Voltaire: a Philosophical Dictionary 1764 (Excerpt)
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The Enlightenment and Democratic Revolutions MAIN IDEA WHY IT MATTERS NOW TERMS & NAMES
4 The Enlightenment and Democratic Revolutions MAIN IDEA WHY IT MATTERS NOW TERMS & NAMES REVOLUTION Enlightenment These revolutions and the • Enlightenment • representative ideas helped bring about the documents they produced have • social contract government American and French inspired other democratic • natural rights • federal system revolutions. movements. • separation of • United Nations powers SETTING THE STAGE The Renaissance continued to affect European thinking throughout the 17th century. The Renaissance emphasis on the individual and on expanding human potential were especially influential. At the same time, Europeans began to explore their physical world. They extended the boundaries of the known world in what came to be called the Age of Exploration. New ideas and discoveries had a great impact on Europeans’ understanding of themselves and the world. TAKING NOTES Enlightenment Thinkers and Ideas Outlining Use an outline During the 17th and 18th centuries, an intellectual movement called the to organize the main ideas and details. Enlightenment developed. Enlightenment thinkers tried to apply the principles of reason and the methods of science to all aspects of society. They built upon I. Enlightenmentg the long history of Western thought. Thinkers and Ideas The philosophers of ancient Greece had established the idea of natural laws A. that could be discovered by careful observation and reasoned inquiry. B. Christianity contributed the belief in the equality of all human beings. (This belief II. The Beggginnings of Democracy in America would later lead to the principle of equal rights in society.) During the Renaissance, thinkers had focused on worldly concerns. They criticized medieval philosophy A. for concentrating on questions that seemed unrelated to human conditions. -
Democracy in the United States
Democracy in the United States The United States is a representative democracy. This means that our government is elected by citizens. Here, citizens vote for their government officials. These officials represent the citizens’ ideas and concerns in government. Voting is one way to participate in our democracy. Citizens can also contact their officials when they want to support or change a law. Voting in an election and contacting our elected officials are two ways that Americans can participate in their democracy. Voting booth in Atascadero, California, in 2008. Photo by Ace Armstrong. Courtesy of the Polling Place Photo Project. Your Government and You H www.uscis.gov/citizenship 1 Becoming a U.S. Citizen Taking the Oath of Allegiance at a naturalization ceremony in Washington, D.C. Courtesy of USCIS. The process required to become a citizen is called naturalization. To become a U.S. citizen, you must meet legal requirements. You must complete an interview with a USCIS officer. You must also pass an English and Civics test. Then, you take the Oath of Allegiance. This means that you promise loyalty to the United States. When you become a U.S. citizen, you also make these promises: ★ give up loyalty to other countries ★ defend the Constitution and laws of the United States ★ obey the laws of the United States ★ serve in the U.S. military (if needed) ★ do important work for the nation (if needed) After you take the Oath of Allegiance, you are a U.S. citizen. 2 Your Government and You H www.uscis.gov/citizenship Rights and Responsibilities of Citizens Voting is one important right and responsibility of U.S. -
Voltaire's Conception of National and International Society
Voltaire's Conception of National and International Society LilIy Lo Manto Faced with the crumbling of their beloved Greek city-states, during the 4th century before our era, the Stoics used reason to explain their uncertain future in the huge global polis of the Macedonian empire. Two thousand years later, the economic, political and social turmoil brewing in France would foster the emergence of the French Enlightenment. Championed by the philosophes, this period would also look to reason to guide national and international security. Indeed, eighteenth century France was a society in ferment. After the death of Louis XIV, in 1715, the succeeding kings, Louis XV and XVI, found themselves periodically confronted, primarily by the pariements, with an increasing rejection of the absolutist claims and ministerial policies of the throne. l Like his Stoic forefathers, Fran~ois Marie Arouet (1694-1778), otherwise known as "Voltaire", extolled the merits of reason and tolerance,2 believing that the world would be a better place if men only behaved rationally.3 His primary focus was peace; how to obtain, preserve and propagate it. In order to comprehend Voltaire's conception of world peace, this essay will analyze what he believed to be its foundations, namely: the rights and roles of individuals based on their social class, and the role of an ideal state which would foster domestic harmony. According to Voltaire, the key to obtaining international peace stemmed from the relationship between the individual and the State. The relationship between the individual and the state, outlined in the Social Contract, could only succeed if man maintained his role and exercised his rights while the state assured him of his fundamental liberties. -
THE PHILOSOPHES Voltaire Montesquieu Rousseau
THE PHILOSOPHES Voltaire Montesquieu Rousseau Tuesday, January 21, 2014 Philosophes - public intellectuals dedicated to solving the problems of the World http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RxG_d94F3Dg http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5Xd_zkMEgkI Tuesday, January 21, 2014 Philosophes - public intellectuals dedicated to solving the problems of the World - wrote for a broad, educated public audience http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RxG_d94F3Dg http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5Xd_zkMEgkI Tuesday, January 21, 2014 Philosophes - public intellectuals dedicated to solving the problems of the World - wrote for a broad, educated public audience - fought to eradicate bigotry, religious fanaticism, superstition http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RxG_d94F3Dg http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5Xd_zkMEgkI Tuesday, January 21, 2014 Philosophes - public intellectuals dedicated to solving the problems of the World - wrote for a broad, educated public audience - fought to eradicate bigotry, religious fanaticism, superstition - promoted “Natural Rights” - intellectual freedom, freedom of the press and religion, human progress http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RxG_d94F3Dg http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5Xd_zkMEgkI Tuesday, January 21, 2014 Philosophes - public intellectuals dedicated to solving the problems of the World - wrote for a broad, educated public audience - fought to eradicate bigotry, religious fanaticism, superstition - promoted “Natural Rights” - intellectual freedom, freedom of the press and religion, human progress - spread their ideas through books, essays, letters pamphlets http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RxG_d94F3Dg http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5Xd_zkMEgkI Tuesday, January 21, 2014 PHILOSOPHES Tuesday, January 21, 2014 PHILOSOPHES - Paris was headquarters Tuesday, January 21, 2014 PHILOSOPHES - Paris was headquarters Tuesday, January 21, 2014 PHILOSOPHES - Paris was headquarters - they met in salons and coffee houses to share ideas Tuesday, January 21, 2014 PHILOSOPHES - Paris was headquarters - they met in salons and coffee houses to share ideas -Mme. -
Thomas Jefferson and the Ideology of Democratic Schooling
Thomas Jefferson and the Ideology of Democratic Schooling James Carpenter (Binghamton University) Abstract I challenge the traditional argument that Jefferson’s educational plans for Virginia were built on mod- ern democratic understandings. While containing some democratic features, especially for the founding decades, Jefferson’s concern was narrowly political, designed to ensure the survival of the new republic. The significance of this piece is to add to the more accurate portrayal of Jefferson’s impact on American institutions. Submit your own response to this article Submit online at democracyeducationjournal.org/home Read responses to this article online http://democracyeducationjournal.org/home/vol21/iss2/5 ew historical figures have undergone as much advocate of public education in the early United States” (p. 280). scrutiny in the last two decades as has Thomas Heslep (1969) has suggested that Jefferson provided “a general Jefferson. His relationship with Sally Hemings, his statement on education in republican, or democratic society” views on Native Americans, his expansionist ideology and his (p. 113), without distinguishing between the two. Others have opted suppressionF of individual liberties are just some of the areas of specifically to connect his ideas to being democratic. Williams Jefferson’s life and thinking that historians and others have reexam- (1967) argued that Jefferson’s impact on our schools is pronounced ined (Finkelman, 1995; Gordon- Reed, 1997; Kaplan, 1998). because “democracy and education are interdependent” and But his views on education have been unchallenged. While his therefore with “education being necessary to its [democracy’s] reputation as a founding father of the American republic has been success, a successful democracy must provide it” (p. -
CONDORCET (1743–94) Bernard Jolibert1
The following text was originally published in Prospects: the quarterly review of comparative education (Paris, UNESCO: International Bureau of Education), vol. XXIII, no. 1/2, 1993, p. 197-209. ©UNESCO: International Bureau of Education, 2000 This document may be reproduced free of charge as long as acknowledgement is made of the source. CONDORCET (1743–94) Bernard Jolibert1 In the discussions of ideas that constitute our daily intellectual environment there are certain words that reek of cordite and certain writers who give us a sense of peace. The term ‘secular’ is in the first category, and Condorcet in the second. A person who speaks of secular or non-religious education or schools, or of educational ‘neutrality’, immediately lays himself or herself open to being regarded either as a supporter of the ‘independent school’, that is private, clerical, religious, ‘right-wing’ and, needless to say, reactionary, or as a champion of public, secular, positivist, ‘left-wing’ and, needless to say, anti-clerical education. Simplistic images are powerful, and ingrained mental habits so reassuring. And yet the divisions are not always where one would like them to be. I may be that one of the first people to notice the caricatural exaggeration of this Manichaean representation of the school was in fact Condorcet, at a time when the present-day French noun denoting the principle of non-religious education did not yet exist. Rather than bludgeon the reader with an encyclopedic account of the educational writings and thought of Marie Jean Antoine Nicolas Caritat, Marquis de Condorcet, it seemed more useful to accompany this writer, insufficiently known in spite of media excitement over the bicentenary of the French Revolution, along the path that led him to discover the secular ideal. -
Enlightenment and Dissent No.29 Sept
ENLIGHTENMENT AND DISSENT No.29 CONTENTS Articles 1 Lesser British Jacobin and Anti-Jacobin Writers during the French Revolution H T Dickinson 42 Concepts of modesty and humility: the eighteenth-century British discourses William Stafford 79 The Invention of Female Biography Gina Luria Walker Reviews 137 Scott Mandelbrote and Michael Ledger-Lomas eds., Dissent and the Bible in Britain, c. 1650-1950 David Bebbington 140 W A Speck, A Political Biography of Thomas Paine H T Dickinson 143 H B Nisbet, Gottfried Ephraim Lessing: His Life, Works & Thought J C Lees 147 Lisa Curtis-Wendlandt, Paul Gibbard and Karen Green eds., Political Ideas of Enlightenment Women Emma Macleod 150 Jon Parkin and Timothy Stanton eds., Natural Law and Toleration in the Early Enlightenment Alan P F Sell 155 Alan P F Sell, The Theological Education of the Ministry: Soundings in the British Reformed and Dissenting Traditions Leonard Smith 158 David Sekers, A Lady of Cotton. Hannah Greg, Mistress of Quarry Bank Mill Ruth Watts Short Notice 161 William Godwin. An Enquiry Concerning Political Justice ed. with intro. Mark Philp Martin Fitzpatrick Documents 163 The Diary of Hannah Lightbody: errata and addenda David Sekers Lesser British Jacobin and Anti-Jacobin Writers during the French Revolution H T Dickinson In the late eighteenth century Britain possessed the freest, most wide-ranging and best circulating press in Europe. 1 A high proportion of the products of the press were concerned with domestic and foreign politics and with wars which directly involved Britain and affected her economy. Not surprisingly therefore the French Revolution and the French Revolutionary War, impacting as they did on British domestic politics, had a huge influence on what the British press produced in the years between 1789 and 1802. -
THE RISE of COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIANISM Steven Levitsky and Lucan A
Elections Without Democracy THE RISE OF COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIANISM Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way Steven Levitsky is assistant professor of government and social studies at Harvard University. His Transforming Labor-Based Parties in Latin America is forthcoming from Cambridge University Press. Lucan A. Way is assistant professor of political science at Temple University and an academy scholar at the Academy for International and Area Studies at Harvard University. He is currently writing a book on the obstacles to authoritarian consolidation in the former Soviet Union. The post–Cold War world has been marked by the proliferation of hy- brid political regimes. In different ways, and to varying degrees, polities across much of Africa (Ghana, Kenya, Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbab- we), postcommunist Eurasia (Albania, Croatia, Russia, Serbia, Ukraine), Asia (Malaysia, Taiwan), and Latin America (Haiti, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru) combined democratic rules with authoritarian governance during the 1990s. Scholars often treated these regimes as incomplete or transi- tional forms of democracy. Yet in many cases these expectations (or hopes) proved overly optimistic. Particularly in Africa and the former Soviet Union, many regimes have either remained hybrid or moved in an authoritarian direction. It may therefore be time to stop thinking of these cases in terms of transitions to democracy and to begin thinking about the specific types of regimes they actually are. In recent years, many scholars have pointed to the importance of hybrid regimes. Indeed, recent academic writings have produced a vari- ety of labels for mixed cases, including not only “hybrid regime” but also “semidemocracy,” “virtual democracy,” “electoral democracy,” “pseudodemocracy,” “illiberal democracy,” “semi-authoritarianism,” “soft authoritarianism,” “electoral authoritarianism,” and Freedom House’s “Partly Free.”1 Yet much of this literature suffers from two important weaknesses. -
De Sade's Theatrical Passions
06.puchner 4/19/05 2:28 PM Page 111 Martin Puchner Sade’s Theatrical Passions The Theater of the Revolution The Marquis de Sade entered theater history in 1964 when the Royal Shakespeare Company, under the direction of Peter Brook, presented a play by the unknown author Peter Weiss entitled, The Persecution and Assassination of Jean-Paul Marat as Performed by the Inmates of the Asylum of Charenton Under the Direction of the Marquis de Sade.1 Marat/Sade, as the play is usually called, became an extraordinary success story.2 By com- bining narrators with techniques developed in a multi-year workshop entitled “Theater of Cruelty,” Marat/Sade managed to link the two modernist visionaries of the theater whom everybody had considered to be irreconcilable opposites: Bertolt Brecht and Antonin Artaud. Marat/Sade not only fabricated a new revolutionary theater from the vestiges of modernism, it also coincided with a philosophical and cul- tural revision of the French revolution that had begun with Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer’s The Dialectics of Enlightenment (1944/69) and found a preliminary culmination in Michel Foucault’s History of Madness (1972). At the same time, the revival of Sade was fu- eled by the first complete publication of his work in French (1967) and by Roland Barthes’ landmark study, Sade Fourier Loyola (1971).3 Marat/Sade had thus hit a theatrical and intellectual nerve. Sade, however, belongs to theater history as more than just a char- acter in a play.Little is known about the historical Sade’s life-long pas- sion for the theater, about his work as a theater builder and manager, an actor and director. -
The Misunderstood Philosophy of Thomas Paine
THE MISUNDERSTOOD PHILOSOPHY OF THOMAS PAINE A Thesis Presented to The Graduate Faculty of The University of Akron In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of History Jason Kinsel December, 2015 THE MISUNDERSTOOD PHILOSOPHY OF THOMAS PAINE Jason Kinsel Thesis Approved: Accepted: ______________________________ _____________________________ Advisor Dean of the College Dr. Walter Hixson Dr. Chand Midha ______________________________ ______________________________ Faculty Reader Dean of the Graduate School Dr. Martino-Trutor Dr. Chand Midha ______________________________ ______________________________ Department Chair Date Dr. Martin Wainwright ii ABSTRACT The name Thomas Paine is often associated with his political pamphlet Common Sense. The importance of “Common Sense” in regards to the American Revolution has been researched and debated by historians, political scientists, and literary scholars. While they acknowledge that Paine’s ideas and writing style helped to popularize the idea of separation from Great Britain in 1776, a thorough analysis of the entirety of Paine’s philosophy has yet to be completed. Modern scholars have had great difficulty with categorizing works such as, The Rights of Man, Agrarian Justice, and Paine’s Dissertation on First Principles of Government. Ultimately, these scholars feel most comfortable with associating Paine with the English philosopher John Locke. This thesis will show that Paine developed a unique political philosophy that is not only different from Locke’s in style, but fundamentally opposed to the system of government designed by Locke in his Second Treatise of Government. Furthermore, I will provide evidence that Paine’s contemporary’s in the American Colonies and Great Britain vehemently denied that Paine’s ideas resembled those of Locke in any way. -
FRANÇOIS MARIE AROUET DE VOLTAIRE (1694-1778) Author: George Saintsbury, D.C.L., LL.D
FRANÇOIS MARIE AROUET DE VOLTAIRE (1694-1778) Author: George Saintsbury, D.C.L., LL.D. Encyclopedia Britannica (New York 1911) vol. 28: 199-205. Electronic Text edited, modified & paginated by Dr Robert A. Hatch© VOLTAIRE, FRANCOIS MARIE AROUET DE. French philosopher, historian, dramatist and man of letters, whose real name was François Marie Arouet simply, was born on the 21st of November 1694 at Paris, and was baptized the next day. His father was François Arouet, a notary; his mother was Marie Marguerite Daumart or D’Aumard. Both father and mother were of Poitevin extraction, but the Arouets had been for two generations established in Paris, the grandfather being a prosperous tradesman. The family appear to have always belonged to the yeoman-tradesman class; their special home was the town of Saint-Loup. Voltaire was the fifth child of his parents—twin boys (of whom one survived), a girl, Marguerite Catherine, and another boy who died young, having preceded him. Not very much is known of the mother, who died when Voltaire was but seven years old. She pretty certainly was the chief cause of his early introduction to good society, the Abbé de Châteauneuf (his sponsor in more ways than one) having been her friend. The father appears to have been somewhat peremptory in temper, but neither inhospitable nor tyrannical. Marguerite Arouet, of whom her younger brother was very fond, married early, her husbands name being Mignot; the elder brother, Armand, was a strong Jansenist, and there never was any kind of sympathy between him and François. The Abbé do Châteauneuf instructed him early in belles lettres and deism, and he showed when a child the unsurpassed faculty for facile verse-making which always distinguished him. -
Political Legacy: John Locke and the American Government
POLITICAL LEGACY: JOHN LOCKE AND THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT by MATTHEW MIYAMOTO A THESIS Presented to the Department of Political Science and the Robert D. Clark Honors College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Science January 2016 An Abstract of the Thesis of Matthew Miyamoto for the degree of Bachelor of Science in the Department of Political Science to be taken January, 2016 Title: Political Legacy: John Locke and the American Government Professor Dan Tichenor John Locke, commonly known as the father of classical liberalism, has arguably influenced the United States government more than any other political philosopher in history. His political theories include the quintessential American ideals of a right to life, liberty, and property, as well as the notion that the government is legitimized through the consent of the governed. Locke's theories guided the founding fathers through the creation of the American government and form the political backbone upon which this nation was founded. His theories form the foundation of principal American documents such as the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and the Bill of Rights, and they permeate the speeches, writings, and letters of our founding fathers. Locke's ideas define our world so thoroughly that we take them axiomatically. Locke's ideas are our tradition. They are our right. This thesis seeks to understand John Locke's political philosophy and the role that he played in the creation of the United States government. .. 11 Acknowledgements I would like to thank Professor Dan Tichenor for helping me to fully examine this topic and guiding me through my research and writing.