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Home , Ancient Egypt, Animal worship, Cornelius Gallus, High Priest of Ptah, Temple of Caesar

Journal of Association of Arab Universities for Tourism and Hospitality Volume 12 - June 2015 - No 1 - Pages: (35 : 56)

The Other Face of ’s Aggressive Inclination to Wahid Omran Lecturer in Tourist Guidance Dep., Faculty of Tourism and Hotels, Fayoum University Introduction The initial attitude of Octavian against Egypt is proved by his speech to his troops on the evening before the . Pride in his Roman birth is compared to the despicability of an Egyptian as an opponent, who is supported by Dio Cassius reference.1 "Alexandrians and - what worse or what truer name could one apply to them?- who reptiles and beasts as , who embalm their own bodies to give them semblance of immortality, who are most reckless in effrontery but most feeble in courage, and worst of all are slaves to a woman and not to a man". Since The Roman poet Virgile (70- 19 .C), 2 the Romans opposed the – cult of the Egyptians, and considered these gods as monsters.3 character of the Augustus's opponents is related to the Augustan propaganda, represented the Augustus's war against Antony and not only a civil war between and Egypt, but like a struggle between the West and the East. Whose was a traitor joined the powers of the East, whereas Octavian's victory in Actium was not only for himself, but basically for Rome and the Romans. This struggle was described in 's documents as a civil strife or a foreign war.4 Augustus also knew he had a compensated war against as a republican magistrate crushing Oriental despotism.5 He is supported by the Roman society ethics and the star of the sacred Caesar, on the other , Antony, once a great Roman commander-in-chief, but now supported by a foreign army and followed by unnamed Egyptian spouse.6 The Romans considered the battle not only a military, but either a religious one between the Roman and the Egyptian Pantheons. The Romans mocked of the Egyptian and considered them as enemies. Therefore, during this war, Antony was under the homage of these anthropomorphic Egyptian gods as , , and , while Cleopatra called up her troops by using the ancient , one of the attributes of Isis cult.7 While, the Roman gods support Octavian. The Roman abhorrence of Egyptian theomorphic gods created a hostile feeling towards Antony and Cleopatra.8 The Roman poets related to the Octavian's war, mainly considered , and Memphis as symbols of the various vices of which they accused the Egyptians. Alexandria was the , the cosmopolitan city, and the important trade harbor in the Mediterranean, Canopus as an center, while Memphis was the capital for the native Egyptians. This is described as a city of the barbarian, guilty of the blood of the Romans, and mocking on its religious significance for the Egyptians.9 The fall of “the Egyptian wife of the Roman leader” led to follow this by ridiculing her threats to put the Capitol in subservience to Canopus. 10 Again, while talking about “the queen of Canopus” mentioned, 11 in the same poem, Alexandria and Memphis, in direct mention to Egypt.While denouncing what he considered the queen‟s preposterous contrast between Jupiter and Anubis, the Tiber and the , the Roman horn and the sistrum of Isis. Vergil talked about “Antony‟s Egyptian wife”, “the queen calling her forces with the of her fatherland”, and “the mournful Nile”, while contrasting the Egyptian and the Roman deities.12The other face of Augustus‟s Preference against Egypt can be well- noticed in these four points:

- The "Kaisareion" The imperial cult was a system rose from the Roman provinces, not from Rome itself, especially in Minor. Later, it flourished and spread to all the Roman provinces.13 The cult of the genius of Augustus became a principal element in during his lifetime.14 The Republican Rome know the imperial cult, as a maintenance of the cults given to Roman leaders, both political and military, either out of the genuine gratitude for benefactions conferred, or form of a sycophantic desire to do favor with the leaders at Rome, especially the great generals of the Late Republican history.15 Divine honors, including , were decreed on behalf of such Roman leaders such as Sulla, Pompey and Julius Cesar. In addition to these cults, the Romans regarded goddess “Roma” as the symbol of “the entire Roman people”, or of “the Roman ”.16 Therefore, the chief priest of the imperial cult of Augustus at Rome was “chief priest of the goddess Roma and the Caesar, son of , Augustus”.17 By seizing Egypt after the battle of Actium in 30 B. C, Augustus succeeded the Ptolemies and their predecessor, the Egyptian . He established a new Roman cult not only in Egypt, but in the whole world. The Egyptians worshipped Roman and portrayed them traditionally on Egyptian ,18 and the worship of the living emperor as well as the dead one. The emperor became fully integrated to the Egyptian gods in their like the Ptolemies, the emperor automatically became “synnaoi” of the Egyptian gods, as a continuation of the Ptolemaic cult. 19 However, the Roman Journal of Association of Arab Universities for Tourism and Hospitality Volume 12 - June 2015 - No 1 - Pages: (35 : 56) cult was locally organized on the level of the Greek poleis (especially Alexandria) and the nomemetropoleis, the organization of the cult was “official”, and the living emperors didn‟t receive divine cult name as the Ptolemies, since Augustus was given an official cult name as “ Eleutherios Sebastos”.20 In addition, his imperial were not typical cult statues, they were of Hellenistic style.21 Festivals and rituals performed in temples in honor of the emperors.22 The Egyptian priests didn‟t play any role in the Imperial cult, unlike the Ptolemaic royal cult. In 30 B.C, when Augustus was still known as Octavian conquered Alexandria, the ascension of Octavian to the Egyptian throne took place on Thot I Egyptian in 29 B.C= August 31 Julian 29 B.C,23 he decided to annex Egypt as a province of Rome. In fact, Egypt was both a mine and a to the Roman soldiers as well as a spring-board to the Roman conquerors in their campaigns in the East.24 After Actium battle, the appearance of Augustus in Alexandria, and his brief stay in Egypt and the events during these days, refered to the beginning of a new era in Egypt, and illustrate the personal prejudices of the Roman Augustus towards Egypt, the Egyptians, and their cults. These events were related by Dio Cassius as follows: “He was merciful toward all the Egyptians and Alexandrians and had none of them put to death. In reality, this was because he did not want to inflict any irreparable harm on them because they were numerous and might be useful to the Romans in many ways. As enexcuse, however, he cited their god Serapis and their founder Alexander, as well as their fellow citizen Arius, with whom he was on intimate terms and liked to discuss . The speech in which he proclaimed his pardon gor them he delivered in Greek, so that they could understand him. It is said that when he later viewed the body of Alexander, he touched it, breaking off a bit of the nose in the process. However, he did not view the bodies of the Ptolenmies, although the Alexandrians were eager to show them to him, and he declared, “It was a king I wished to see, not corpses”. And for this same reason he refused to make a visit to see the bull, stating that he was accustomed to worship gods but not cattle”. Augustus in his few days in Egypt, and his first years of rule, was confused under a contradiction between his malice and hatred of Cleopatra VII, not only his rival enemy, but either the Romans‟. Besides, his eagerness to maintain his Roman blood and traditions as a Caesar, he seized Alexandria as a present for the Romans. He succeeded to achieve the holy victory, especially his first pseudo-god treatment and attitude towards the Egyptians was not because of his love or sympathy with them, but of their large and they might be useful to the Romans in several aspects, as Cassius mentioned. This first attitude remained in a power struggle with his Personal aspirations and as a , as a hero, as a legendary figure, or as a god. The clash was between the imposed and the hoped -selfish attitude of Augustus; he accepted his in Egypt, recognizing that was an essential tool for gaining Egyptian support in ruling the area. Augustus granted Egypt a special status among all his conquered provinces. According to Roman tradition; only a person of senatorial rank could be appointed to govern a province of the Roman , due to the importance and the great rank of Egypt as the main granary of Rome and the Romans. Augustus broke this tradition by appointing Gallus as the prefect of Egypt, as described by Dio Cassiusas;25 “Afterwards he made Egypt tributary and gave it in charge of Cornelius Gallus. For in view of the populousness of both the cities and country, the facile, fickle character of the inhabitants, and the extent of the grain- supply and of wealth, so far from daring to entrust the land to any senator, he would not even grant a senator permission to live in it, expect as he personally made the concession to him by name”. This fact is also confirmed by Tacitus, 26 who pointed out that “Egypt was economically so rich and strategically so secure that it would have been dangerous to place it under a senator who might be tempted to rebel” Augustus intended to follow ‟s steps, and to be a deified character either. Augustus invented a birth legend, as Alexander the Great had done, as one of the Pharaohs‟ descendants, Nechtanebo II take the form of a in the form of , and spent the night with Alexander‟s mother Olympius.27 Augustus's birth legend was recited by Alexander‟s , Pseudo- Kallisthenes.28 Sueton29and Dio Cassius rumored the Augustus‟s birth legend, that Augustus‟s mother “Atia” spent the nights in the temple of Apollo, during a night god Apollo has the form of a serpent and spent his night with her, and then Augustus was born. While he was a ten- months old child; he was known by the Romans as “Son of Apollo”, a clear allusion to the birth of Alexander. Nigidius Figulus, the astrologer, had announced at the of Augustus‟s birth that the ruler of the world had been born.30 In Rome, he was known as “the new Alexander”, and “the son of Apollo”.31 Another legend attributed to Augustu‟s father, on a campaign in Thrace, stopped to ask the of the temple of Liber Pater/ Dionysos, regarding his son, while he made , the fire of the sacrifices rose up till the , and the high priest of the temple proclaimed that Augustus is the “New Alexander” real son of Apollo, the same was done before with Alexander the Great, and the same risen flame to the heaven appeared before when Alexander offered upon this same .32 At various times and in various ways, Augustus was admired of both the character and personality of Alexander the Great. His behavior pointed what is called “aemulatio Alexandri”.33 He used a portrait of Alexander on Journal of Association of Arab Universities for Tourism and Hospitality Volume 12 - June 2015 - No 1 - Pages: (35 : 56)

his official during the early years of his reign. He appeared in his coins-figures as Alexander portraits.34 Augustus visited the tomb of Alexander the Great in Alexandria, and paid his respect to Alexander as a great conqueror, Alexander was above all a role model for Augustus. He put and gold upon his body, but he refused to visit the tombs of the Ptolemies. Dio Cassius referred that Augustus had said “He wants to visit kings, not the dead ones”. The Augustus‟s refuse of visiting the Ptolemies tombs, indicates he was intended to be the new king, and the heir of Alexander and the Ptolemies on Egypt‟s throne. Instead, he was a successor to Alexander as world conqueror and either ruler. Sueton described Augustus as “the son of the Egyptian gods”. While Dio Cassius described him as the “the expected ruler of the world”. Augustus‟s mother “Atia” dreamed that her guts were lifted up to the stars and spread over heaven and earth. While Augustus‟s father dreamed that radiations and rays are coming up from his wife‟s womb.35 Like Alexander, Augustus subsequently visited Memphis; where the god and the Apis bull had been revered since the 1st . Both of them were responsible for the of the Ptolemaic kings,36 but nothing is known about an Egyptian coronation of Augustus as Egyptian Pharaoh like Alexander, which made his recognition by the Senate impossible, that he was still only a representative of the Roman state provided with special powers, he wanted to consolidate his at Rome,37 was maybe crowned as a Roman Caesar there.38 This gives the connection between the birth of Augustus and the solar cult in Egypt, and the journey of the Sun-god Re in the sky at the night to be reborn again in the morning from the womb of the sky-goddess . So Augustus was considered as , the son of god Re, and the Pharaoh of Egypt.39 The Imperial cult of Augustus was generally established in the Roman world, and in Egypt in special, depending on these three legendary stories disseminated by Sueton, Dio Cassius and the Egyptian Asklepiades of Meneds. – He was proclaimed in Rome as the son of Apollo40 – He was known in the Roman world as “the New Alexander”, and connected with the Greek as “ZeusEleutherios” – The Egyptian priest of , Asklepiades‟s interpretation that Augustus is “the new Egyptian Pharaoh”.41 At first, Augustus in Rome made no claim or sought for a kind of divinity as a living man, and he refused to put his statues inside the temples, and took the ancient Republican title princes rather than king, probably he hoped to be deified after death as the model of Caesar. He knew that the Romans; especially the Senators, still yearned for the republic, and they still followed the Republican traditions, which still forbid a divine Emperor‟s cult as a complete god. His religious role is mentioned once in his “Res Gestae”; and he maintained the Roman tradition forbidding public worship of private men. This is well-attested by his frequent rejection of temples, cults and rituals, and his melting down of statues.42 Later, step by step, his religious policy completely changed; he closely moved to veneration while living, he denied his father‟s modest rank, and recited the legends that he is the real son of Apollo. The court poets, introduced him to the whole world as a god.43 Only when he died, the Senate formally enrolled Augustus as god in the state cult, with Livia as his priestess.44 The Romans attitude towards Egypt was totally differ from that of the Ptolemies. The Romans considered Egypt as a seized country, the Emperor‟s duty was to keep the land of Egypt peaceful and prosperous for the Romans, depended heavily on the wheat and other products exported to Rome in vast quantities, as well as the substantial extracted annually from the rich land.45 Except for the necessary conciliatory gestures towards the priesthood, Egypt was the of the Romans, and their emperors considered themselves the legitimate successors of the pharaohs. When Augustus inaugurated the tradition of embellishing Rome with he was not paying tribute to Alexandrian tradition and ingenuity, but celebrating a victory by bringing home spoils of war.46 The Egyptian sources refer that during the high priest of Ptah at Memphis called "Imouthes- Petubastis III" and his wife "Tneferos" (the musician of Ptah) has died two days before the arrival of Augustus to Egypt.47 He was mummified, but not buried, for seven years the mummified high priest took up a shelf-room in Per-nefer, the of , and finally on 14 Pharmouthi, the 7th year of the rule of Augustus (9 April 23 B.C), he was buried on the emperor‟s instructions.48 His successor was not immediately appointed. Two and a half years later, another high priest was appointed, he is called "Psenamun=Psenamousis II", he was installed in the 3rd year of Augustus, 28/ 27 B.C. he was the cousin of his predecessor.49 The new priest had the title "prophet of Caesar" and was thus responsible for the cult of Augustus in Memphis. For the award of the title; he received a golden crown and many gifts for his new services for Augustus, and construction of a chapel was also authorized, which emphasis the good relationship between the priests of Ptah and Augustus.50 The “Prophet of Caesar” was following the Ptolemaic precedent of “the prophet of Pharaoh”, Augustus by appointing this priest, with his new aspects, was allowing the personal aspects of his rule to be emphasized in Egypt, as a divine pharaoh enjoying the traditional support of the high priest of Ptah.51 Journal of Association of Arab Universities for Tourism and Hospitality Volume 12 - June 2015 - No 1 - Pages: (35 : 56)

The Egyptian priests prepared Augustus as a ruler in the first year of his reign in Egypt. So his name was inscribed in cartouche on the Gallius's stela52. Though the name of Augustus is inscribed in a cartouche as Kaisaros (son of Caesar) in the hieroglyphic text, and as Romaios (the Roman) in the lunette of the stela.53 The title -c3 (Pharaoh) did not appear in a cartouche for Augustus54. Generally, Egypt differed from Rome and all Roman provinces. According to the ancient Egyptian traditions, the ruler was honored as a god. Therefore, Augustus, could not refuse the honor and prayers offered to him. To inherit the honor and power of the pharaoh, he had to be the divine ruler. He had his statues erected in all the Egyptian temples over the years, and became asylums in Egypt.55 Augustus received the only three ancient Pharaonic titles; the Horus, the Nsw-bity and the S3 R names. The word Kysrs (Caesar) was part of his son of Re's name, which emphasized that he did not receive his authority and ability from the Egyptian gods, but from the imperium granted to him by the Senate and the Romans. In his first years of reign; the Egyptian word hrmys (the Roman) was part of his Nsw-bity title. However, in the 9th year, it was replaced by the word Awtkrtr (Autokrator),56 which was the official name of the emperor Augustus.57 The of Augustus emphasizes the good relation with god Ptah.58 It contained elements of Egyptian royal ideology, praising the ruler as an ideal Egyptian Pharaoh. Augustus was portrayed by this name as the mighty ruler in Rome, who captured Egypt, protected it from the enemies, ensured and order, looked for the prosperity of the Egyptians, and maintained a good relationship with the Egyptian gods. The Horus name also includes components of the royal titular of the Ptolemaic period. The name referred that Augustus's residence in Rome, not in Egypt, and his domain and justice distributed in the whole population.59 In order to prevent turmoil, Augustus preserved the rights of the priests and the temples left unchanged, as a first political step, but he exercised strict control over their income and movements; this resulted finally in the appointing of “a high priest of Alexandria and of all Egypt”,60 with the assistance of local high priests in the nomes. The chief high priest of Alexandria and all Egypt was mainly a Roman civil official "exegetes”, which was known from the Ptolemaic period, who had not exactly a religious function but served as a sort of minister of religious affairs.61The office of the high priest of Egypt in Alexandria included direct concern for the imperial cult, his the full title as “high priest of the lords Augusti and the Great Serapis, and the one who was responsible for the temples of Egypt and the whole country”. Since Augustus the Praefectus Aegypti involved in the administrative affairs of the temples, in the 1st century A.D, he prescribed his Idios Logos for the administrative of the temples‟ affaires.62 The high priest of Alexandria functioned not only as a high priest of all the Egyptian temples and their gods, but as a bureaucrat, supervising the temples‟ affaires, has to control access to the Egyptian priesthood, all under the control of the Roman in Egypt, responsible for the administrative oversight of all cult activities in Egypt, controller for the priests actions, activities and incomes, with careful reports and supervision acted as a mediator between the public and the Egyptian temples, he was responsible for the registration of all temple personnel, their families and property, and solving the problems and abuses of the Egyptian temples, in addition to his cultic responsibilities.63 The imperial cult was official, but it was not, as under the Ptolemies, organized by the central regime, but municipally, by the magistrates of the Greek cities and capitals.64 Most likely, there was a high priest who assisted in a provincial capacity as a subordinate of the high priest of Alexandria, given the local nature of most Egyptian temples; he was identified merely as “high priest of the gods Augusti.65 He was of a Roman origin, may be was full- fledged member of the archontes, who serving as a ruling council, and they had a real authority to the metropolis.66 Augustus failed by his imperial cult to meet the approval of the Egyptians as Alexander the Great or the Ptolemies had met. The Roman emperors has no great cult in Egypt or great festivals as the Ptolemies in Alexandria. The imperial cult in Egypt didn‟t touch the public hearts, possibly was approved only by the beneficiaries, or the high classes of the society between the and the Hellenized Egyptians. No reference for the connection between the Imperial cult of Augustus in Egypt and goddess Rome, as in other Roman provinces. Pfeiffer suggested this due to the special rank of Egypt and the absence of the Senate‟s power and role in Egypt, that the worship of goddess Roma was closely connected with the Senate, which is why Augustus did not introduce it in Egypt.67 He had the Greek title Basileus, which was used also by the Egyptians in the Ptolemaic Egypt. He was especially identified with Zeus in his formulas, as Zeus Eleutherios Sebastos. This title was used for private worship, and was found also in temples. This special role of Zeus seems to have excluded the worship of goddess Roma with Augustus in Egypt, which was sponsored by Augustus in other Eastern provinces.68 The religious reforms and fluctuations was among the most personal works of Augustus; and it was long in an experimental stage as Augustus sought to misuse religion in achieving various functions, though still respect the gods. He denied Antony‟s sought for divinity, with the help of Cleopatra, Augustus recognized. Adjusting religious policy was still a new technique and approach in Rome. Augustus built his own new prestige either by establishing a religious policy differs in Rome from that in Egypt and the Hellenistic East, or by discrediting Antony‟s claims to divinity. Journal of Association of Arab Universities for Tourism and Hospitality Volume 12 - June 2015 - No 1 - Pages: (35 : 56)

Augustus appeared in reliefs as a complete Pharaoh, bearing his extensive titular and epithets. He either acting his role towards the Egyptian deities. In addition to his special divinity inside these temples; he has a true cult associated with these deities and was celebrated in accordance to Egyptian rituals inside the gods‟ temples.69 The main centers of the imperial cult The precise beliefs and practical details of Roman imperial cult for the Emperor is a subject of debate between scholars. The Imperial cult required the presence of a “ruler” king, emperor or otherwise, and the in the very nature of this term had no ruler,70 whether the Romans actually considered the living Emperor as a true god or not, during the time of Augustus, a large of temples throughout the empire were built containing statues for the Emperor, in addition, festivals and sacrifices were carried out on his honor.71 1. The Caesareum of Alexandria Augustus initiated his imperial cult in Egypt inside the Caesareum 72(Sebasteion),73 which begun by Cleopatra for Antony. This was subsequently rededicated to Augustus, who changed it for his own cult and complete its building,74 and referred to as the "temple" or "shrine" (Caesaris templum, or Caesareum Magnum).75 Whilst there is agreement that later, it was a cult center for the worship of the emperor Augustus, there is uncertainty about whether its construction was in honor of or Mark Antony by Cleopatra.76 The central Roman authority for founding a cult for Augustus was at work in Alexandria. However, the cult was supported by the citizens in Alexandria, whose the neokoroi- the cult officials designated as "temple guardians"-from among their ranks.77 The Caesareum was not only a temple but was enlarged as a complex-building on elevated location to be visible to all to the right side Alexandria harbor. Two obelisks were erected before, now, they are in London and New York.78 One of them bore the dedicatory inscription "Year 18 (13/ 12 B.C) of Caesar. Another was demonstrated by Alföldi, now in St. Peter's in Rome, also belonged to the temple of Augustus at Alexandria. A inscription on its base reads as: "By order of the emperor Caesar, son of God, Caius Cornelius Gallus, son of Gnaeus, the Praefectus Farbrum, constructed the forum Iulium79 for Caesar, the son of the god" The Complex buildings of the Caesareum based on a model from the city of Rome or a Romanizing model as an official buildings of the city of Rome. Since a Roman administrator in his office at Alexandria was appointed for the service of this new cult and involved in erecting obelisks at the complex and supervising the project buildings. A from the emperor Claudius to the Alexandrians out a lottery process for electing these cult officials in the Caesareum, which eliminated the influences of certain parties of the Alexandrians on the election process, this emphasis the connection between the Caesareum and the Imperial cult.80 A Roman official named “Pontius” was responsible for the completion of the imperial cult complex.81 The Kaisareion at Alexandria certainly remained an active temple of the imperial cult for more than two centuries.82 The temple remained an object of cult for sailors,83 and of grainswho are coming to Egypt as the principal suppliers of grain, dues to Augustus‟s victory, 84 given the significance of the grain shipments for both sides. An inscription found among the debris of what was probably the Kaisareion appears to be a dedication by the “dekanoi” of a Classis praetorian in honor of “Theos Kaisareion”, providing strong evidence for the inclusion of successive emperors in the temple as “Synnaoi”. Several high priests names were known during the reign of Marcus Aurelius and Septimus Severius.85 By 94AD, the enclosure included subsidiary shrines and was also used as a public place for displaying notices, as a solider report a copy of his certificate of discharge was “lodged in the Great Caesareum, as you mount the second , within the right-hand , near the temple of the Marble , fastened on the wall”.86 The cult was created in the Greek cities to understand the emperors‟ power in their lives, and the primary impact of the new ruler on the Egyptians was the grain tribute. The Kaisareion was converted into a Christian in 313 A.D, or perhaps a church was built within the temenos. This was destroyed in 912 A.D.87 2. The Augustan's temple at Phila Augustus erected a temple at Phila,88 his dedication is inscribed upon the architrave of the temple as "For the emperor Caesar Augustus, savior and benefactor, in the 18th year (13/12 B.C), during the term of the office of (the praefectus Aegypti) Publius Rubrius Barbarus".89 Another inscription composed of three fragments, these had been used as for the later Coptic dwellings nearby (pl.1), comprise the titles of Augustus as Soter and Euergetes. Probably, his victory over the and his successful defense of Phila against the incursions of Nubians, makes him as Soter and Euergetes, it was more than adequate motivation for dedicating the temple.90 The temple was built in the same year of completing the enlargement of the Caesareum of Alexandria. This was either the same year in which Rubrius dedicated the obelisks before the temple in Alexandria.91 It is a Roman podium temple, measured 18 m. by 10 m., it carries a mix between Egyptian and Roman design and elements, a mixed Doric- Journal of Association of Arab Universities for Tourism and Hospitality Volume 12 - June 2015 - No 1 - Pages: (35 : 56)

Corinthian temple. The temple is semi-damaged, without inscriptions, in the open space in front of the sanctuary, the foundation of a sacrificial altar can be detected, and a staircase can also be seen (pl.2).92 3. Chapel at This is a small chapel, of 8.6 / 14 m, lies next to the causeway of the temple of Amun, to the right before the first . It is built of stones and mud-brick, it is distinctly Roman in appearance, and it bears comparison with other Emperor shrines throughout the empire.93 The temple was built in Karnak to associate the imperial cult of Augustus with Amon. It is proto in design with an arrangement of four by two columns; which were of Corinthian design, since a column capital of that type was found. This can be attributed to the building, remains of a staircase to the chapel‟s entrance as a podium-chapel (pl.3).94 The granite staircase leads to the small pronaos, followed by a naos almost twice the size of the pronaos, the naos supposed to hold the cult-statue of the Emperor.95 Pfeiffer suggested that the temple most probably dedicated to Augustus for many points: – Fourteen emperors' statues were found in the of the chapel, two of them belong to Augustus, and three to Claudius. The others are not inscribed. – The similarity with its larger chapel of Phila. – The similarity with a Dalmatia at Natrona, a free-standing imperial cult-chapel with similar features. Around it sixteen imperials' statues dated back to to the time of Trajan, exactly the 1st century.96 – The two statues of Augustus bear dedications to him as “son of god, Zeus Eleutherios”. This divine affiliation appears only in Greek and documents, and the present reference of Augustus as Zeus-Amon referring to the existence of the statue in the precinct of the temple of Amon at Karnak. While the epithet Zeus Eleutherios is not attested until the 7th year of Augustus (23 B.C), suggesting this shrine was not built until the political situation had stabilized in and . An uninscribed colossal royal statue found at Karnak, now in the Egyptian (CG 701), has been identified with Augustus as an Egyptian Pharaoh, although the exact provenance of the statue is unknown. It may have been placed within or before the Emperor‟s shrine. Another colossal statue for son of Hapu was found in the immediate vicinity,97 with the Greek titular of Augustus inscribed as “Kaisaros Autokrator, son of God, Zeus Eleutherios Sebastos”. Klotz assumed this statue was engaged in the Imperial architectural ensemble in front of the first pylon of Karnak. In addition to the reference to Amenhotep son of Hapu receiving Snw-offerings from the altar of Amun, this may hint a similar cult practices rendered to the adjacent statues of Augustus and his descendants, which were found in the chapel.98 – The imperial cult shrine at Karnak has dual functions; as a functional Egyptian temple and containing statues of the ruling emperors99.The chapel was built over an earlier Ptolemaic structure, within it were found the statues of Ptolemy VI and Cleopatra II, which emphasize that these various Roman cult- statues were worshipped inside the shrine for the Emperors as these Ptolemaic cult statues.100 The similar structure and layout of the Karnak chapel and this of Phila, suggested the same construction date; to be the 18th year of Augustus reign, precisely (14/13 B.C).101 Although there are earlier references of the imperial cult at Phila before this date; the Gallius‟s stela (26/ 25 B.C) mentioned the Meriotic armies invaded Upper Egypt, defeated the three cohorts stationed in Syene, captured and Phila, and “pulled down the statues of Caesar.102 This refers to a cult of Augustus existed in Phila before the official construction of this shrine in the 18th year, and the bronze head of Augustus found in Meroe may had belonged to such a statue.103 The bases of Augustus‟ two statues from Karnak, as well as the colossal statue of Amenhotep son of Hapu, both described Augustus as “Zeus Eleutherios”, he was not refereed to him as theos (god) may indicate the statues were dedicated during his lifetime.104 Augustus was interested in building temples and chapels with Corinthian- columns.105 Many other temples were built in Egypt for the worship of the Roman emperors “Kaisareia or Sebasteia”,were situated in the Chora of Egypt, some of them dated back to the reign of Augustus, and others were built later. The existence of “Ksiareiaor Sebasteia” can be proved for Philadelphia, Heptakomia, Arsinoe, Antinoopolis, Herakleopolis, , Elephantine, and probably Lykopolis.106 The Kaisareia were existed in the nome capitals, there is evidence from the villages of Philadephia and Heptakomia.107 - Augustus, Cleopatra and Ceasreion The conquest of Egypt and the defeat of Cleopatra were clearly fundamental to the stories, which the Romans narrated about the origin of August's power. As a symptom of the Augustan's prevalent anti-Egyptian feeling, it is worth remembering that the scandal caused by Antonius and Cesar's relations with Cleopatra had a racial rather than a moral background.108 Cleopatra‟s arrival in Rome was early in August 46 B.C, she had hardly reached Rome in less than 50 days.109 She accompanied Caesareion on her journey to Rome, where his father would see him for the first time. Caesar ordered a gold image of Cleopatra to be placed in the .110 Cleopatra was not only a queen in her own right, however, in her country she was as a goddess as all her ancestors, and accompanied the gods in their sanctuaries. To the Romans, however, such an act as placing a gold image Journal of Association of Arab Universities for Tourism and Hospitality Volume 12 - June 2015 - No 1 - Pages: (35 : 56) of a foreign queen beside the cult image of Venus in her might have seemed extraordinary and unusual. H. Volkmann assumed “this was more” than an act of a man‟s action towards his beloved woman; it was very plausibly a decree which has its political and religious aspects and visions.111 It was an excessive personal honor to Cleopatra, but it does not entail, in the eyes of the Romans, as a kind of deification or a step towards deification.112 The assassination of Julius Caesar placed Cleopatra in an untenable position; she could not approach Octavian because his character was so vehemently antithetical to hers. The contemporary sources describe her not as a renowned beauty, but as a woman of extraordinary personality, besides being very attractive.113 The Romans denied the attitude of Antony towards Cleopatra, that he will transfer the Roman capital from Rome to Cleopatra. Moreover, he will offer the Romans‟ territories as gifts for Cleopatra and their children. Antony had his picture painted together with Cleopatra, as a personification of Osiris and Isis. These Antonys' actions give the Romans a serious conclusion about how he was carrying on. Antony allowed Cleopatra to conduct public business with him and rode with him in cities, or at other times he walked behind Cleopatra's carriage.114 Her attempt to identify herself as Isis continued during her relationship with Antony. She dressed as Isis, probably in black during the celebration feast in Alexandria for Antony‟s victory over the king of Armenia in 34 B.C. This celebration, which was known as “the ceremony of the Donations”, where Antony offered gifts to various territories for Cleopatra‟s children. This was the first time to celebrate such event outside Rome, later many Romans became angry of.115 Augustus himself refused this action, he deprecated and irked due to the words that claimed Caesareion as the true son and heir of Caesar, Suetonious referred “declared to the Senate that Caesar had really acknowledged the boy, and that C. Matius, C. Oppius and other friends of Caesar knew this”. 116 Augustus denied that Caesareion was the true son of the dictator and had stronger claim than to be his heir.117 He did his utmost to suppress -at any cost -the report of Caesar‟s paternity of the boy, regardless of whether it was true or false. After Actium, he hesitated in getting rid of him at once. Consulting what was best to be done with Caesareion, when Cleopatra was dead (c. 12 Aug. 30), Caesareion was killed when he was about 17 years old. Augustus could not very well enthusiastic and ready to accompany an authentic or spurious son of Caesar to Rome to grace his triumphal procession.118 Since Cesar‟s paternity of Caesareion was suspect and perhaps hotly debated in Rome and Caesar himself took no tangible step towards acknowledging the child.119 The naval battle of Actium in September of 31 B.C was of momentous importance for the history of the West because it placed the last two independent states of the Mediterranean world against one another. Cleopatra VII and Antony represented the culture of the Ptolemaic Egypt, while Octavian represented the Roman. The battle is the revenge of the against Cleopatra and Antony.120 Augustus, as Caesar‟s grand-nephew was appointed as heir in his will to most of his property, not to his dominant authority or absolute power or his hegemony. In 45 B.C, after Caesar‟s return with Octavian from Spain, Caesar‟s main concern, being childless, Octavian whom he regarded as the most promising of his younger -18th years old- kinsmen. He could not imagined this teenager would succeed his own sovereign power, or would eventually emerge as master of the Roman world.121 Cleopatra was the enemy of Augustus; his celebrations at Rome after Actium dues to his triumph over Cleopatra and seizing Egypt. An image of the dead Cleopatra on her couch was paraded through the city in the absence of her living itself, together with Alexander Helios and Cleopatra Selene, her twin children by Antony. Immediately, after Actium battle, Augustus made several triumphs over Cleopatra after the conquest of Egypt. He was perhaps rather relieved by Cleopatra's timely suicide, which meant he did not have to drag her in chains through the streets of Rome in his triumphal procession.122 The Portrait of Cleopatra and Egypt in the Augustan poetry has two essential sides; the first is more well-known and popular, is that which presents Cleopatra as a hedonist, over-sexed woman or a notorious prostitute. This aspect carries a shameful reputation for an Egyptian queen by the Roman writers. The second side, represents Cleopatra as ambitious queen, her deeply hope to keep the Egyptian throne safe against the Roman dangers, but also to widen its territories.123 Later, this Augustus‟s vindictive attitude towards Cleopatra and Caesareion was turned, Augustus depicted himself as the father of in a stela, which depicted himself as a pharaoh making offerings before the – god, Suchos of Fayoum. The stela was mainly dedicated for Cleopatra by Augustus.124 It was found in Arsinoe/ Krokodilopolis, the capital of the nome Arsinoite in Fayoum. The inscription can be read as: "For the queen Cleopatra, the goddess who loves her deified father (Philopator), and for the king Ptolemaios, who is also a Cesar, the beloved by his deified father and mother= TheaPhilopator125 (Philopator and Philometor), and by the ancestors, to Suchos, the Great God, the Great, the father of their father, Artemidoros”. The stela is dedicated for Cleopatra and her son Cesareion between 44-30 B.C. It is divided into three sections; the winged solar disc with two uraei in the upper most part. The middle part depicts a pharaoh, while making offerings before the crocodile-god Suchos, as a -body with a crocodile-head, holding the -sign in his right hand, and a scepter in his left hand, and a naos with a bust- figure of a pharaoh with -headdress lies in between. However, the third register contains a Greek inscription in four lines (pl.4). Journal of Association of Arab Universities for Tourism and Hospitality Volume 12 - June 2015 - No 1 - Pages: (35 : 56)

Augustus acted on the tradition of the of worshipping the sovereigns in the royal Ptolemaic dynasty. He wanted to save the ancient Ptolemaic traditions of the ancestors‟ worship, as the Ptolemaic royal family cult. Caesar and Antony were partners of Cleopatra and fathers of her children, so he wants to act as the savior and benefactor of Cleopatra and her son Caesareion as the father of her deified child.126 Therefore, he considered himself as “the heir of Cesarieon” in Egypt, and has the title hk3 hk3w “king of the kings”.127 Augustus was interested in adding and completing Cleopatra , the Augustan reliefs of temple lasted earlier decorations from the reign of Cleopatra VII and Cesareion.128 Cleopatra was named by the inscription as "Thea Philapator", while Caesareion is named as Cesar, the beloved of Philopator and Philometor as a traditional Ptolemaic title for the son to be the beloved of his father and mother. So Augustus was the legitimate heir of the Ptolemaic Egypt and the Ptolemies, who considered themselves the heirs of the Pharaohs, and according to the ancient royal Ptolemaic traditions. Augustus has to raise the ancestors (Cleopatra and Cesareion) to god's level. Especially, the divinity of himself as a god after his conquest of Egypt was one of his major aims. So he depicted himself -like the Ptolemies- as a pharaoh on the Egyptian temples, offers and sacrifices for the Egyptian deities, and he looked forward for establishing his new imperial cult in and outside Egypt. Here Julius Cesar's intention was to represent himself as the father of the child Caesareion, whose father was Roman Cesar, and the child was either named in the inscription as Cesar,129 especially Augustus paid a great attention to Caesareion.130 In Egypt Cleopatra was regarded not only a Queen, but either a divine goddess according to the ancient Ptolemaic traditions of the ancestors‟ divinity. She assimilated with Goddess Isis and appeared in her guise. Astela was found in Fayoum within the temple of Soknopaious- Nesos at Dimeh attributed to Cleopatra VII.131 The upper part of the stela shows a seated goddess nursing her child, may be Isis. A pharaoh wearing the , presents two globular vases for the goddess (pl.5). The Greek inscriptions of the lower part have been deeply engraved, except for the last lines, and bears traces of red paint. According to the dedication formula, this stela was consecrated by the chief of the association of the devotees of the goddess Isis “Sononais”, who was also the administrator of her temple in Fayoum. The stela described Cleopatra also as Thea Philopator, the beloved of her father, which attributed the stela to Cleopatra VII during the 1st year of Epiphi reign (2 July 51 B.C).132 The Greek texts below translated as follow: “For Queen Cleopatra, the goddess, the father-loving (has been dedicated) the seat (topos) of the association (of Isis-Snonais, the president of which is Onnophris. July 2, 51 B.C”.133 The stela is therefore believed to have been re-carved after Cleopatra's sole leadership. It appears the present inscription was recut over an earliest text. The letters are both diminished and crowded together in lines 7-8. The inscription is sunk lower into the background than the scene on the upper part of the stela. It is thought the scene originally depicted Ptolemy XII, whose name would have been engraved before its modification. Especially, there is another similar stela attributed to Ptolemy Auletes, it either depicts him making offering before Isis of Chemis in Fayoum(Pl. 6).134 The inscription was probably by Auletes (80-58 B.C), and then was usurped and re-written later during the reign of Caeasr.Though the stela was found in the Cleopatra's Isis temple in Fayoum, which dated back to her reign. However, Sally Ann-Ashton excluded that the Egyptian pharaoh is the queen Cleopatra.135 She is depicted as a male- pharaoh adores goddess Isis. The obligation for this idea is due to the scarcity of the queen's representation as a male king.136 While the shift between the preparation grid and the lines of the inscription have been regarded as proofs of this deliberate alteration. However, this shift perhaps was made by the engraver concerning the inscription‟s size, so he had to cut the frame‟s lower part to add an extra line.137 The character of the Pharaonic figure in the stela may indicated the queen herself. This probably had related to her Ptolemaic father Auletes, or may be related to King Ptolemy XIII, Cleopatra‟s partner in reign. In addition, her husband is making homage for Isis, or to his wife Cleopatra. The New Isis, as King Ptolemy II was done with his wife Arsinoe II. In this stela, Cleopatra assimilates with goddess Isis, who is suckling her son Harpocrates as “New Isis”,138 especially in another relief stela. Cleopatra was also assimilated with goddess , and her husband Julius Cesar as Amon, while his son as the child Chonsu, the triad of Thebes (Pl. 7).139 So Augustus has to change his attitude against Cleopatra from enemy during her life to one of the deified predecessor and her subsequent heir upon the throne of Egypt after her death. So Augustus conducted and completed earlier Cleopatra‟s constructions; among the numerous scattered temple blocks found at the Graeco- Roman temple of Tod. Several have been recently identified to belong to Augustus, just as Armant, , and temple. The Augustan reliefs continue earlier decoration from the reign of Cleopatra VII and Caesareion.140 - Augustus and the Apis bull Generally, it was well-appeared that Augustus harbored great antipathy toward the eastern cults, and the Egyptian cults in special. It is frequently claimed that he was appalled and disgusted by Egyptian religiosity, which centered on the worship of common . Many Romans and Greeks found the idea of worshipping animal was strange and even ridiculous. This attitude became stronger by the propaganda campaign of Augustus against Cleopatra, which was described by some of the Roman writers as “a religious war” against Egyptians and their beliefs. Augustus himself was Journal of Association of Arab Universities for Tourism and Hospitality Volume 12 - June 2015 - No 1 - Pages: (35 : 56) the author of much of the propaganda against Cleopatra and Antony, and their supported gods. This was emphasized by Dio Cassius speech:141 “Would we not to be behaving quite shamefully, if, having exceeded all men in valor, we should meekly bear the insults of these, who are. O Hercules! Alexandrians and Egyptians (and what worse or truer name might apply to them?), who worship reptiles and other beasts as gods, who embalm their bodies for a semblance of immortality, and. who are slaves to a woman and not to a man?” Though Augustus the founder of the Roman imperial didn't make as his pacemaker, Alexander the great,142 who venerating and making offering for the Apis bull,143 Augustus declined the veneration of the Apis bull. He refused to make offerings to Apis, deducing he would make offerings to gods, but not to beasts or bulls.144Augustus refused to carry out one of the most intrinsic duties of an Egyptian king.145 Egypt's animal deities could present a shocking prospect for Romans used to anthropomorphic gods.146 Therefore, during the age of Augustus, worshipping animals was refused by the Roman in their poems. Dio Cassius in his description of Egypt referred to Apis as: 147 “It rained not only water where no drop of rain had fallen before, but also blood; and there were flashes of armour from the clouds as this bloody rain fell from them. Elsewhere there was the clashing of drums and and the notes of flute and trumpet, and a serpent of huge size suddenly appeared to them and hissed with incredible vehemence. Meanwhile comets were seen and dead men’s ghosts appeared, the statues scowled and the Apis bellowed a note of lamentation and burst into tears”. The Roman poet “” (55- 19 B.C) introduced the Apis-bull in his poem in honor of Messala, refer to the customs of the Egyptians' mourning on the death of the Apis bull.148 He described that worshipping animals here does not serve as an illustration of a silly cult but also as a wondrous phenomenon from a strange and far-way country.149 Therefore, Augustus may, in fact, have shared the Roman aversion and disagree of worshipping animals, although that is not the most likely motivation in such a political situation, that Grenier described Augustus‟ action as “disagreeable” and compared with the atrocities attributed to the earlier Persian conqueror, Cambyse had done, that he described him as the “New Cambyse”.150 The contradictory feeling of Augustus towards the Egyptian animal cults, especially the bulls, was appeared on two stelae, 151 which are portraying the under the homage and veneration of the bull of “Hermonthis”(Armant) (pls.8, 9), in his attitude as a pharaoh. 152 One of these gives a date of “year 1, Pharmuthi 21 of Cesar” a mere five or six months since the beginning of Augustus‟s rule (29 B.C). 153 This bull was born perhaps under Ptolemy Auletes (53B.C), then was perhaps installed under Cleopatra VII (51 B.C), and have died under Augustus (29 B.C). The cartouches of Auletes and Cleopatra VII are empty. Augustus is depicted making offerings to the god, who stands on top of a pedestal with an offering . Fairman suggested, Augustus does not bear the developed titular which the Romans eventually assumed. Therefore, he assumed the stela was set up when the claims of the emperor to be a legitimate Pharaoh had not been recognized, a period of transition, when a mere private person might venture to usurp the royal prerogative. Augustus was either described in the inscriptions as: “the mighty one, beloved of the Osiris Buchis, Great God, and Lord of the House of ”.154 Wilcken suggested Hermonthis played a role during the struggle between the C. Gallus and the Nubians in 29 B.C, and that the priests of Hermonthis, as a kind of their defeat,155 and their refuse of the Roman rule. They used “the kratesis, or the Roman date”, instead of the usual “royal” date,156 to avoid recognizing Augustus as a legitimate king by using a cartouche.157 As a result, Augustus did not forbid the animal cult in contrast of the earlier Roman and Latin sources of his reign. Later, Augustus titles were associated with Ptah and Apis, who was considered the of the creator- god Ptah,158 whom Augustus has a close relation with, and his Horus-name was mainly addressed to Ptah. The Apis bull was living in the area and under the supervision of the great temple of Ptah at Memphis, shared in his festivals, and the high priest of Ptah was responsible for the cult of Apis. His serve for the cult of Apis was among his religious titles.159 Augustus was called asStp. N PtNww it ntr.w "chosen by Ptah-Nun, the father of the gods", also he was also entitled “mrι pcnḫwm n Pt" the beloved of the living Apis, the speaker of Pth.160 Later the Roman emperors gave great attention to the Apis and the Buchis bulls, Vespasian-most probably- portrayed sacrificing before the Apis bull at Kom el-Schukafa.161 Titus visited Alexandria, on his way, he sanctified to Apis bull at Memphis in 70 A.D.162 depicted himself with the head of Apis on his coins,163 and has a stela depicts him in the honor of the Buchis bull, this dated back to 288 A.D.164 - Augustus and Isis During Augustus's war, the literary poets of the Romans were equivocal in their attitude towards Egypt‟s religion, always mocking on the worship of the animal gods. They were also suspicious of the Isis priests and their followers in Rome. The priests were accused of mendacity and the temples of Isis were regarded as places of lewdness.165 Her followers were mainly girl-friends as mistresses and sexual matters, and they sometimes invoked Isis in their poems.166 Journal of Association of Arab Universities for Tourism and Hospitality Volume 12 - June 2015 - No 1 - Pages: (35 : 56)

In October 43 B.C, in a marked reversal of policy following Cesar's assassination, the second Triumvirate decreed the construction of a temple to Isis and her consort.167 The worship of Isis and Serapis was officially organized, a huge promotion of the cult of Isis began. When the Triumvirs-Antony, Octavian and Marcus Lapidus agreed to restore order to the state in the aftermath of Cesar's assassination and subsequently vowed to erect a new Iseum at Rome,168 known as "Campense”,169 in the , outside of the Pomerium (the official sacred boundaries of Rome).170 The decree sought to the support of the “populares” in his struggle against Antony at the time, and to put a political need for an authorization of the Isiac cult in Rome. Evidently to court their favor, to have the cult of Isis and her followers, and adherents fit into the late Republican system. The plan, however, was never carried out. During the Republican Rome, the persecution of the cult of Isis was undertaken by Augustus; though originally lenient to the worship of Isis along with other foreign gods. He considered his former brother in-law Mark Antony, now enemy and dangerous to Rome and to her gods.171 Octavian was not welcomed by the Egyptian (Serapis, Isis, Harpocrates and Anubis) in Rome.172 He was typically described as apathetic or even hostile towards local Egyptian traditions and Egyptian cults in Rome. This perception is the result of the formal propaganda directed against Antony and Cleopatra, and general ant-Eastern sentiment prevalent in Rome before Actium.173 Augustus had aggressive attitude towards these divinities, especially its animals' figures. He refused to render homage to the bull Apis and execrated the doglike form of Anubis who became bitterer with Augustus, though he paid homage to Serapis in Alexandria,174 as a Greek- Alexandrian‟s god.175 In 30 B.C, a decree called for the temple destruction, but no workmen could be found to do this, until the consul himself took up the axe.176 The close connection between Cleopatra and Isis increased the hate and the hostility of Augustus towards Isis. Cleopatra was worshipped as Isis.177 Under Augustus, the emperor (30-14 B.C), the more powerful he became, the more openly he showed his animosity towards the Egyptian cults. In 28 B.C, Augustus refused to have Egyptian shrines within pomerium,178 and prohibited the celebration of the Egyptian rites there,179 especially for the cult of Isis, instead of building a temple there, as he once promised.180 However, he permitted her cult elsewhere outside the pomerium of Rome, because he was preparing his grand imperial cult that took place the following years later, and did not wish to alienate anyone. During Augustus‟s life time, Isis worship was prohibited within the pomerium, but the Roman people appear to have paid little attention to this restriction. 181 He regulated the veneration of the deos Alexandrinos (gods of Alexandria), condemned and its degenerations but safeguarded the cult of Isis. The Augustus's ban of the Alexandrian's cult didn't include the worship of Isis and Serapis, 182 though the Isiac cult continued secret in underground private chapels within the families, especially between women.183 In 21 B.C, troubles assailed Rome while Augustus was in Sicily. Agrippa, his son-in-law, restored order and drove the Egyptian cults from the pomoerium, which again invaded the city.184 In the same time, the Egyptian cults were even banned from the suburbs of Rome within a radius of seven and a half stadia (One mile, 1,330 km) in a bid to curtail the Egyptian rites.185 Agrippa‟s decree may have been carried out with the approval of Augustus or not!186 Later Dio Casius claimed that Augustus in the 10th year B.C had erected two Egyptian obelisks taken from Heliopolis (one in the Campus Martius, and the other is in the Circus Maximus). He adorned his mausoleum with two uninscribed obelisks (the tomb itself have much Egyptian ).187 He had erected sanctuaries for the Alexandrian gods whom he had excluded before.188 He appeared also on walls of the Egyptian temples in the homage of Isis.189 As a result, he built and either accomplished many structures attributed to Isis. Augustus was not simply expressing his personal attitude and feelings towards the Egyptian gods, especially towards Isis, who later became his beloved goddess. He built the temples for her worship, and depicted himself in the full homage and worship of the Egyptian goddess, which suffered a lot under his reign, and prohibited in Rome according to his decrees. Augustus portrayed himself in a veneration- attitude before Isis upon the Egyptian temples, especially at Kalabscha and Phila. Whether Augustus was interested in Egyptian cults or not; he was certainly aware of the propagandistic benefits of displaying his image and titular in temples of Egypt, Nubia, and other provinces. The imperial money spent restoring temples, and the Roman administrators, soldiers, and laborers sent to carry out these works, would all help to pacify the notoriously rebellious native Upper Egyptians against the Roman conquest. It is notably that most of Augustus‟s constructions in Egypt focused on the areas of revolutions and struggles; inside the Theban region and Lower Nubia.190 Augustus later, especially during the Imperial period, paid attention to the cult of Isis both in Egypt and Rome. He appeared with all the iconographical characteristics and comportment of a god-king, or Egyptian pharaoh building sanctuaries or adoring Isis. He probably became a victim of Isis. Kalabscha From the beginning of Roman rule, Octavian was depicted as a pharaoh, as exemplified by the Kalabscha gateway.191 The kalabscha temple was built in the late Ptolemaic period, and a gateway was added under Octavian, the temple was then rebuilt, but never been accomplished under Augustus. The gateway, now reconstructed in Berlin (pl.10), 192 had been decorated under Octavian in the years 30-27 B.C.193 The archaeological evidence of the early Roman period, Journal of Association of Arab Universities for Tourism and Hospitality Volume 12 - June 2015 - No 1 - Pages: (35 : 56) depicts Augustus and Tiberius on the walls of Kalabscha temple in the Pharaonic attire, that Augustus wasn‟t to present himself as the legitimate successor of the Ptolemies, and even of the Pharaohs.194 When the temple of Kalabscha was moved because of the constructing of the High , the gate was discovered reused as building material in the Augustan temple. The gate had been constructed and decorated before Octavian was even named Augustus in 27 A.D.195 He was depicted on the gate as a pharaoh, entitled as Kjjsrs p3 ntr (Caesar, the god). He is depicted once with the red crown of , and another time with the double crown of . The on his forehead, and the royal kilt of the pharaoh, is offering the shyt before Isis (pl.11),196 and appeared under the veneration and honor of Isis in many representations upon the temple (pl.12). Augustus is either depicted offering lotus flowers to Isis and Horus (pl.13). In both cartouches ( or ) Augustus had kept his Roman epithets as Romaios (the Roman), Autokrator (emperor) and Sebastos (the August one).197 The halls of the sacrifice, the , and the temple‟s sanctuary were decorated under the reign of Augustus. He consecrated the southern part of the temple for Isis, while the northern part was consecrated for the local god, , who was integrated in the Isis's cult in the temple. The title pr-c3was was found twice in two inscriptions of Augustus in the outer court and the pronaos of the temple dated back to the 2nd year A.D.198 Augustus is depicted also on the northern wall of the sacrifice's hall, while being purified by and Horus (pl.14), and being crowned by and (pl.15). Phila He shared in the building of the of Phila,199 which the eternal western wall of the mammisi was decorated by Tiberius. While the external eastern wall was decorated by Augustus himself, he is depicted on the external eastern wall of the naos of the mammisi as a complete pharaoh, with the blue crown of Egypt with all signs of royalty, holding the hk3-scepter and the flail in his left hand, before Isis and her son Harpocrates.200 He has the titles as: "The king of Upper and Lower Egypt, the ruler of the two lands, Autokrator (=Imperator), Son of Re, lord of the , Cesar, life forever, the beloved of Ptah and Isis". Isis's donation as: "I give for you the palace, stay with your ka", while Harpocrates's donation as: "I give you Egypt". As a ward for Augustus for his special visit to Isis and Harpocrates at Phila, the text reads as: "The good god, I run in a hurry to see the goddess-mother, the loveliness (beauty) of Isis, and the giver of life, to pray, she has the happiness in her sight, you will be happy when you see her, you heart will be satisfied by her agreement, your ka will be satisfied by this , she gives you the majesty, son of Re, Cesar, lives forever".201 The appearance of Augustus on the birth house of Phila emphasis that he was look for to be the incarnation of Harpocrates on earth, and the sons of Osiris and Isis. Augustus also was depicted on the main entrance of temple pleasing the heart of Isis by offering two sistrums (pl.16). The western colonnade of Isis‟s main temple was decorated under the reign of Augustus and Tiberius, two demotic refer to Augusts. Many scenes and inscriptions belonged to Augustus are inside the main temple of Isis. He is depicted on the external eastern, western and back wall of the naos. Moreover, he was depicted on the eastern wall of the Pronaos, mainly with his Horus name. He is depicted on the back wall of the naos while making offerings before Isis (pls.17, 18), while the inscription refers that he had consecrated this monument for Isis as (ir.n.f mn.w n mw.t.f Is.t wr.t mw.t nṯr.w). He built this monument to his mother Isis, the Great, the mother of the gods.202 Moreover, he was depicted on the third register of the eastern wall of the exterior wall of the naos leaves his palace as the Pharaoh, with the standard-bearers and the priest Imutef, then he is purified by Thot and Horus, and crowned by Nekhbet and Wadjet before Isis (pl.19). This emphasized that he will be the king of Upper and Lower Egypt according to the permission of goddess Isis, who had witnessed his coronation as an Egyptian pharaoh. Augustus also was depicted led by Re-Harachty and Montou to Isis.203 There is also an inscription on the external wall of the outer hall (the forecourt) of Hathor temple at Philaportrays Augustus with his Horus name as: Ir. n =t nbt3.wy (Зwdkrdr) s3Rcnbhc.w (Kysrs cnḫ d.t mr ipt Is.t). 204 "He made for you, king of Upper and Lower Egypt, lord of the two lands, Imperator, son of Re, lord of the crowns, Cesar, live forever, beloved of Ptah and Isis, he built the temple as a complete construction".205

الوجه األخر للموقف العدائ ي ألوغسطس تجاه مصر

ح كيا ص اف اعائ كفي ج ص اي اصي، حيث اع كيا عا شصي ، ح اغ في ا ا ع ا. اع أ يص أي ضحي اع ح ا، حيث أ أ اغ عج ح حي أاف اي ف أ صح اا ع اي ع . ع عك أكي ي ف ج عك يي حي ي ص ، ص ا أي أ عك يي ي آ اش اغ. ث اعي اي ا أكفي في ض كيا أثي ا ا ض اي اصي ح ا ج ا ال اصي ا ج كيا ض ف ع أكي. فض أكفي ح يص أ – ع كيا - ف - ضء ي اي اأي ع شصي اخ ص اك ع . فض أكفي أي ي اي ث أي، Journal of Association of Arab Universities for Tourism and Hospitality Volume 12 - June 2015 - No 1 - Pages: (35 : 56)

ع ج حيا ال يج أي ؛ ك ف ض ع أيي ع ع أض ك أع ف . غي ي أغ الح أ جيال اصي ع جا اع اصي كع . يح ا احث اإلج ع اا: ا ا اف اعائ أكفي ض ص، كيا اآل اصي ف ااي ؟ ا اح اجئ اغي اض ف يي أكفي في صفي ع؟ الكلما الدال: أكفي - أي – كيا - اف اعائ - عك أكي-اي اصي

Plates

Pl.(1) Granite architrave next the Augustus‟s temple at Phila Hölbl, G., Altägypten im Römischen Reich, Der römische Pharao und seine Tempel (I), Mainz am Rhein, 2000, fig.19.

Pl. (2) Temple of Augustus at Phila. Hölbl, G., Altägypten im Römischen Reich, fig, 18.

Pl. (3) Augustus‟s chapel at Karnak Ibid, fig.18 Journal of Association of Arab Universities for Tourism and Hospitality Volume 12 - June 2015 - No 1 - Pages: (35 : 56)

Pl. (4 ) The stela of Krokodilopolismm Bernand, E., Recueil des Inscriptions Grecques du Fayoum, Vol (1), La“Meris“ d„ Herakleides, Leiden, 1975, pp.45-47, pl.12

Pl. (5) Stela of Soknopaious- Nesos Pl.(6) Auletes before Isis of Chemmis Bernand, E., Inscriptions Grecques d'Egypte et Bernand, E., Recueil des Inscriptions de Nubie au Musée du , Paris, 1992, pl. Grecques du Fayoum, Vol (I), Leiden, pl.9 17.nr.21.

Pl.(7) Julius Cesar, Cleopatra VII and Pl. (8) Auletes before the Buchis bull Caesareion as the triad of Thebes Hölbl, G., Op. Cit, pl.9 Andrea, B., "Kleopatra und die historischen persönalichkeiten in ihrem Umkreis", in: Kleopatra und die Caesaren eine Ausstellung des Bucerius Kunst Forums, 28. Oktober 2006 bis 4. Februar 2007, München,2006,p.69, 38 Kat.16 Journal of Association of Arab Universities for Tourism and Hospitality Volume 12 - June 2015 - No 1 - Pages: (35 : 56)

Pl.(9) Augustus before the Buchis bull Pl. (10) The Kalabscha main gateway- the Egyptian Mond, R., the Bucheum (III), 1934, pl. XLIII.14 Museum at Berlin; Hölbl, G., Op. Cit, fig.12

Pl. (11) Augustus is offering the Shyt before Isis- Kalabscha Ibid, fig.13.

Pl. (12) Augustus is offering the religious symbols Pl.(13) Augustus is offering two Lotus flowers before Osiris and Isis- Kalabsha , Ibid, fig.15 before Isis and Harpocrates- Kalabscha Hölbl, G., Altägypten im Römischen Reich, Der römische Pharao und Seine Tempel (II), Die Tempel des römischen Nubien, Mainz am Rhein, 2004, fig.185 Journal of Association of Arab Universities for Tourism and Hospitality Volume 12 - June 2015 - No 1 - Pages: (35 : 56)

Pl.(14) Augustus is purifying by Horus and Thot- The Pl.(15) Nekhbet and Wadjet are crowning middle scene of the lower register of the northern wall of Augustus- The lower register of the northern wall the sacrifice room, Kalabscha temple, Ibid, fig. 173 of the first room of the Naos- Kalabscha, Ibid, fig.174

Pl. (16) Augustus with the sistrum before Isis, Pl. (17) Augustus is offering the Menit before Isis and the left ante of the façade of Hathor temple at Horus, the upper register of the eastern exterior wall of Phila; Ibid, fig.116. the naos of Isis temple at Phila; Ibid, fig. 108

Pl. (18) Augustus is offering the Shyt before Isis and Horus, the lower register of the eastern exterior wall of the naos of Isis temple at Phila; Ibid, fig. 106.

Pl. (19) Nekhbet and Wadjet are crowning Augustus before Isis, the lower register of the eastern exterior wall of the naos of Isis temple at Phila, Ibid, fig.105. Journal of Association of Arab Universities for Tourism and Hospitality Volume 12 - June 2015 - No 1 - Pages: (35 : 56)

Endnotes

1 Dio Cassius. 50.24,6f 2 Fowler, D., " (PubliusVergiliusMaro)" in The Oxford Classical Dictionary, (3.ed), Oxford. 1996, p.162. 3 Dunand, F., "Problèmes et Controverses", in: Hommes et Dieux en Egypte (300 a.c -395 p.c), (ed.by Dunand, F and Zivie- Coche, C), Paris, 2006, p. 351. 4 Dio Cassius. 50. 4,5; Binder, G., Aeneas und Augustus. Interpretationen zum 8. Buch der Aeneis, Beiträge zur Klassischen Philologie, (Herausgegeben von Merkelbach, R), Meisenheim am Glan, 1971, pp.219, 234. 5 Huzar, E.,“Emperor Worship in Julio- Claudian Egypt”, in: ANRW (II/ 18.5), New York, 1995, p. 3118 6 Binder, G., Op.Cit, p.234; Propertius. 3.11,31; Hemelrijk, E. and Smelik, K , "Who knows Not What Monsters Demented Egyptian Worship", in: ANRW (17,4), 1984, p. 1854. 7 Cleopatra was worshipped as Isis. Plut.Anthony. 54, 6;Di Cassius. 50.5. 3; 50.5,3; Binder, G., Op. Cit, p.216; Hemelrijk, E and Smelik, K.., Op. Cit, p. 1854. 8 Malaise, M., Les Conditions de pénétration et de Diffusion des CultesEgyptiens en Italie, EPRO (22), Leiden, 1972, p. 246f. 9 Hemelrijk, E and Smelik, K.,Op. Cit, p. 1929. 10 Ovid, Metamorphoses, XV, 826-828. 11 Propertius, III, 11, 33-34, 39-43. 12 Vergil, Aenead, VIII, 688, 696, 711, 698-699. See Yehya, L., “Alexandria and Rome in . A Cultural Approach”, in: Roma e l‟Egittonell‟ AntichitaClassica, , 6-9 Febbraio 1989, Atti de I CongressoInternazionaleItalo- Egiziano, Roma, 1992, p. 357. 13 Dundas, G., Pharaoh, Basileus and Imperator: the Roman Imperial Cult in Egypt, Ph. D unpublished. Diss.,Los Angeles, 1994, p. 97. About the imperial cult at Asia Minor see: Friessen, S., Twice Neokoros: Ephesus, Asia and the Cult of the Flavian Imperial Family, Leiden, 1993; Price, S., Rituals and Power: The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor. Cambridge,1984. 14 See: Taylor, L., The Divinity of the Roman Emperor, APA Monograph Series, I, Middletwon, 1931. 15 Dundas, G., Op. Cit, pp. 29-30; see also Latte, K., Römische Religionsgeschichte, Handbuch der Altertumwissenschaft, (ed. B. Bengston, H), Munich, 1960. 16 Mellor, R., “The Goddess Roma”, in: ANRW (2.17.2), 1981, pp. 950- 1030. 17 Fayer, C., ilCultodellaDea Roma: Origineet Diffusion nell‟Impero, Pescara, 1976, pp. 112-123; Pfeiffer, S.,"The Imperial Cult in Egypt", in: the Oxford Handbook of , Oxford, 2012, p. 85. 18 Bowman, A., Egypt after the Pharaohs: 323 B.C – A.D 642, from Alexander to the Arab Conquest. Berekely and Los Angeles, 1986, pp. 166, 217. 19 Otto, W., Priester und Tempel in Hellenistichen Ägypten, Vol (1), Leipzig, 1905, p. 11 20 See: Blumenthal, F., “Der ägyptische Kaiserkult“, in: AFP (3), 1913, pp. 326, 329ff. In an epigram on a statue of Apollo found in Egypt, Augustus is named as “Zeus Eleutherios” and “Zeus Augustus“, who came to Egypt “with the cargo of good, lawful order and prosperity of utmost wealth”. Geraci, G., GenestidellaProvinciaromanod‟Egitto, SSA (9), Bologna, 1983, p. 154. Augustus also was entitled as “Zeus, the Deliverer”. Minas- Nerpel, M and Pfeiffer, S., "Establishing Romans Rule in Egypt: The Trilingual Stela of C. Cornelius Gallus from ", in: Tradition and Transformation Egypt under Roman Rule, Proceeding of the International Conference, Hildesheim, Roemer, and Pelizaeus- Museum, 3-6 July 2008, Culture and History of the ancient (41), (ed. by Lembke, K et al), Leuven, 2010, p. 283. Also an inscription at Dendera refers to Augustus as “Zeus Eleutherios”. At Antinoupolis was a temple for a Greek worship of Augustus as a Greek ruler, and an Egyptian priest was responsible for the cult as “Augustus Zeus Eleutherios”.Pfeiffer, S.,“Der römische Kaiser und das Land am Nil, Kaiserverehrung und Kaiserkult in Alexandria und Ägypten von Augustus bis Caracalla (30 v. Chr.- 217n. Chr.)”, in: Historia(212), Stuttgart, 2010, pp.54,55-57. 21 Dundas, G., Op.Cit, pp. 20-21. 22 Dunand, F., “Culte royal et Culte Imperial en Egypte: Continuités et reptures”, in: Dasrömishe- byzantinischeÄgypten, Akten des internationalen Symposiums 26. - 30. September 1978 in Trier, 1-6. Mainz am Rhein: Philipp von Zabern, 1983, pp.47-56. 23 Rose, L., Sun, Moon, Sothis, A Study of Calendars and Calendar Reforms in , Vol. (2), Lynn E. Rose, 1999, p. 80. 24 Bari, S.,“Economic Interests of Augustan Rome in Egypt”, in:Roma, p. 70. 25 Dio Cassius. 51.17,1 ( by E. Cary, Loeb); Minas- Nerpel, M and Pfeiffer, S., Op. Cit, pp. 278-279. 26 Jones, A., A through the Fifth Century, Vol. (II), p. 276. 27 Winter, E.,“Alexander der Große als Pharao in ägyptischen Tempeln (Kat. 112-113)“, in: Ägypten Griechenland Rom: Abwehr und Berührung, (ed. by.In Beck, H et al), Frankfurt am Main, 2005, pp.204-205 28 Pfeiffer, S., Der römische Kaiser, p. 45. 29 Suet. Aug. 94, 4. 30 Suet. Aug. 94.5; Pfeiffer, S., Op. Cit, p.47. Journal of Association of Arab Universities for Tourism and Hospitality Volume 12 - June 2015 - No 1 - Pages: (35 : 56)

31 Grandet, P., « Les Songes d’Atia et d’Octavius. Note sur les rapports d’Auguste et de L’Egypte ». in: Revue de l‟Histoire des (203), 1986, pp.3176-3177; Kiensant, D., Augustus und Alexander”, in: Raban vonHaehlingu.a. (hg.), Dietmar Kienast. Kleine Schriften, Alaen 1994, p.327. 32 Suet. Aug. 94,5; Pfeiffer, S., Op. Cit, pp.47-48. 33 Gruen, E., “Augustus and the Ideology of War and Peace”, in: the Age of Augustus, (ed. by. Winkes, R), Providence, 1985, p.71. 34 Hausmann, U., Zur Typologie und Ideologie des Augustusporträts“, in: ANRW (II, 12,2), 1981, pp.537-538. 35 Grandet, P., Op. Cit, pp.370-375; Heinen, H., Vorstufen und Anfänge des Herrscherkultes im römischen Ägypten, in: ANRW (II,18,5), 1995, p.3174. 36 Crawford, D., "Ptolemy, Ptah and Apis in Hellenistic Memphis", in: Studies in Ptolemaic Memphis (ed. by Crawford, D), in: StudiaHellenistica (24), Leuven, pp. 1-42; Thompson, D., Memphis under the Ptolemies, Princeton, 1988. 37 Herklotz, F., "AegyptoCapta, Augustus and the Annexation of Egypt", in: the Oxford Handbook of Roman Egypt, Oxford, 2012, p. 13. 38 Pfeiffer, S., Der römische Kaiser, p. 49. 39 Grandet, P., Op. Cit, p. 374; Heinen, H., Op. Cit, p. 3175. 40 The statue of Apollo at the Capitoline carries the facial features of Augustus. See Pfeiffer, S., Op. Cit, pp. 57-58. 41 Pfeiffer, S., Op. Cit, p. 49; Grenier, J., Le Prophete et l’Autokrator“, in: RdE (37), 1985, pp. 81-89 42 Huzar, E., Op.Cit,p. 3118 43 Ibid, pp.3114-3116 44 Ibid, p. 3119 45 Ibid,p. 3119 46 Iversen, E., "Egypt in Classical Antiquity", in: Hommages a Jean Leclant, Vol. (3), Etudes Isiaques, IFAO, 1994, p. 301 47 BM, EA. 188, lines 4-5. 48 Crawford, D., Stud. Hellen. (24), p. 41. Two stelae in Demotic and Hieroglyphics now in the EA 188, 184 belong to Petubastis and his wife. For the stelae see: Quaegebeur, J., "Contribution a la prosopographie des PretresmemphitesaépoquePtolemaique”, in: Ancient Society (3), 1972, pp. 77-109; Young, T., Hieroglyphics Collected by the Egyptian Society, Wiesbaden, 1982, pp. 70-74; Herklotz, F., Prinzeps und Pharao: Der Kult des Augustus in Ägypten, Frankfurt, 2007, pp. 294-297. 49 Thompson notes that the high priesthood of Memphis became after Psenamunis a non- hereditary office of limited tenure. Thompson, D., Memphis under the Ptolemies, p.272. 50 Herklotz, F., AEgyptoCapta, p. 14. 51 Crawford, G., StudiaHellenistica (24), pp.41-42. 52 The Galliusstela is a trilingual inscription, hieroglyphic- Latin and Greek, dated to 16 April 29 B.C, of pink granite commemorate the victory of the Roman perfect Gallius on the Nubians, re-discovered in 1896 in front of August's temple at Phila, cut into two parts, the stela had been reused in the foundations, presumably the temple's altar. It is now in the in Cairo (CG 9295). Erman, A., EinetrilingueInschrift von Phila", in: SPAW (20), 1896, pp.469-470'; Bernand, A., Les Inscriptions grecquesetLatine des Philae, II, Haut et Bas Empire, 1969, no.140; Minas- Nerpel, M and Pfeiffer, S., Op. Cit, pp. 265-295. 53 Minas- Nerpel, M and Pfeiffer, S., Op. Cit, p.273. 54 He also did not appear with the Greek title Basilios in his inscriptions. Herklotz, F.,Prinzeps und Pharao, p. 136. 55 Ibid, p. 3120 56 Hölbl, G., "Ideologische Fragen be der Ausbildung der römische Pharaoh", in: Weg Öffnen: Festschrift fur Rolf Gundlach zum 65. Geburtstag. Wiesbaden, 1996, pp. 100-105. 57 The title was mentioned also on a dorsal pillar of a statue of pakhom of Mendes. The title was used by Nero and Vespesian. Grenier, J., Le Prophete et l’Autokrator“, pp. 81- 82. 58 The Horus name became very long and maintained in this form for the later Roman emperors. The full version of the name was mentioned seven times, while twenty-three times was mentioned in abbreviated manner. Grenier, J., Les titulatures des empereurs romains dans les documents en langue égyptienne, Brussels, 1989; Herklotz, F., PrinnzepsundPharao, pp.413-421. 59 Herklotz, F., Op. Cit, pp.14-15. 60 Bell, H., Egypt from Alexander the Great to the Arab Conquest, Oxford, 1984, p.68; Parassoglou, M., A Prefectural edict regulating Temple Activities", in: ZPE (13), 1974, pp.32-37. 61 Blumenthal, F., " Der ägyptische Kaiserkult", in: AfP (5), Leipzig, 1913, p.317f; Hemelrijk, E and Smelik, K., Op. Cit, p. 107. 62 Augustus‟s affront posed difficult theological problems for the Egyptian priests, which carried over to the economic and administrative level. The Idios Logos started from the reign of Augustus till the reign of Trajan or Hadria, the decree was taken over. Kockelmann, H., “ und die Caesaren, Einig Bemerkungenzur Situation der Krokodil götter kulte des Fayoum unter Römischer Herrschaft“, in: Tradition and Transformation under Roman Rule,pp. 204-214. Journal of Association of Arab Universities for Tourism and Hospitality Volume 12 - June 2015 - No 1 - Pages: (35 : 56)

63 Stead, M., “The High Priest of Alexandria and all Egypt”, in: Proceeding of the 16th International Congress of Papyrology, Chico, 1981, p. 411; Pfeiffer, S., The Imperial Cult, pp. 92-94. 64 Huzar, E., op. Cit, p. 3123 65 Pfeiffer, S., Op. Cit, p.93. 66 Dundas, G., Op. Cit, pp. 113- 115. 67 Pfeiffer, S., Op. Cit, p. 97. 68 Huzar, E., Op. Cit, p. 3122 69 Dunand, F., “Culte royal et Culte impérial en Egypte. Continuites et reptures”, in: Das Römisch-Byzantinische Ägypten, Akten des internationalen Symposions 26,-30. September 1978 in Trier, Mainz am Rhein, 1983, p.53 70 Gradel, I., Emperor Worship and Roman Religion, Oxford, 2002, p. 27 71 Klotz, D., Caesar in the City of Amun, Egyptian Temple Construction and Theology in Roman Thebes, MRE (15), Turnhout, 2012, p. 235 72 For the Caesareum see: Herklotz, F., Prinzeps und Pharan, pp. 267-272. The Caesareum was described first by (Geography 17.1.10) indicates that it exists by 26-20 B.C, thus, by this date there was a substantial temple in the city dedicated for Augustus- not Cesar- there is uncertainty about whether its construction was begun in honor of Julius Cesar or Mark Antony by Cleopatra. Strabo mentioned that the Caesareum located in front of Cleopatra's obelisk (originally of Tuhtmosis III at Heliopolis and was brought by Augustus at Alexandria), which stood in front of it facing the harbor. For more information see Mckenzie, J., The Architecture of Alexandria and Egypt, 300 B.C to 700 A.D, Yale University Press, New Haven and London, 2007, pp. 177-179. Pliny locates these obelisks at the entrance to the “temple of Caesar”. He gives their height as 42 (22, 5 m). Pliny, Natural History, 36.14.69.42, which notably, is close to their actual height (ca. 21m). Later the Philosopher of Alexandria in 38 A.D –during the life time of Caligula- as "No such sanctuary exists anywhere else…. Situated on an artificial hill…. A temple of dimensions unknown in any other place, with votive offerings, including paintings and statues in gold and … embellished with porticoes, libraries, rooms, gardens, portals and large open courtyards". Philo of Alexandria, Legatioad Gaium (15). The Caesareum was mentioned also by Neroutsos Bey in 1874, that the walls of the structure having a thickness of 3.5 and 2.5 m. Cleopatra had wanted to outshine the nearby and imposing Serapeum, because nothing was too beautiful or great enough for the father of Cesarion. Goudchaux, G., “Cleopatra's Subtle Religious Strategy”, in: Cleopatra of Egypt, from History to , (ed. by Walker, S and Higgs, P), London, 2001, pp.136. The Cesareum was subsequently rededicated to Augustus and referred to as the "temple" or "shrine" (Caesaistemplum, or Caesareum Magnum). For more details about the Caesareum see Pfeiffer, S., "The Imperial Cult in Egypt", in: the Oxford Handbook of Roman Egypt, pp.86- 87. About the Caesareum and Cleopatra's needle See Empereur, J., Alexandria Rediscovered, London, 1998, pp.111- 124. 73 Sebastos was the Greek translation of the title Augustus, was later used by the Roman Emperors. That Augustus was worshipped in the Kaisareion as “Kaiser Epibaterios”. 74 Venit, M., “Alexandria“, in: The Oxford Handbook of Roman Egypt, p. 111. Haas refereed that Aphrodite was worshipped inside the Caesareum. Haas, C., Alexandria in Late Antiquity: Topography and Social Conflict. John Hopkins University Press, 1997, p.144 75 Pfeiffer, S.,Der römische Kaiser, p.237. 76 McKenzie, J., Op. Cit, p. 177; about the worship of Caesar in Alexandria see Merriam, A., “The Caesareum and the Worship of Augustus at Alexandria”, in: TAPA (14), 1883, pp. 5-35. 77 Pfeiffer, S.,"The Imperial Cult in Egypt", p. 87. 78 The obelisks were transported by Augustus in 12 B.C to be erected in front of the Caesareum, the obelisks were erected first by Tuhtmosis III, then usurped by II, and have become known as Cleopatra's needles. These two obelisks, one was presented by Mohamed Ali to the British nation in 1819, which the British nation refused first the present for the problem of the transport from Egypt to England, then was abandoned during a storm in its voyage to London in the Bay of Biscay on October 14, 1877. Two years later was recovered and erected on the banks of the Thames. The other one was given to the City of New York at the opening of the Canal in 1869 by the Khedive Ismail and erected in in January 1881. Venit, M., " Ancient Egyptomania: The Uses of Egypt in Greco- Roman Alexandria", in: Leaving No Stones Unturned: Essays on the and Egypt in Honor of Donald P. Hansen, (ed. By. Ehrenberg, E), Winona Lake, 2002, pp.268-269, note. 29, see also: D' Alton, M., The New York Obelisk or How Cleopatra's Needle came to New York and what happened when it got here, reprinted from the Metropolitan Museum of Bulletin, 1993. The fallen one now on the Thames Embankment in London, while the standing one in the Central Park in New York. Their orientations indicate that they were not oriented on the city grid plan, but at an angle to it. This suggests that (even if its enclosure was on the grid) the temple was also positioned at this angle to the grid, to make it easier to view as came into the harbor, steering around Antirrhodos. McKenzie, J., Op. Cit, p.177. 79 Alföldy, G., "Der Obelisk auf dem Petersplatz in Rom: Ein historisches Monument der Antike, Heidelberg, 1990, p. 87. The forum Iulium was later known as forum Augusti, when Cesar took his new title as Augustus, it must therefore have been an open space located at the temple of Augustus. Ibid, pp.41-42. May be the forum Augusti was renamed Journal of Association of Arab Universities for Tourism and Hospitality Volume 12 - June 2015 - No 1 - Pages: (35 : 56)

after 27 B.C .During the expansion of the temple itself on the space around the Caesareum. Pfeiffer, S., the Imperial Cult, p. 87. 80 Pfeiffer, S., the Imperial Cult, p. 87. 81 Ibid, p. 87. 82 About the Caesareumsee: Sjöqvist, E., “Kaisareion, A Study in Architectural Iconography”, in: Opscularomana (1), 1954, pp.86-89; Fishwick, D., “The Temple of Caesar at Alexandria”, in: AJAH (9), 1984, pp.131-134; id., “the Caesareum of Alexandria Again”, in: AJAH (12), 1987, pp.62-72. 83 Other temples were erected on the harbor of Alexandria for the sailors, as the temple of Isis- Pharia, the temple of Arsinoe on the coast of Alexandria. See Fraser, P., Ptolemaic Alexandria, Vol. (1). Oxford, 1972, p. 21 84 Isis- Euploia, the goddess who holds a rudder in her left hand and two ears of wheat in her right, as a significant of the successful arrival of the grains to Rome. Milne, J., Catalogue of Alexandrian Coins, Oxford, 1971, nos. 2288-91. 85 Dundas, G., Op. Cit, pp. 152-154. The Kaisareion of Alexandria with its two fundamental obelisks as a symbol of savior for the sailors was assimilated with the building of the lighthouse of Ptolemy Soter, and his god‟s patron, Zeus Soter, which was an indicator for the welfare of the Sailors. Dundas, G., Op. Cit, pp. 265-267. 86 Dessau, H., Inscriptions Latina e Selectae, Vol. (3), 1916, part.3, no. 9059; Ward-Perkins, J and Balance, M., The Caesareum at Cyrene and the at Gremna”, in: PBSR (26), 1958, p.176. 87 Adriani, A., Repertorio d‟ Arte dell‟ Egitto Greco- romano, Palermo, 1966, p.217; P. Oxy VIII.1116, 9-11; Dundas, G., Op. Cit, pp.153-154. 88 Pensabene, P., “Architettura Imperiale in Egitto”, in: in: Roma e l‟Egitto, p. 275. 89 Pfeiffer, R., Der römische Kaiser, pp. 241-242; Dundas, G., Op. Cit, p. 88. A shrine attributed to Augustus attached to the temple of Anubis and Leto in the Cynopolitenome to syncretistic portraits of gods such as Horus and Amon in imperial for of Augustus. P. Oxy. X 1256 (282 AD); Glare, P., "the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus at Arsinoe and the Imperial Cult", in: Proceedings of the 20th International Congress of Papyrologists, , 23-29 August, 1992, p.553. 90 Dundas, G., Op. Cit, pp. 174-177. 91 OGIS. II. 657. 92 For the temple of Augustus at Phila see: Garston, W., A Report on the Island and Temples of Philae, with an Introduction note, London, 1896, pp.29-30; Herklotz, F., Op. Cit, pp. 273-275. 93 Hänlein- Schäfer, H., Veneratio Augusti, Eine Studie zu den Tempeln des ersten römischen Kaisers, Archaeologia (39), Roma, 1985. 94 Pfeiffer, S., Der römische Kaiser, pp. 242-243. 95 Klotz, D., Op. Cit, pp.236-237 96 Pfeiffer, S., the Imperial Cult, pp. 89-90. 97 Wildung, D., und Amenhotep, Gottwerdung im alten Ägypten, MÄS (36), 1977, pp.251-255, pl. LXIV.157; id., Egyptian Saints, Deification in Pharaonic Egypt, New York, 1977, pp.107-108, fig.63 98 Klotz, D., Op. Cit, p. 232. 99 Ibid, p. 237 100 About these statues see: Thiers, C.,“Deux Statues des DieuxPhilometors a Karnak, KarnakCaracol R 177+ Cheikh Labib 94CL1421 et Caire JE 41218)“, in: BIFAO (102), 2002, pp. 389-404; Laufray, J.,“Notesur les Portes du 1 er Pylon de Karnak“, in: Kemi (20), 1970, pp. 101-110; id.,“Abordsoccidentaux du premier Pyoln de Karnak, le Dromos, la Ritual et les Amenagement portuaires“, in: Kemi (21), 1971, pp. 77-144 101 Klotz, D., Op. Cit, p. 328 102 Yoyotte, J and Charvet, P., Strabon, le Voyage en Egypte, Un regard romain, Paris, 1997, p.188; Locher, J., “Die Anfänge der römischen Herrschaft in Nubien und der Konflikt zwischen Rom und Meroe“, in: AncSoc (32), 2002, pp.77-79 103 Klotz, D., Op. Cit, p. 239 104 Herklotz, F., Prinzeps und Pharao, p. 273; Klotz, D., Op. Cit, p. 239 105 Schenk, R., Der Korinthische Tempel bis zum Ende des Prinzipates des Augustus, Archäologie (45), Espelkamp, 1997, pp. 61-62. 106 Herklotz, F., Prinzeps und Pharao, pp.275-282 . 107 Pfeiffer, S., the Imperial Cult, p.91. 108 Iversen, E., Op. Cit, p.301. 109 Casson, L., “The Isis and her Voyage”, in: TAPA (81), 1950, pp.43-56; Lord, L., “The Date of Julius Cesar‟s Departure from Alexandria”, in: JRS (28), 1938, pp.22-23. 110 Aly, A., “Cleopatra and Caesar at Alexandria and Rome”, in: Roma e l‟Egitto, p.52. 111 Volkmann, H., Cleopatra, London, 1958, p.80. 112 Aly, A., Op. Cit, p.52. 113 Bianchi, R., “ Ptolemaic Egypt and Rome”, in: Cleopatra‟s Egypt, Age of the Ptolemies, the Brooklyn Museum, 1989, p. 19 Journal of Association of Arab Universities for Tourism and Hospitality Volume 12 - June 2015 - No 1 - Pages: (35 : 56)

114 Williams, J., "Spoiling the Egyptians": Octavian and Cleopatra", in: Cleopatra of Egypt from History to Myth, pp.193-194. 115 Goudchaux, G., Op. Cit, p.139. 116 , Iul.52. 117 Caesar didn‟t declare his paternity to the son officially, but privately among his intimate friends and devoted adherents. Aly, A., Op. Cit, p. 50. 118 Ibid, pp.50-51. 119 Ibid, p.55. 120 Bianchi, R., Op. Cit, pp. 19-20 121 Ibid., p. 60 122 Williams, J., Op. Cit, pp. 196-199. 123 See: Etman, A., “Cleopatra and Egypt in the Augustan Poetry”, in: in: Roma e l‟Egitto, pp. 161-175. 124 The stela is now in the Egyptian Museum nr. 40720. It is 45 cm high, 31 cm wide, and 17 cm thick about the stela see: Lefebvre, G., "Egypte- Greco- Romaine", in: ASAE (IX), 1908, pp. 240-242; Bernand, E., Recueildes Inscriptions Grecques du Fayoum, Tom. (I), Leiden, 1975, pp.45-47, pl.12. Heinen, H., Kleopatra- Studien, Gesammelte Schriften zur ausgehenden Ptolemäerzeit, Konstanz, 2009, pp.244-248; id., "Vorstufen und Anfänge des Herrscherkultes im römischen Ägypten", in: Vom hellenistischen Osten zum römischen Westen, Ausgewählte Schriften zur Alten Geschichte, Stuttgart, 2006, pp. 159-162 125 In the year 16 of her reign (37/36 B.C) was considered as a new coronation year of Cleopatra as year 1 of her reign, the epithets proclaims Cleopatra VII as a spiritual heir to Cleopatra Thea, the great queen of . Then Alexandria modified Cleopatra's titulature as "Theaneoteraphilopatorkaiphilopatris" (goddessneotera who loves her father and loves her patris). While Cesareon was entitled also as "God who loves his father and loves his mother). For more information see: Bingen, J.," Cleopatra VII Philopatris", in: Hellenistic Egypt, Monarchy, Society, Economy, Culture, (ed. by Bagnall, R), Edinburgh University Press, 1998, pp.57-62; id., "The Dynastic of Cleopatra VII", in: Hellenistic Egypt, Monarchy, Society, Economy, Culture, pp. 75-76. 126 Julius Caesar als Vater des Ptolemaios XV.Heinen, H., "Julius Caesar als Vater des Ptolemaios XV. Kaiser (Kaisarion)", in: Vom hellenistischen Osten zum römischen Westen, Ausgewählte Schriften zur Alten Geschichte, Stuttgart, 2006, pp.161-162Kaiser (Kaisarion), pp.161-162. 127 The title was related also to the sons of Cleopatra, especially Cesarieon, who was known as basileusbasileon, while Cleopatra was known as “Queen of the kings”. Grenier, J., Le Prophèteet l’Autokrator“, pp. 82-83; id., Notes sur l'Égypte romaine (I, 1-7)”.in: Cd'É (63), 1988, p. 76. 128 This is well-appeared among the numerous scattered temple blocks found at the Greco- Roman temple of Tod, several have recently been identified as belonging to Augustus, just as Armant, Medamud and Khonsu temple. Koltz, D., Caesar in the City of Amun, Egyptian Temple Construction and Theology in Roman Thebes, MRE (15), Belgium, 2012, p.245. 129 It may be that Ptolemy XV takes his Roman title as Cesar during the life time of his father in 44 B.C in Rome. Heinen, H., Kleopatra- Studien, p. 247. 130 Heinen, H., "Cäsar und Kaisareion", in: Historia (18), 1969, pp.181-203. 131 The stela is now in Louvre Museum E. 27113. It is 52, 5 cm high, 28cm wide and 4cm thick. For the stela. Wagner, G., "Une Dédicacea la Grande Cleopatra de la Part du Synode Snonaitiaque", in: BIFAO (73), 1973, pp. 103-108, pl. IX; Bernand, E.,Recueil des Inscriptions Grecques du Fayoum, Tom. (III), la “Meris“ de Polemon, Leiden, 1981, p.205, pl.36, nr.205; id., Inscriptions Grecqués d'Egypte et de Nubie see du Louvre, Paris, 1992,pp.62-64, pl. 17.nr.21. 132 Rowlandson, J., Women and Society in Greek and Roman Egypt, Cambridge,1998, p.38, fig.4. 133 Bianchi, R., “Catalogue”, in: Cleopatra‟s Egypt, pp.188-189, .78 134 The stela is located now in Louvre in the department of the Egyptian , E 20906 in Louvre Museum. Bernand, E., Inscriptions Grecqués de Fayoum,La "Méris" d'Herakleidès, Tom. (I), Paris, 1975, pl.9; id., Inscriptions Grecquésd'Egypte et de Nubie au Musée du Louvre,pp.61-62, pl. 16.nr.20. 135 Ashton, S.,“Identifying the Egyptian – Style, Ptolemaic Queen“, in: Cleopatra of Egypt, p. 157, pl. 154.; Andrea, B., "Kleopatra und die historischen persönlichkeiten in ihrem Umkreis", in: Kleopatra und die Caesaren eine Ausstellung des Bucerius Kunst Forums, 28. Oktober 2006 bis 4.Februar2007, München,2006, p.60, kat.13. 136 Rowlandson suggested that Cleopatra is depicted as a male- king in this stela. Rowlandson, J., Op. Cit, p. 38. 137 Aston, S., "Identifying the Egyptian-style Ptolemaic queens", in: Cleopatra of Egypt from History to Myth, (ed. by Walker, S and Higgs, R), The British Museum Press, 2001, p. 157. 138 Bernand, E., Inscriptions Graecques d'Egypte et de Nubie au Musée du Louvre, p. 63. 139 Generini, F., "Cleopatra VII", in: Cleopatra, Roma e l'incantesimodee 'Egitto, Milano, 2013, p. 165, pl. 88. 140 Klotz, D., Op. Cit, p. 245 141 Dio Cassius.50.24.5-7; cf. 50.25-27.1.translation by Dundas, G., Pharaoh, Basileus and Imperator: The Roman Imperial Cult in Egypt, Ph.D unpublished. Diss.,Los Angeles, 1994. 142Diod.17,49, 2; Herod.3,16; Hemelrijk, E and Smelik, K., "Who knows Not What Monsters Demented Egyptian Worship", pp. 1927-1928. 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143 Bosworth referred that Alexander the Great gave the homage before Apis, in reaction to the legendary story of Cambyses having slain the Apis bull on his arrival at Memphis. Bosworth, A., A Historical Commentary on Arrian‟s History of Alexander, Vol. (1), Oxford and New York, 1980, p. 262. 144 Dio Cassius. 51. 16.5; Suetonius. 93; Herklotz, F., "AegyptoCapta, p. 13; Stadler, M., Egyptian Cult, Evidence from Temple Scriptoria and Christian Hagiographies", in: Oxford Handbook of Roman Egypt, p. 457. 145 Stadler, M., Op. Cit, p. 457. 146 Williams, J., Op. Cit, p195. 147 Dio Cassius, 51,16.5, 17.4-5. 148 McGann, M., "The Date of Tibullus' Death", in: Latomus (29 /3), 1970, pp.774–780. 149 Hemelrijk, E and Smelik, K., Op. Cit, p.1958. 150 Grenier, J., “L’Empereur et le Pharaoh”, in: ANRW (II/ 18.5), Berlin, 1995, pp. 3182-3184;id., “L’ Empereur et le Pharaoh”, in Egypte Romaine, l‟autre Egypte, Musées de Marseille- Reunion des musées nationaux, Marseille, 1997, p. 38. Cambyses even summoned the Apisbull. He tried to stab him in the belly, but only wounded his thigh. He said to the priests " Do you call that a god, your poor blockheads? Are you gods‟ flesh and blood? Do they feel the pick of the steel? No doubt a god like that is good enough for the Egyptians; but you won‟t get away with trying to make a fool of me. Herod. 3.29; Schwartz, J., Les Conquérants Perses et la Littérature Egyptienne", in: BIFAO (48), 1949, p.68. See also Le Berre, E., " Le Taureau Apis. Un animal –dieudansl'enquêted' Hérodote", in: Religions Méditerranéennes et Orientales de l'Antiquité, Actes du Colloque des 23-24 avril 1999, (ed. by Labrique, F), IFAO, Le Caire, 2002, pp. 137- 148. The Apis bull was died later from his wound and was buried by the priests without the knowledge of Cambyses. Hemelrijk, E and Smelik, K ., Op. Cit, pp. 1864-1847; Pettigrew, T., A History of Egyptian and an account of the Worship and Embalming of the Sacred Animals by the Egyptians, Cambridge University Press, 2013, pp. 187- 188. 151 Bucheum 13=Kopenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptothek AEIN 1681and Bucheum 14= Kairo JE 53142. See: Fairman, H., "The Hieroglyphic Inscriptions", in: The Bucheum II, (ed. by. Mond, R and Myers, O), EES Memoire (41, 2), London, 1934, pp. 13-14, pl. XLIII (13, 14) in: The Bucheum III. See Herklotz, F., Prinzeps und Pharao, pp. 134-135. 152 The Buchis bull was the chief animal god of the entire Theban in late Period, it was characterized by having a body and a black face. The living buchis was “herald of Re”, while the mummified one was a manifestation of Osiris or Atum. Koltz, D., Op. Cit, pp.79-80. 153 Pfeiffer, S., Der römische Kaise, p.51. 154 Fairman, H., Op. Cit, in: The Bucheum (II), p. 32. 155 Although the Gallus stela did not mention Hermonthis among the five defeated towns.Dundas, G., Op. Cit, p. 73. 156 Wilcken, U.,“Octavian after the Fall of Alexandria”, in: JRS (27), 1937, p. 138. 157 Fairman, H., Op. Cit, p.32. 158 Apis was considered the incarnation of Ptah, that he is described in the journey of the sun-god Re in his as (Apis is Ptah, Apis is Re, Apis is Harsiese. Bonnet, H., "Apis", in:Lexikon der ägyptischen Religionsgeschichte, Hamburg, 2000, p.48. The connection of Apis with Ptah started from the N: K; the time of Ramses III. P. Harris I, 44, 9; Roeder, G., Die ägyptischeGötterwelt", in: Die Bibliothek der Alten Welt. Reihe der Alten Orient, Die ägyptische Religion in Texten und Bilden, (ed. By.Rüegg, W), Bd (1), Zürich, 1959, p. 51. 159 The title of the high priest of Ptah, Petubastis in line n0. 3 in BM 188 is s3 s.t n Hpcnh (Saset of the living Apis) Herklotz, F., Prinzeps und Pharao, pp. 133-134, note. 108. 160 Herklotz, F.,Prinzeps und Pharao, p.296. 161 Venit, M., Monumental Tombs of Ancient Alexandria, the Theater of the Dead, Cambridge University Press, 2002, pp.142-143. 162 Dunand, F., Isis, Mere des Dieux, Paris, 2000, p. 122. 163 Von Bissing, F., "EineApisfigure in der Haltung der Adlocutio", in: Oriental StudiesDedicated to Paul Haupt, (ed. by Adler, C and Ember, A), Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UniversityPress, p. 298; Zivie- Coche, C and Dunand, F., Die Religionen des AltenÄgypten, Stuttgart, 2013, p.95. 164 Dunand, F., " Croyances et Rituels Funéraires, Les Images de l'Au-Dela: Vision Egyptienne et Vision Grecque", in: Hommes et Dieux en Egypte (300 a.c -395 p.c), (ed.by Dunand, F and Zivie- Coche, C), Paris, 2006, p.420. 165 Malaise, M., Op. Cit, p. 248f. 166 Hemelrijk, E. and Smelik, K., Op. Cit, p. 1929; Goldman, N., Op. Cit, p. 251. 167 Dio 47.15.4, , L., Op. Cit, p.67. 168 Turcan, R., the Gods of , p. 121. 169 Lembke, L., Das Iseum Campense in Rom. Studien über den Isiskult unter Domitian, in: Archäologie un Geschichte (3), Heidelberg, 1994; Bommas, M., Forthcoming. "The IseumCampense as a lieu de memoire", in: Cultural Memory, Religion and the Ancient City (ed. by Bommas, M etal), London, 2011. 170 Alfano, C., Op. Cit, p.285. 171 Goldman, N., " Isis revealed: Cult and Costume in Italy", in: Archaeological Research in Roman Egypt, the Proceeding of the Seventeenth Classical Colloquium of the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities, British Museum, JRA Supplementary Series (19), (ed. By M.Baily, D), Michigan, 1996, p.248. Journal of Association of Arab Universities for Tourism and Hospitality Volume 12 - June 2015 - No 1 - Pages: (35 : 56)

172 Bricault, L., Myrionymi: Les Epiclèses Grecque et Latines d'Isis, de Sarapis et d'Anubis, Stuttgart, 1996. 173 Klotz, D., Op. Cit, p.229 174 Turcan, R., the Cults of the , Oxford, 1997, p.87. 175 Pfeiffer, S., Der römische Kaiser. 176 Green, L., Isis, the Egyptian Goddess Who Endured in the Graeco-Roman world", in: K.M.T (5), 1994, p.66. 177 Claus, M., Kleopatra, München, 1995, p. 70, Abb.5. Arsinoe II is the first queen that identified herself as Isis is credited with introducing the worship of Isis to the Greek population of Egypt. Green, L., Op. Cit, p.62. 178 Dio Cassius. 53.2, 4. Macrobius states the Octavian's attitude towards the Egyptian gods as " The Egyptians as they were not allowed by their religion to appease their gods with animals and blood-sacrifices but only with placed the temple extra promerium" Macrobius 1, 7: FRA 595, 15; Witt, R., Op. Cit, pp.223, 317 (note.7). 179 Yehya, L.,“Alexandria and Rome in Classical Antiquity. A Cultural Approach”, in: Roma e l‟Egitto, p. 358. 180 Dio Cassius. 53.2, 4; 54.6,6. 181 Green, L., Op.Cit, p. 67. 182 Ibid, pp.285-286. 183 Turcan, R., Op. Cit, p.87. 184 Dio Cassius, 54, 6, 6. 185 Yehya, L., Op. Cit, p. 358. 186 In 20 B.C. G.Petronius decreed his “syntaxis” which reorganized the temples lands and treasures to be under the imperial control. It was a political and economic action to illuminate the power of the Egyptian priesthood and their richness. Augustus continued in the good treatment of the priests and supporting the temple building activities in Egypt and Nubia. Milne, J., A under the Roman Rule, 3rd. ed. London, 1924, pp.11-12. 187 See: Buchner, E., Die Sonnenuhr des Augustus, Mainz, 1982. 188 Green, L., Op. Cit, p.286. 189 Depicted on the temples of Kalabscha and Phila.See: Heinen, H., Kleopatra- Studien, Gesammelte Schriften zur ausgehenden Ptolemäerzeit, Konstanz, 2009, pp.239, 242. He also depicted himself as the father of Caesarion in his stela which was depicted himself as a pharaoh is making offerings before the crocodile – god, Suchos, of Arsinoe. The stela is dedicated for Cleopatra by Augustus. About this stela see. Ibid, pp.244-248; id., "Julius Caesar als Vater des Ptolemaios XV. Kaiser (Kaisarion)", in: Vom hellenistischen Osten zum römischen Westen, Ausgewählte Schriften zur Alten Geschichte, Stuttgart, 2006, pp. 159-162. 190 Klotz, D., Op. Cit, p. 231 191 For the presence of Augustus at Kalabscha temple see. Herklotz, F., Prinzeps und Pharao: Der Kult des Augustus in Ägypten, pp. 151-155. 192 Winter, E., Das Kalabscha- Tor in Berlin, Jahbuch Preußischer Kulturbesitz (14), 1979, pp.59-71. 193 Winter, E., "Octavian/ Augustus alsSoter, Euergetesund Epiphanes: Die Datierung des Kalabscha- Tores", in: ZÄS (130), 2003, pp.197-212; Grenier, J., Les titulatatures des empereurs romains dans les Documents en Langue egyptienne, PapBrux (22), Bruxelles, 1989, p.17, no.7; Cauville, S., L‟Impossible serrement de main ou le Pax romana a Dendera“, in: RdE (58), 2007, p.32. 194 Capponi, L., Augustan Egypt, the Creation of a Roman Province, New York, 2005. 195 Winter, E., Op. Cit, in: ZÄS (130), 2003, pp.197-212. 196 Ibid, p.200, pl. XLVI. 197 Minas- Nerpel, M and Pfeiffer, S., Op. Cit, pp.274-275. 198 Herklotz, F., Prinzeps und Pharao, p. 154. 199 For the presence of Augustus at Phila see. Herklotz, F., Prinzeps und Pharao, pp.160-165. 200 About the mammisi of Phila see: Junker, H and Winter, E., Das Geburtshaus des Tempels der Isis in Philä, Wien, 1965, p. 256 f. the lines 17-21 of the text from south. 201Heine, H., " Vorstufen und Anfänge der Herrscherkultes im römischen Ägypten(Aufsteige und Niedergang der römischen Welt, Bd. II 18, 5, Berlin, New York, 1995", in: Vom hellenistischen Osten zum römischen Westen, Ausgewählte Schriften zur Alten Geschichte, (ed. By.Binsfeld, A and Pfeiffer, S), Stuttgart, 2006, p.198, Taf. XII. 202 Benedite, G., Philae, Bd. 1, MMAF (13), Paris, 1895, pp. 97, 101; Herkltz, F., Prinzeps und Pharao, p. 162, note. 263. 203 PM. 6, p.246, Nr. 383f; Benedite, G., Op. Cit, p. 83, pl. 27. 204 The temple was built by Ptolemy Vi and Ptolemy VIII. 205 Dumas, F., Les Propylees du Temple d' Hathor a Phila et le Culte de la Deese", in: ZÄS 8´(95), 1968, p. 1; Hölbl, G., Die Tempel des römischen Nubien, Mainz, 2004, p. 18f.