American University Ross Petty, Babson College Copyright © 2008, American Marketing Association Printed in the United States of America Composition by Marie Steinhoff, Southeast Missouri State University Cover design by Jeanne Nemcek ISBN: 0-87757-332-8 All rights reserved. -
Libertarian Feminism: Can This Marriage Be Saved? Roderick Long Charles Johnson 27 December 2004
Libertarian Feminism: Can This Marriage Be Saved? Roderick Long Charles Johnson 27 December 2004 Let's start with what this essay will do, and what it will not. We are both convinced of, and this essay will take more or less for granted, that the political traditions of libertarianism and feminism are both in the main correct, insightful, and of the first importance in any struggle to build a just, free, and compassionate society. We do not intend to try to justify the import of either tradition on the other's terms, nor prove the correctness or insightfulness of the non- aggression principle, the libertarian critique of state coercion, the reality and pervasiveness of male violence and discrimination against women, or the feminist critique of patriarchy. Those are important conversations to have, but we won't have them here; they are better found in the foundational works that have already been written within the feminist and libertarian traditions. The aim here is not to set down doctrine or refute heresy; it's to get clear on how to reconcile commitments to both libertarianism and feminism—although in reconciling them we may remove some of the reasons that people have had for resisting libertarian or feminist conclusions. Libertarianism and feminism, when they have encountered each other, have most often taken each other for polar opposites. Many 20th century libertarians have dismissed or attacked feminism—when they have addressed it at all—as just another wing of Left-wing statism; many feminists have dismissed or attacked libertarianism—when they have addressed it at all—as either Angry White Male reaction or an extreme faction of the ideology of the liberal capitalist state. -
National Conference
NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF THE POPULAR CULTURE ASSOCIATION AMERICAN CULTURE ASSOCIATION In Memoriam We honor those members who passed away this last year: Mortimer W. Gamble V Mary Elizabeth “Mery-et” Lescher Martin J. Manning Douglas A. Noverr NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF THE POPULAR CULTURE ASSOCIATION AMERICAN CULTURE ASSOCIATION APRIL 15–18, 2020 Philadelphia Marriott Downtown Philadelphia, PA Lynn Bartholome Executive Director Gloria Pizaña Executive Assistant Robin Hershkowitz Graduate Assistant Bowling Green State University Sandhiya John Editor, Wiley © 2020 Popular Culture Association Additional information about the PCA available at pcaaca.org. Table of Contents President’s Welcome ........................................................................................ 8 Registration and Check-In ............................................................................11 Exhibitors ..........................................................................................................12 Special Meetings and Events .........................................................................13 Area Chairs ......................................................................................................23 Leadership.........................................................................................................36 PCA Endowment ............................................................................................39 Bartholome Award Honoree: Gary Hoppenstand...................................42 Ray and Pat Browne Award -
Mainstream Feminism
Feminist movements and ideologies This collection of feminist buttons from a women's museum shows some messages from feminist movements. A variety of movements of feminist ideology have developed over the years. They vary in goals, strategies, and affiliations. They often overlap, and some feminists identify themselves with several branches of feminist thought. Groupings Judith Lorber distinguishes between three broad kinds of feminist discourses: gender reform feminisms, gender resistant feminisms, and gender revolution feminisms. In her typology, gender reform feminisms are rooted in the political philosophy of liberalism with its emphasis on individual rights. Gender resistant feminisms focus on specific behaviors and group dynamics through which women are kept in a subordinate position, even in subcultures which claim to support gender equality. Gender revolution feminisms seek to disrupt the social order through deconstructing its concepts and categories and analyzing the cultural reproduction of inequalities.[1] Movements and ideologies Mainstream feminism … "Mainstream feminism" as a general term identifies feminist ideologies and movements which do not fall into either the socialist or radical feminist camps. The mainstream feminist movement traditionally focused on political and legal reform, and has its roots in first- wave feminism and in the historical liberal feminism of the 19th and early- 20th centuries. In 2017, Angela Davis referred to mainstream feminism as "bourgeois feminism".[2] The term is today often used by essayists[3] and cultural analysts[4] in reference to a movement made palatable to a general audience by celebrity supporters like Taylor Swift.[5] Mainstream feminism is often derisively referred to as "white feminism,"[6] a term implying that mainstream feminists don't fight for intersectionality with race, class, and sexuality. -
Modernism and Postmodernism in Feminism: a Conceptual Study on the Developments of Its Defination, Waves and School of Thought
1 Malaysian Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities (MJSSH), Volume 4, Issue 1, (page 1 - 14), 2019 Malaysian Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities (MJSSH) Volume 4, Issue 1, January 2019 e-ISSN : 2504-8562 Journal home page: www.msocialsciences.com Modernism and Postmodernism in Feminism: A Conceptual Study on the Developments of its Defination, Waves and School of Thought Mohd Hafiz Bin Abdul Karim1, Ariff Aizuddin Azlan2 1Institute of Islamic Thought and Civilization (ISTAC-IIUM) 2Faculty of Administrative Science and Policy Studies, Universiti Teknologi MARA (UiTM) Correspondence: Mohd Hafiz Bin Abdul Karim ([email protected]) Abstract ______________________________________________________________________________________________________ This study seeks to identify the relations of modernism and postmodernism in feminism by looking deeply on the development of its definitions, waves of feminism and framework in its specific schools of thought; liberal, classical Marxist, socialist and radical feminism. By adapting qualitative descriptive study, this study covers mainly secondary data from English language sources, be it from books, academic articles or any literatures pertaining to this topic, which obtained from various databases. This study argues that modernism and postmodernism is the worldviews that become the essence of feminism. By looking at the variations of how feminism is studied, e.g. definitions, waves and school of thought, this study concluded that there are several points indicating the relations that exist between modernism and postmodernism with feminism. Modernism can be seen in the relational approach of the liberal, classical Marxist and socialist feminism in the first wave, which are more centered on education, politics and economic participation. Meanwhile, the relation of postmodernism to feminism is exampled in the deconstructing approach of the radical feminism that began from the second wave shown in their individualist views on sex, sexuality, motherhood, childbirth, and language institution. -
Maternal Feminism Discussion
H-Women Maternal Feminism Discussion Page published by Kolt Ewing on Thursday, June 12, 2014 Maternal Feminism Discussion July, August 1996 Original Query for Info from Heather L. [email protected] 15 July 1996 I am revising a paper for publication and have been asked to include a more critical discussion of maternal feminism that reflects the kinds of questions feminist historians have posed regarding this idea. In this paper I am looking at the Needlework Guild of Canada. This is a voluntary organization that originated in England and then emerged in Canada in 1892. The women in this group collected clothing and goods to meet the needs of state-operated orphanages, hospitals, homes, and charities. Does anyone know of any work, preferably Canadian, with a contemporary discussion of maternal feminism which goes beyond the class critique and/or identifies the debates surrounding the use of this concept? I would appreciate any sources you could suggest, as I am unfamiliar with this literature. [Editor Note: For bibliography on Maternal Feminism, see bibliography section on H-Women home page at http://h-net2.msu.edu/~women/bibs Responses: >From Eileen Boris [email protected] 17 July 1996 ...The question remains, though, is maternal feminism the proper term? Is maternalism feminism? Is mother-talk strategy, discourse, or political position? >From Karen Offen [email protected] 17 July 1996 ...But first, it would be good to know more about the work of your Needlework Guild and the organization's perspective. Was there a "feminist" component of any kind, i.e. -
Decentering Agency in Feminist Theory: Recuperating the Family As a Social Project☆
Women's Studies International Forum 35 (2012) 153–165 Contents lists available at SciVerse ScienceDirect Women's Studies International Forum journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/wsif Decentering agency in feminist theory: Recuperating the family as a social project☆ Amy Borovoy a, Kristen Ghodsee b,⁎ a East Asian Studies Department, Princeton University, 211 Jones Hall, Princeton, NJ 08544–1008, USA b Gender and Women's Studies, Bowdoin College, 7100 College Station, Brunswick, ME 04011, USA article info Synopsis Available online 21 April 2012 Ethnographic investigations demonstrate that there are many cultures in which women relin- quish rights for broader social goods and protections, which are equally acceptable, if not more desirable, to women. These include Western European social democracies, Eastern European post socialist nations, and the East Asian industrialized nations. Exploring these gender politics provides a powerful window into how the liberal emphasis on “choice” captures only one nar- row aspect of what is at stake for women in issues such as feminist debates about domesticity and the politics of abortion and family planning. In this article we draw on Japan and Bulgaria as our case studies, and we historicize the brand of social feminism that we are discussing, locating it in the mission to incorporate women into national agendas during the interwar pe- riod in many locations throughout the industrialized world as well as in the diverse mandates of early socialist feminism in the United States. We argue that “social feminism” can help sharpen the critiques of liberal feminism mobilized by anthropologists under the banner of “cultural relativism.” © 2012 Elsevier Ltd. -
Q:\Research Files\Research Papers\Carrol03(Format).Wpd
Are U.S. Women State Legislators Accountable to Women? The Complementary Roles of Feminist Identity and Women’s Organizations Susan J. Carroll Rutgers University Paper prepared for presentation at the Gender and Social Capital Conference, St. John’s College, University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, Manitoba, May 2-3, 2003 Numerous scholars have argued that the increased numerical representation of women among legislators is likely to lead to increased substantive representation of women, and a number of studies have presented evidence suggesting a strong relationship between the presence of women legislators and attention to women’s issues within legislative bodies (e.g., Dodson and Carroll 1991; Thomas 1994; Carroll 1994; Carroll 2001; Saint-Germain 1989). While we have considerable evidence that women legislators give greater priority to women’s issues than their male colleagues, we know less about why they do so. What is the process underlying the substantive representation of women by women legislators? Why does the representation of women by women legislators happen? This paper examines these questions with particular attention to the role of women’s organizations and networks. Anne Phillips has argued that the most troubling question surrounding the political representation of women is the question of accountability (1995, 56). Observing that “Representation depends on the continuing relationship between representatives and the represented ” (1995, 82), Phillips concludes “there is no obvious way of establishing strict accountability to women as a group” (1995, 83). Thus, for Phillips, “Changing the gender composition of elected assemblies is largely an enabling condition... but it cannot present itself as a guarantee [of greater substantive representation for women]” (1995, 83). -
The Tensions Between Feminism and Libertarianism: a Focus on Prostitution, 3 Wash
Washington University Jurisprudence Review Volume 3 | Issue 1 2011 The eT nsions Between Feminism and Libertarianism: A Focus on Prostitution Nahid Sorooshyari Follow this and additional works at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_jurisprudence Part of the Jurisprudence Commons Recommended Citation Nahid Sorooshyari, The Tensions Between Feminism and Libertarianism: A Focus on Prostitution, 3 Wash. U. Jur. Rev. 167 (2011). Available at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_jurisprudence/vol3/iss1/6 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Law School at Washington University Open Scholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington University Jurisprudence Review by an authorized administrator of Washington University Open Scholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE TENSIONS BETWEEN FEMINISM AND LIBERTARIANISM: A FOCUS ON PROSTITUTION NAHID SOROOSHYARI* INTRODUCTION This Note explores the tensions between feminism and libertarianism. In practice, feminism and libertarianism align on several issues. Historically, feminists and libertarians fought together to abolish legal barriers to women's participation in the economy and in the political system.' Currently, feminists and libertarians align on the issues of abortion and birth control.2 Any overlap between the two philosophies is, however, shallow. For feminists, patriarchy is the enemy, and it exists today despite the legal equality of women.3 For libertarians, the state is the enemy, and institutional harm to women only exists in the government- sanctioned oppression of women.4 Now that there are no legally- sanctioned barriers to women's participation in economic and political life,5 but still inequality between the genders,6 the tension between feminism and libertarianism is illuminated.