Illegal but Common: Life of Blast Fishermen in the Spermonde Archipelago, South
Sulawesi, Indonesia
A thesis presented to
the faculty of
the Center for International Studies of Ohio University
In partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree
Master of Arts
Muhammad Chozin
June 2008 2
This thesis titled
Illegal but Common: Life of Blast Fishermen in the Spermonde Archipelago, South
Sulawesi, Indonesia
by
MUHAMMAD CHOZIN
has been approved for
the Center for International Studies by
Gene Ammarell
Associate Professor of Sociology and Anthropology
Gene Ammarell
Director, Southeast Asian Studies
Drew McDaniel
Interim Director, Center for International Studies 3
ABSTRACT
CHOZIN, MUHAMMAD, M.A., June 2008, Southeast Asian Studies
Illegal but Common: Life of Blast Fishermen in the Spermonde Archipelago, South
Sulawesi, Indonesia (144 pp.)
Director of Thesis: Gene Ammarell
Blast fishing is fishing method practiced by throwing a bomb made from mixed fuel-ammonium nitrate fertilizer (NH4NO3) into sea in order to quickly catch large
quantity of fish. However, it is tremendously destructive to coral reefs. It is estimated that
more than 53% of Indonesia’s coral reefs in Indonesia have been threatened by
destructive fishing including blast fishing. Particularly, in the Spermonde Archipelago,
South Sulawesi, more than 75% of fishermen are practicing this fishing method.
My research focus is on technological and socio-cultural aspects of blast fishermen society in an island within the Spermonde archipelago. Using participant observation, I looked at the society to observe how deep the practice of blast fishing is rooted in their cultures, beliefs, and political economy. I also conducted interviews with fishermen, government officers, and fish traders. By doing so, I tried to understand how the blast fishermen perceived themselves and others, how they dealt with the power of the state, and how they responded to the global economy.
Finally, I examined fishermen’s opinions on the sustainability of their maritime
resources including coral reefs and fish stocks. It seems that their awareness of
environmental issues had no impact to their daily life. The desire to achieve economic
gain and modernization overcame their desire for resource sustainability. Even though 4 they knew the negative impact of blast fishing practice in the long run, they continued it because they are “greedy.” Actually, exposure to the nearby city of Makassar’s modern life combined with a lack of formal education plunges them into a greediness situation in which they have only limited alternatives available with which to participate in the material consumption that surrounds them. The high demand from global markets for fish attracts them to use short-cuts in fishing. Moreover, the lack of law enforcement contributes the continuity of this practice.
Approved: ______
Gene Ammarell
Associate Professor of Sociology and Anthropology 5
The highest dedication is for my both moms:
Muslichatin
and
Dyah Suprobowaty.
You are my inspiration! 6
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
As I finished this thesis, I would like to acknowledge the people and institutions
which contributed to helping me finish this research. First, I would like to give my
highest gratitude to the Ford Foundation International Fellowship Program (IFP) and
Southeast Asian Studies Program of Ohio University. The Ford Foundation generously
awarded me a scholarship to pursue a master degree at Ohio University; Southeast Asian
Studies kindly awarded me a travel grant to conduct a field research for this thesis in
summer 2007.
Secondly, I would like to thank my academic adviser as well as my thesis chair,
Gene Ammarell, who gave me a lot of academic support and assistance. To all my thesis
committee members: Muhammad Iqbal Djawad from the Marine Center at Hasanuddin
University, Indonesia, who provided me research assistance and advise, and Yeong-Hyun
Kim who patiently read every single paragraph of my thesis and give me feedback.
I will not forget all the people on the islands of Kodingareng, Barang Lompo,
Balobaloang, and Sumanga who were willing to share their underground activities with
me. Without their openness, it would have been impossible for me to write this thesis.
Special thanks to Bukhari, my research assistant, who helped immeasurably in connecting me to important persons in the blast fishermen society. In addition, I would
also like to thank student activists from HMI-MPO and Inninawa in Makassar who provided me warm space for discussions. To my colleague, Ridwan Alimuddin, who offered me preliminary information of blast fishing activities. 7
I extend my thanks to all of my friends at Ohio University who gave me friendship and warm discussions. From the bottom of my heart, I would like to honor my
“thesis partner”, Lauri Hlavacs, with whom I share many readings and ideas; to Ryoko for being the best company at the Donkey café while I was writing this thesis, thanks for translating Japanese references! To my editors: Patricia Black, Molly Roth, and all people in writing center at Alden library. Special appreciation for Talinn Phillips (the director of writing center), who did a research on my English writing. Your interviews encouraged me to keep writing.
Finally, to two others trio-Ford, Farid and Sandra: “We started together, and finally, graduated together!” Last but not least, to all PERMIAS (Indonesian Student
Association) members whom I cannot mention one-by-one, a thousand thanks for being the warmest family in Athens.
8
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Abstract...... 3
Acknowledgments...... 6
List of Tables ...... 12
List of Figures...... 13
List of Pictures ...... 14
CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION...... 15
CHAPTER 2: COASTAL RESOURCES AS THE COMMONS ...... 20
A. The Idea of Common Property ...... 20
B. Conflicts of the Commons ...... 22
CHAPTER 3: FISHERIES AND COASTAL RESOURCES DEVELOPMENT AND
CONSERVATION IN INDONESIA ...... 28
A. Fisheries Development in Indonesia...... 28
B. Coral Reef Management ...... 32
C. Destructive Fishing in Indonesia...... 37
CHAPTER 4: HISTORY OF BLAST FISHING IN INDONESIA ...... 40
A. Blast Fishing Practice in the Colonial Era ...... 40
B. Blast Fishing After Independence...... 42
C. Contemporary Blast Fishing Practices...... 43
CHAPTER 5: RESEARCH METHODS AND STUDY AREA ...... 45
A. Research Methods...... 45 9
B. Research Location...... 47
a). Spermonde Archipelago ...... 47
b). Kodingareng Lompo...... 51
CHAPTER 6: BLAST FISHING IN KODINGARENG LOMPO...... 54
A. Creating an ANFO Bomb ...... 55
a). Ammonium nitrate fertilizer (as munitions powder)...... 55
b). Kerosene (minyak tanah)...... 56
c). Detonator (lopis/lucis/dopis) ...... 57
d). Water proof wick (sumbu) ...... 57
e). Weight (laddo) ...... 58
f). Bottle...... 59
g). Bomb cap (tomba) ...... 59
h). Igniter/lighter (Ju'ju) ...... 60
B. Procedure for Making Bombs ...... 60
B. Fishing Boats...... 62
a). Perahu (larger motor boat) ...... 62
b). Jolloro’/jolor (mid-size motorized fishing boat) ...... 63
c). Lépa-lépa (small size outrigger boat)...... 63
D. Operating Blast Fishing ...... 65
a). Preparation on the Main Boat...... 66
1. Pandega/kep (captain)...... 67
2. Patula’/pakaca (observer)...... 68 10
3. Pa'tunu (igniter)...... 68
4. Pabise (paddler) ...... 69
5. Paguling (helmsman) ...... 69
6. Paselang (diver) ...... 69
7. Bas (machine technician)...... 70
b). Operating Bombs using the Lépa-lépa ...... 71
E. Encountering Police Patrols ...... 75
F. Fishing Grounds ...... 76
G. Rumpon/rompong (Fish Aggregation Device/FAD) ...... 76
H. Fishing Time ...... 78
I. Blast Fishing Risks...... 79
J. Fish Captured ...... 81
CHAPTER 7: SOCIETY OF THE BLAST FISHERMEN COMMUNITY...... 83
A. Patron-client Relationship in the Blast Fishermen Groups...... 83
a). Case: Life a Young Juragang ...... 87
b). Case: Life of a Sawi...... 90
B. The Religious and Cultural Values ...... 93
Pilgrimage to Mecca (haji)...... 98
C. The Role of Women...... 101
D. Blast Fishermen Relationship with other Fishermen...... 103
a). Blast Fishermen and Line Fishermen...... 103
b. Blast Fishermen and Cyanide Fishermen...... 104 11
CHAPTER 9: BLAST FISHERMEN ECONOMY AND NETWORKING...... 107
A. Fishing Revenue and Cost ...... 108
a). Profit Share...... 110
b). Cost of Making Bombs...... 114
B. Networking and Marketing System ...... 115
a). Juragang (boss) ...... 116
b). Pabalolang (fish broker) ...... 117
c). Fish Industries ...... 118
d). Fish Traders ...... 120
e). Exporters...... 120
f). Bomb Materials Suppliers ...... 120
CHAPTER 9: DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION ...... 123
A. Discussion...... 123
a). Patron-Client Relations...... 123
b). Islands-Mainland as a form of a Rural-Urban Relationship ...... 126
c). Ideas of Conservation ...... 129
B. Conclusion...... 130
References...... 133
Appendix A: List of Fish Captured by Blast Fishing ...... 140
Appendix B: List of interviews...... 144 12
LIST OF TABLES
Page
Table 1: Some Conflicts between Fishermen in Indonesia in Year 2000-2002 ...... 26
Table 2: The Contribution of Marine Resources to GDP among Asian Countries ...... 29
Table 3: Characteristics of Blast Fishermen in the Spermonde Archipelago ...... 65
13
LIST OF FIGURES
Page
Figure 1: Map of the Spermonde Archipelago...... 48
Figure 2: Map of borders of the Spermonde Achipelago ...... 49
Figure 3: Procedure to make a bomb...... 61
Figure 4: Position of bombers on the lépa-lépa...... 74
Figure 5: Two different models of fish aggregation device (FAD)...... 77
Figure 6: Curve of the economy of blast fishing in twenty years...... 108
Figure 7: Revenue distribution within blast a fishermen group...... 113
Figure 8: Blast fishermen networks ...... 122
14
LIST OF PICTURES
Page
Picture 1: Kodingareng Lompo Island...... 51
Picture 2: An example of ANFO bomb ...... 54
Picture 3: Ammonium Nitrate fertilizer...... 55
Picture 4: Kerosene...... 56
Picture 5: A bunch of detonators and wicks ...... 57
Picture 6: Drinking bottle...... 59
Picture 7: Igniter (juju’) ...... 60
Picture 8: Perahu (large motor boat) ...... 62
Picture 9: Jolloro’/jolor (mid-size motorized fishing boat)...... 63
Picture 10: lépa-lépa (small-size outrigger boat)...... 64
Picture 11: Divers use compressor to breath underwater when they dive ...... 70
Picture 12: Bomber crews assessing fish and ready for blasting...... 72
Picture 13: A Haji with his white hat (songkok)...... 100
15
CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION
Blast fishing is a fishing method using a bomb to capture a school of fish. The
bomb material is made from dynamite, ammonium nitrate, or any kind of explosives.
However, most fishermen use modified bomb made from fertilizer contains ammonium
nitrate mixed with kerosene. It is a very efficient fishing method to catch the huge
amount of fish at the quick time with less cost and less work. However, its is destructive
to the environment because the side impact of blasting damages the coral reefs and kills
untargeted fish.
Many scholars have studied blast fishing method, particularly in the Spermonde
Archipelago and areas surrounding from different points of view. The recent study by
Destructive Fishing Watch (DFW 2003) describes the general idea of the blast fishing
practice from technical to social aspects. This study also briefly covers the environmental
destruction caused by blast fishing activities, in particular, to the coral reefs. Other
studies examines the environmental damages were by Briggs (2003) and Noveria, et. al.
(2007). Moreover, Pet-Soede and Erdmann (1998) studied its economic aspect, Ansary
(2002) look at its legal aspect, and Meereboer (1998), Alimuddin (2004), and Hamamoto
(2007) did an anthropological study of a blast fishermen society. Finally, the
development strategies of the society in regard to conserve the environment on the area
threatened by blast fishing was done by Alder and Christanty (1998), Amri (2002), and
Hidayati (2003).
Blast fishing is practiced by throwing a bomb into water in order to catch fish.
Usually, the bomb material is made from ammonium nitrate fertilizer (NH4NO3) and fuel 16 oil, called ANFO (Ammonium Nitrate-Fuel Oil) (Ansary 2002, p 35). Fishermen then mix the bomb material with kerosene in the bottle and ignite it by using waterproof fuses.
A simpler bomb is created by placing matches in a bottle connected outside by a small wick. Fishermen will explode the ‘bottle bomb’ once they have gotten close to the school of fish by lightning the wick and then throwing it directly into the school. The impact of this kind of bomb is little, detonating only 2-3 meters below the surface of water, doing little damage to the reef. With a more powerful bomb, one bottle bomb may affect about
10-20 meters square. However, the most powerful level bomb use materials including
TNT (Tri-Nitro-Toluene) produced by the army. TNT or dynamite bombs cause massive damage to coral reefs.
Blast fishing is an unsustainable fishing practice since it causes environmental problems in the long run. The practice of blast fishing not only kills schools of fish but also kills coral reefs surrounding the detonation site. The massive destruction of coral reefs damaged by bombs in Indonesia had been reported by Briggs (2003). He estimates that more than 53% of Indonesia’s coral reefs are threatened by destructive fishing including fish bombing. Citing from Chou (2000) and WIC (2002), Briggs also estimates that the regular blast fishing in one area will destroy approximately 50-80% of the coral reef surrounding it.
In South Sulawesi, especially in the District of Pangkajene Kepulauan, the main cause of the depletion of fish products is coral reefs destruction. When the coral reefs are damaged, the fish lose their food and habitat. Therefore, the unsustainable fishing practices like blast fishing, cyanide (poison) fishing, and trawling have a tremendous 17
impact to fish stocks (Noveria, et. al., 2007). In 1998, Pet-Soede and Erdmann (1998)
estimates that up to 15% of the fishermen in some villages fishing the Spermonde
archipelago in South Sulawesi are blast fishermen, with their catches supplying 10-40%
of the total landings for the 16,000 km2 fishery.
Sievert (1999) concluded that blast fishing is not only practiced by impoverished
fishermen, but also higher economic classes. They are practicing blast fishing with
support from businessmen, political leaders and also police and military officers.
Fishermen try to catch as much as they can as fast as they can, because they do not know
how long fishing will remain profitable. Through blast fishing, fishermen got more fish
than by other conventional fishing methods. By using bombs for fishing, they reduced the
cost required for fishing, reduced the amount of work, and reduced the number of fishing
trips. However, it increased the number of fish they caught. With the US$1-2 cost of
building a bomb, it may give them a catch when market value is US$14-40 (Briggs,
2003). That is why, even though it is illegal, many fishermen keep practicing this method.
However, in the long run, the practice of blast fishing potentially creates conflicts
among fishermen. The excessiveness of blast fishing in exploiting the common property of ocean’s resources directs the societies to have “conflict of the commons” (Hardin
1968). Hardin’s analogy of “conflict of the commons” among grazers in taking advantage
of limited resources on land is appropriately parallel to the conflicts among fishermen in
taking advantage of ocean’s resources. In fact, there have been some conflicts between
blast fishermen and non-blast fishermen in the Spermonde archipelago recorded in
Ansary (2002) and DFW (2003). 18
My research is based on field work within a blast fishing community who on an island in the Spermonde archipelago, South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Doing two month field research in South Sulawesi, Indonesia, I studied the strange life of destructive fishermen.
I interviewed fishermen, fish businessmen, and government officers. Moreover, I joined their daily life and fishing activities to portray their secret networks.
Primarily, I focus my study on the technological and socio-cultural aspects of the society where blast fishing practice is common. By using “participant observation”, I wanted to learn about their cultures and customs. As part of South Sulawesi, the
Spermonde archipelago has long been inhabited by maritime cultures in Indonesia:
Makassar, Bugis, and Mandar. I wanted to more closely examine the islanders’ particular culture in contrast to the urban culture on the mainland where there are greater influences from other non-local cultures. Finally, I analyzed how deeply the blast fishing practice is rooted in the culture.
Second, I looked into religious values including their interpretation by local religious leaders was conducted. Since almost all people living there are Muslim, studying how people interpret Islamic teachings connected to environmental issues is important. Therefore, studying local religious leaders’ behavior and their role in the society is very useful to understand religious influences in the society. Since in many societies, local religious leaders are somehow separated from local cultural and political leaders, to study how people associate themselves with both types of leaders is very helpful in describing the role of religious and cultural values in the society. 19
Finally, even though economic studies of blast fishing had been conducted by scholars like Pet-Soede, C., H.S.J. Cesar, and J.S. (1999) and by Tropical Research and
Conservation Center (TRACC) (2001) in Malaysia, I studied an aspect of economy of blast fishermen by reviewing their daily catches. Although it is an illegal practice, many fishermen are still engaged in blast fishing. In addition, it is interesting to study how government officials selectively enforce the state law among fishermen. In Indonesia, blast fishing is prohibited by Indonesian Government Regulation Number 9/1985,
Regulation Number 10/2001, and Regulation Number 359/40/DKP/2001. Therefore, I also examine local authorities’ role in regard to the blast fishermen society.
In particular, I raised the following questions: Why do people practice blast fishing? What percentage of the fishermen in the village are blasting fish? What are their perceptions of religious values and culture? How do villagers relate their religious values and cultures to fishing practices and conservation of marine resources? How deeply are they aware that blast fishing is illegal? What do they think of fishermen who are not blast fishing? What do people think of blast fishermen? How does the social system inform the practice of blast fishing? What is their connection with local and global markets and capital? Do they feel their life has improved? What do they think about government officials and policies? 20
CHAPTER 2: COASTAL RESOURCES AS THE COMMONS
A. The Idea of Common Property
The idea of common property was discussed by Garet Hardin forty years ago in an influential theory regarding natural resource management. In his article “The Tragedy of Commons,” Hardin (1968) introduced the concept of “the commons,” where people tend to exploit natural resources excessively due to their desire to fulfill their personal interests. As Hardin defines it, “A commons could be any resource pool open to many but
lacking in substantial governing rules.” He gave a brilliant example of how farmers tend compete on using the common property of a field of grass to feed their cattle. As one farmer grazes more to raise cattle productivity, other farmers will follow him to graze more without considering the sustainability of the grass field. On a broader scale, this concept can be extended to the largest commons: the natural resources of the ocean. It is commonly understood that the world’s oceans are considered as common property where individuals and corporation exploit the resources for personal gain.
The concept of the ocean as common property was introduced long time before
Hardin. In 1609, Hugo de Groot (Grotius) proposed the concept of mare liberum (the
freedom of ocean). He proposed that concept as a response to conflicts between the
Dutch and Portuguese in the colonial territory of the Malaka Strait when the Dutch
burned Portuguese ships whenever their ships went through the strait. The Dutch claimed
that the Malaka Strait was their territory, so they had the right to use it. On the other
hand, the Portuguese argued that they had the right to pass through the strait base upon 21
the Tordesillas1 agreement between Portuguese and Spain. Therefore, according to
Grotius, every nation has a right to take advantage of the sea to support their daily life
through navigation, fishing, research, and other pursuits. His concept was based on the
assumption that the oceanic resources are abundant and impossible to deplete.
Interestingly, this is remained a common belief among many fishermen, including among
blast fishermen.
People like to settle on coastal areas and take advantage of the ocean, at least
three reasons. First, coastal areas often are productive ecosystems that can support human
life. The resources such as fish, mangrove, estuaries, and coral reefs support the human
life. Second, coastal areas provide resources for industries, housing, energy, transportation, waste disposal, and other needs. Third, the beauty of the ocean attracts people make it as a tourist destination (Bengen dan Rizal 2001). The longtime exploitation of the ocean’s natural resources has resulted in their depletion. Increasingly, people have come to realize that the ocean limited in its ability to support human life.
Therefore, they have started to manage the ocean’s natural resources.
In Southeast Asia, the history of managing the ocean’s natural resources was
started long ago. The concept of sea tenure systems, where groups of people manage their
sea area by themselves was traditionally practiced. Using customary law (adat), they
regulated themselves including the regulation of fishing grounds, fishing methods, and
fishing seasons. One group often had an unwritten agreement with another group
regarding those fishing grounds, fishing methods, and fishing seasons. For example,
1 The Treaty of Tordesillas divided the newly discovered lands outside Europe into an exclusive duopoly between the Spanish and the Portuguese along a north-south meridian 370 leagues west of the Cape Verde islands signed at Tordesillas, Spain on. June 7, 1494 (Davenport 1917). 22
fishermen in villages in Southern Thailand who had common fishing grounds had a
common agreement over fishing their fishing areas. They had an agreement of non-
fishing areas within the inside edge of coral reefs and the outsider edge of coral reefs,
which is deeper water, as a free area for fishing (Ruohomaki 1999, p 120-122). People in
North Sulawesi also continue to have sasi laut which are traditional regulations to
conserve natural resources and regulate of fishing methods (Bayley and Zerner 1992;
Harkes 1999). Therefore, these traditional systems of sea tenure suggest that what might
be seen as an unregulated commons is a community property where a fishing community
manages it’s sustainably for the benefit of all.
B. Conflicts of the Commons
However, the modernization of fishing life tends to ruin those traditional customs.
The mechanization of fishing methods followed by the market demand encourages
fishermen to exploit the ocean natural resources excessively and ignore those traditional
customs. The application of engine and modern fishing tools give them the possibility to
capture fish as much as they want in order to fulfill the market demands. Their interaction
with global markets creates “new needs,” to consume products of world’s markets,
plunging them into greediness. Sometimes, due to competition over the ocean’s natural
resources, this greediness creates conflicts. Often, the conflicts occur because of the
disparity in applying fishing technologies. When groups apply advance fishing
technology while others cannot, there is a potential for conflict. That happened in 1980s when a new technology for large scale fishing (trawling) was introduced. The conflicts occurred between traditional fishermen and trawlers because the trawl fishing 23
marginalized small-scale fishing. Using big scale of fishing, trawl fishermen ruined the
small-scale fishermen’s fishing ground (Bailey, 1988). The conflict was started even earlier, with the introduction of the outboard motor for fishing in the 1960s. There were conflicts between traditional fishermen and motorized fishermen because traditional fishermen cannot compete with motorized fishermen in fishing (Semedi, 2003;
Ruohomaki, 1999).
According to Kendrick (1993), other factors that cause conflicts are the depletion
of the resources, the rapid growth of population, migration, and government policies.
When fishermen are always trying to increase their catch, they may not care about conserving the resources for the next generation. The responsibility of taking care of their family requires them to work as hard as they can. There is no chance to think about conservation and maintaining the resources for future generations. The hard work to catch fish is seen as an effort to increase the well being of next generation, their children.
If they can feed and educated their children well, they ensure a better future for their family and themselves. Moreover, migration often places pressure on the local habitants.
If the local people are concerned about conserving the natural resources, people from outside often do not care about conservation. Their lack of local knowledge and their distance from local values mean they do not have sense of belonging with the local natural resources. They tend to exploit the resources for their benefit rather than thinking about the common benefit of the natural resources. The conflict between Bajo and Bugis
in Taka Bonerate atoll in South Sulawesi is an example. The Bugis, who arrived on the
island after the Bajo, are concerned more about prosperity rather than the environment. 24
Therefore, they are economically better off than the Bajo who concern themselves with maintaining the environment (Alder and Christanty 1998; Reichel 2006).
Finally, government policy also plays a role in creating conflicts. The idea of
privatization, as it is proposed by some scholars (Hardin 1968; Ophuls 1973), to protect
the common property became a disaster when it was implemented by the Indonesian
government in the case of shrimp farming. Shrimp farming accounts for the biggest
portion of fish farming activities in Indonesia. It accounts for 56 percent of the total
export of fish products. The products are exported to Japan (50.75 percent) and USA
(14.49 percent), Thailand (7.97 percent), China (5.13 percent), Singapore (2.68 percent),
and Hong Kong (2.67 percent) (DKP 2004). However, big companies, especially from
Thailand (Charoen Phokphan) and France own most of the shrimp farms. Therefore,
shrimp farming provide less economic benefit for poor people in coastal areas. Local
communities are marginalized and exploited by large-scale fish farms, and this often
results in conflict. In November 1998, about 1,600 small farmers protested against the
conditions imposed by the big fish farming company (Siregar, 2001). The change from
traditional to industrial shrimp farming benefitted the government and the large-scale
shrimp investors due to foreign currency generation in the short run. However, the
environmental and social costs associated with the industry are more costly in the long
run.
Shrimp farming also devastates the country’s mangrove ecosystems that were
logged or converted to shrimp and other fish ponds over the past two decades. Indonesia
is home to one of the world’s largest and most diverse mangrove forests. The massive 25 areas of mangrove and peat swamp forests have been rapidly and unsustainably exploited for shrimp farming. As an example, mangrove logging in Lampung Province (southeast coast of the Sumatra Island) damaged 736,000 hectares of mangrove forest (Shrimp
News International, June 1, 2007). Intensive shrimp farms, while reducing the mangroves, also have another problem. Their nutrient-rich effluents discharged into the environment seriously harm the ecological balance. The waste contains chemical fertilizers, pesticides, and antibiotics that pollute the environment.
Recently, there are many new conflicts among fishermen under regulation no.
25/1999 of Regional Autonomy (Otonomi Daerah). In the years after 2001, when the regulation no. 25/1999 was implemented, media reported many conflicts among fishermen especially in the island of Sumatera and Java. Adhuri (2002) summarized some of those conflicts.
26
Table 1
Some Conflicts between Fishermen in Indonesia in Year 2000-2002
No Incident Place Time Source of Info. 1. The burning of six boats, hostage Masalembo, Early 2000 Republika, 13 taking, torture of Pati and Tegal Java Nov. 2000 (Central Java) fishermen by Masalembo fishermen 2. The burning of one fishing boat Masalembo, November Rakyat Merdeka, belonging to Central Javanese East Java 2000 17 November fishermen by Masalembo fishermen 2000 3. Jakarta fishermen protested against Jakarta August Kompas, 13 non-local trawl operation traditional 2001 August 2001 fishing zone 4. Fight between fishermen from Wedung Demak, Java January Kompas 12 and Bonang sub-districts, Demak. 2002 January 2002 5. The arrest and hostage taking of eight Pangandaran, February Kompas 23 and Cilacap (central Java) fishermen by Java 2002 27 February 2002 Pangandaran (West Java) fishermen 6. Confiscation of 16 mini trawlers Gresik, East March Kompas, 12 owned by Panciran sub-district, Java 2002 March 2002 Lamongan district and Paceng sub- districts, Gresik district by traditional fishermen from Ujung Pangakah sub- district 7. The burning of eight mini-trawl boats Pontianak, March Kompas, 21 belonging to Sampit village’s (Matan West 2002 March 2002 Hilir Utara sub-district) fishermen by Kalimantan fishermen from Sukabaru village, Matanhilir Selatan sub-district 8. Madurese Karimunjawa fishermen Brebes-Tegal, April 2002 Kompas, 18 April taken hostage by locals Java 2002 9. The burning of four purse seine boats Serang, West May 2002 Kompas, 21 May owned by fishermen from Indramayu Java 2002 and Cirebon districts (West Java) 10 The burning of a trawl boat and protest Bengkulu July 2002 Kompas, 19 July by traditional Bengkulu fishermen over 2002 the use of trawl and purse seine owned by fishermen originating from North Sumatra and South Sulawesi 11 Protest by traditional fishermen in Medan, North September Kompas, 17 North Sumatera Sumatera 2002 September 2002 Source: Adhuri (2002) 27
However, even though there have been some conflicts regarding sea management, fishermen gain more benefit since they get more attention from the local government.
Some government programs aimed at helping people to escape from poverty were really beneficial to coastal communities (Hamamoto 2007).
The lack of law enforcement and uncertainly of resources management was the main causes of the conflicts. The lack of qualified and honest government officers is one the problems from long ago. The corrupt mentality of the bureaucratic system inherited from Dutch colonial rule still remains strong. Most of government officers are incapable and corrupt. Consequently, people do not trust them when they have programs. It has been common sense that there will be a loss of about 30 percent from every budget for the development programs. Where does the money go? The money goes to government officials.
28
CHAPTER 3: FISHERIES AND COASTAL RESOURCES DEVELOPMENT AND
CONSERVATION IN INDONESIA
A. Fisheries Development in Indonesia
Having 81,000 kilometers of coast line, with almost 18,000 islands, including
their abundant marine resources, Indonesia is the largest archipelagic country in the world. According to the United Nations Convention on Sea Law (UNCLOS), Indonesia has 5.8 million square kilometers of sea, including 3.1 million square kilometers of territorial sea and 2.7 million square kilometers of an Exclusive Economic Zone (ZEE), and 200-350 miles beyond the island coastal lines of the National Sea Jurisdiction
(Djamil 2006). The seventy percent of the total area provides potential Maximum
Sustainable Yield (MSY) of fish of some 6.26 million tons which is equal to US$ 15.1 billion per year.
Ironically, inhabitants of most coastal communities in Indonesia live in poverty.
According to DKP (2005), of a total of 47 billion people living in poverty, 60 percent of
them live in coastal areas. Recent estimations of per capita income in coastal
communities ranges from US$50 to US$70 per month; this is clearly below the poverty
threshold set by the Indonesian government at US$ 100 per capita per month.
Furthermore, after the economic crisis started in 1997, the number of people living in
poverty has more than doubled. It rose from 17 million in 1995 to almost 40 million
within five years. To further complicate matters, education level among coastal
communities is still very low. The latest census showed that 70 percent of coast dwellers 29
do not finish elementary school, 19.5 percent only finish elementary school, and only
0.03 percent has diplomas.
Even though Indonesia has the longest coastal line, the contribution of marine
resources to GDP is the lowest. It only accounts for 20 percent of the total national the
GDP. Of this total, fisheries constitute only about 2 percent of total; heavy industry activities such as oil, gas, mining, logging, and ship transportation account for the biggest
contribution of marine resources to the GDP.
Table 2
The Contribution of Marine Resources to GDP among Asian Countries
No Country Coastal Line GDP Contribution (km) (percent) 1 South Korea 2,713 37 2 China 32,000 48.4 3 Japan 34,386 54 4 Indonesia 81,000 20 Source: DKP (2005)
On the other hand, marine development in Indonesia is still quite young when
compared to other Asian countries. During the Orde Baru regime, the government paid
more attention to the land-based agriculture and industries rather than focus on maritime
issues. However, after the fall of the Suharto government, the establishment of the
Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries (Departemen Kelautan dan Perikanan/DKP) by
President Abdurrahman Wahid in 1999 initiated new policies for marine development.
Establishment of the DKP was formalized by Presidential Bill No. 136/1999 (Keppres no. 30
136/1999). In addition, the new regulations of Regional Autonomy (Undang-undang
Otonomi Daerah) No. 22, 25 /1999, and No. 32/2004 played a significant role in decentralizing the fisheries development. Those new policies shifted fisheries development management from the central government to the local.
The Indonesian government made significant steps for fisheries development by spending more of the budget to carry out programs. The former minister of Marine
Affairs and Fisheries, Rochmin Dahuri, said that central government expenditure for this sector increased from 70 billion rupiah in 1999 to 2,020 billion in 2004. This increased the tax revenue from 52 billion rupiah to 450 billion (8.65 percent per year) from 2000 to
2003 (BAPPENAS 2004). It also increased the total number of fishermen by 5 percent in
2000 (Dahuri 2003). In contrast, before the economic crisis in 1997, the PDB of this sector grew by only 3.9 percent, from 5,659.5 rupiah in 1994 to 6,516.9 billion rupiah in
1998 (BAPPENAS 1999).
In 2004, the National Development Planning Agency (BAPPENAS) reported that fish production in 2003 was 5.9 million tons, valued at $1.64 billion, and it rose to 6.9 million tons in 2006, which is equal to $2.45 billion (BAPPENAS 2007). In 2007, the government targeted the production by 9.5 million tons with the total revenue of $10 billion. They also focused on increasing per capita fish consumption in the country from
23 kg/year to 28 kg/year.
In order to empower the economy of fishing communities, the government created
“the Coastal Communities Development Program” (Program Pemberdayaan Ekonomi
Masyarakat Pesisir/PEMP) in 2001. This program was aimed at raising the minimum 31 income up to at least $1.5 per day for at least 10 percent of the total of poor people in coastal areas. Over five years, the program produced 554,234 jobs in 278 fishermen’s co- operatives, 242 micro-finances, 110.217 small-medium enterprises, and 138 units of fuel packing dealers (DKP 2006). In addition, there were small credit schemes for fishermen.
The credits were used by fishermen to motorize their boats, build storage, establish new small enterprises, etc.
In several provinces, the government established intensive fish farms, including fish processing factories. In some areas, the fish processing industries are located close to fish production to make a short chain of production. For quality intensification, the
Directorate General of Fish Processing and Marketing of DKP has authority to certify fishery products before export. The institution has a national policy on seafood quality and safety development based on Hazard Analysis Critical Control Points (HACCP); it is called the Integrated Quality Management Program (IQMP).
Other programs are meant to increase jobs in fisheries activities by 7.7 million people (Dahuri, 2003). The government created programs such as economic empowerment and technical innovations for small fishery capture and rural fish farming, small loans and quality assistance for fishermen, and some other projects funded by international institutions such as the World Bank, USAID, ADB, JICA and AusAID
(DKP 2005).
Even though the growth of the fisheries sector is higher than other sectors in agriculture, the distribution of the growth is questionable. Only a few groups can benefit from this growth. Most of these are businessmen, government officers, and a few 32
fishermen’s groups. Many groups of small scale fishermen still live in poverty and have
no access to the development programs. Therefore, some problems remain regarding the
marine and fisheries development in Indonesia, such as lack of capacity building of
government institutions, disparity of regional development, lack of technology, poverty,
lack of education, and environmental degradation.
In addition, Indonesia also has problems with illegal, unreported and unregulated
(IUU) fishing practices. Having such a large marine area makes it hard for the Indonesian government to protect it; it does not have adequate resources to control the territory.
According to DKP, the total lost caused by IUU fishing practices is $1.9 billion. It is estimated that 70 percent of about 7000 certified fisheries vessels operated on the
Indonesian sea are owned by foreigners from Thailand, the Philippines, Japan, South
Korea, Taiwan, and China (Satria, 2004). Finally, another big problem is destructive fishing like trawling, cyanide fishing, and blast fishing which are still widely practiced,
especially in the eastern Indonesia.
B. Coral Reef Management
Located in the coral reef triangle, Indonesia is one of the richest coral reef
countries in the world. It has about 15 percent of the world’s total coral reefs with a total
area of approximately 75,000 square kilometers. However, most of these coral reefs are
under threat. WRI (2002) estimated that during the last 50 years the threat to the coral
reefs has risen from 10 to 50 percent. A survey conducted by the Indonesian Institute of
Sciences (LIPI) in 1998 reported that only 6.20 percent of the coral reefs were in 33
excellent condition, 23.72 percent were in good condition, 28.30 percent were in bad
condition, and 41.78 percent were under serious threat (Suharsono 1998). Another survey
conducted in 2000 showed worsening conditions; only about 6 percent of coral reefs were
in excellent condition, 24 percent were in good condition and 70 percent were under
threat (Hidayati, 2003). In his latest report in 2007, Suharsono divided the report into
more, but narrower, categories. He concluded that only 5.5 percent are in excellent
condition, 25.1 percent are in good condition, 37.3 percent are in bad condition, and 33.1
percent are under serious threat (Antara, December 12, 2007).
Three factors contribute to coral reef destruction: climate change, organisms, and
human activities. First, climate changes raise the temperature of sea water cause coral
reef bleaching. The coral reefs are very sensitive to temperature and salinity. A one
degree rise of temperature hurts the coral reefs, as has happened in countries such as
Australia, Kenya, India, the Caribbean, and Japan (Bachtiar, 2004). Second, some
underwater organisms contribute to coral reef depletion. Some kinds of algae can kill coral reefs since they block sunlight, which is the vital living element of coral reefs,
Zooxanthellae, needs for photosynthesis. Recent study of the Great Barrier Reef,
Australia, shows evidence of his phenomenon. The abundant nitrogen from agricultural
fertilizers used on land boosted excessive growth of algae that, in the long run, weakened
the coral reefs’ health (ARC’s media, May 31, 2007).
Finally, human activities such as destructive fishing, coral reef mining, and
industry became major threats to coral reefs in Indonesia. Destructive fishing, especially
blast fishing, accounts for the largest threat to coral reefs in Indonesia. According to 34
Burke, et al. (2002), blast fishing contributes to 56 percent of coral reef destruction in the
country. Pet-Soede et.al. (1999) estimated that during 20 years the externalized costs of
blast fishing is four times the individual’s benefit from blast fishing. Those losses add up
to $306,800 per square kilometer to the society. Moreover, according their research, in sites where blast fishing was active, 75 percent of the coral reefs were destroyed after 20
years.
Coral mining also contributes to the coral reef destruction. In atolls within the
Spermonde archipelago such as Taka Bonerate and Barrang Lompo, people take
advantage of reef coral to build houses (Alder, J. and Christanty, L., 1998; Crago 2003, p.
26). This practice is also common among people in other islands such as Balobaloang.
They prefer to use bricks made from coral because it is much cheaper and produced
locally. By using coral they do not have to buy the materials from the mainland of
Sulawesi, which is far from their island and costly to transport. This gets worse as the
price of wood rises due to deforestation.
Another purpose of coral reefs mining is for aquarium decorations. Even though
this practice is not common in the Spermonde archipelago, people in other areas such as
the Fiji islands used to trade coral on the market. It is estimated that “there are globally at
least 1.5 million tropical aquarium hobbyists, mostly in the United States” (Robert Keith-
Reid, Islands Business Magazine, February 14, 2006). Unfortunately, the USA is the world’s largest consumer of corals for aquarium. Americans buy more than 80 percent of
the total of sold corals, which means more than 400,000 pieces a year (U.S. Fish and
Wildlife Trade News, 2008). 35
Coastal pollution caused by industrial or agricultural activities also becomes a
serious threat for coral reefs. The chemical wastes produced by industries can kill coral
reefs, stimulate algae blooms, or cause sedimentation. Construction and transportation of
offshore industries destroy coral reefs directly. The city of Makassar is seeing rapid
industrial growth. The disposal wastes from industries contribute to the sea pollution in
the Spermonde archipelago. The pollution caused by the growing number of large cargo
ships also contributes to the depletion of coral reefs.
In response to the coral reefs’ destruction, the Indonesian government
implemented programs meant to raise community awareness, to foster active civic
participation, to increase institutional capacity, and to promote inter-institutional
coordination in planning and implementation of laws (DKP 2005). The program is still
managed through cross-sector participation of national and regional governments,
enforcement authorities, the private sector and NGOs. However, most of the programs
are funded by international loans or grants such as the World Bank, USAID, ADB (Asian
Development Bank), etc. which focus on coastal communities for natural resources
management.
For example, in 1995, the Coastal Resources Management Program (CRMP) was
funded by USAID, aimed to strengthen participatory and decentralized coastal resources management in Indonesia. In the beginning, USAID reached an agreement with the
Government of Indonesia on three broad objectives for the project: to develop models for greater stakeholder participation in decisions about the planning management, use and monitoring of natural resources; to improve policy development and implementation; and 36
to strengthen institutional capacity for biodiversity conservation (Hanson et. al. 2003;
Alder, J. and Christanty, L., 1998). The program was conducted from 1997–2003 by government and non-government institutions engaged in coastal management initiatives and programs. The result of the project was formulation and implementation of village- based integrated coastal management (ICM) plans and marine protected areas (MPAs)
(White et. al 2005).
A recent program is the Coral Reef Rehabilitation and Management Program
(COREMAP). COREMAP is supported by the World Bank, the Global Environmental
Facility, ADB, the Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID), and the
Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) (Chansang, 2005). Its goal is to maintain
the protection, rehabilitation, and sustainable utilization of coral reefs and associated
ecosystems in Indonesia which will enhance the welfare of coastal communities. The
program duration is projected for 15 years. Phase I (initiation phase) started in 1998 for
three years; Phase II (acceleration phase) will run for six years, as will Phase III
(Institutionalization). Phase I focused on encouraging people’s involvement in coral reef
management and took place in Papua, the Moluccas, East Nusa Tenggara, West Nusa
Tenggara, Southeast Sulawesi, North Sulawesi, South Sulawesi, North Sumatra, Riau,
and West Sumatra (Noveria et al. 2007) . Phase II (2004-2009) is still going on in the
same regions but with extended areas. It is aimed to empower coastal communities in
order to maintain coral reef sustainability. Hopefully, by the end of Phase III, the
program is fully institutionalized at the local governments incorporated with
communities, and supported by local private sector financial resources. However, 37
criticisms of the program are starting to arise since a huge percentage of the granted
money goes into “open pockets” of government officials and COREMAP administrators.
C. Destructive Fishing in Indonesia
Following the progress of modern technologies in fishing methods, instead of using hook-and-line and conventional nets, people fish offshore using boats equipped with engines and different models of nets. Due to a high market demand for fish, people have adopted high technologies such as GPS and electronic fish finders to expand their
catches. Fishing has become part of a world industry which involves labor and capital,
and now becomes part of the global market. Increasingly, people are fishing in response
to growing global market demand.
Supported by intensive capital, fishermen apply different fishing methods to catch
fish. Some of these methods develop continuously as the fishermen gain new information
which some of them are destructive. There are three major destructive fishing methods
that are commonly practiced in South Sulawesi: trawl fishing, cyanide fishing, and blast fishing. First, trawling is a fishing method which involves dragging a net on the sea floor.
Of course, this method works best with large sized boats. To drag the net, it sometimes requires more than one boat. This method effectively catches a huge amount of fish, yet is tremendously destructive because it damages everything it passes over, including coral reefs, sea grass, and baby fish. The small size of its mesh does not allow baby fish to escape. Its lack of selectivity of fish being captured means it catches everything without exception. Trawling developed quickly, first in the Philippines in the 1960s, then 38
triggering conflicts between traditional fishermen, who utilized conventional fishing-
methods, with trawler-fishermen (APFIC 2007).
Second, cyanide (poison) fishing is a fishing method using potassium cyanide to
capture valuable reef-fish, such as groupers and lobsters, alive. In this case, fishermen
dive into the water with potassium cyanide solution in bottles and squirt it into the holes
and crevices in the reef inlets between reefs (Hidayati, 2003). This method is destructive
because the cyanide used to stun fish bleaches the surrounding coral reefs (Castro and
Huber 1992). The cyanide kills the polyps that create and reproduce of the corals. It is
further unsustainable for the fish themselves because its target is often the breeding
population of the fish.
However, the high price of fish captured by cyanide fishing attracts fishermen to
practice it. Alder and Christanty (1998) reported that, in 1998, the live fish captured by
cyanide were ten times more profitable than fish traditionally captured. Unfortunately,
this method has been used extensively in Southeast Asia since 1986 due to a high market
demand of ornamental fish for aquariums and live fish for restaurants in the USA, Japan,
and Hong Kong (McAllister et al. 1999). In 2006, the U.S. Coral reefs and Task Force
reported that U.S. consumers import 50 percent (8 million per year) of the total world’s
marine aquarium fish market; unfortunately, this importation is growing 10-30 percent
per year (CRTF 2006).
Finally, blast fishing is widely practiced to catch fish quickly with less cost and less work. It is done by throwing ammonium-nitrate fertilizer (NH4NO3)-fuel bombs into
schools of fish. This damages coral reefs, kills untargeted fish, and is dangerous to the 39 fishermen themselves. It is also an unsustainable fishing practice since it causes environmental problems in the long run. Blast fishing not only kills fish but also destroys coral reefs near the detonation site. Citing from Chou (2000) and WIC (2002) Briggs
(2003) estimates that regular blast fishing in one area will kill 50-80 percent of the coral reef. Further discussion of this method is available elsewhere in this thesis.
In addition to damaging coral reefs, the destructive fishing practices explained above have a tremendous impact on fish stock itself. In the long run, the fish stock is decreasing since the spawning grounds have been ruined (Noveria, et. al., 2007). Even though state law prohibits destructive fishing methods, they are still commonly practiced by fishermen in Southeast Asia including Indonesia. There are underground networks involving capitalists, suppliers, government officials, and fisherman groups maintaining those illegal practices. 40
CHAPTER 4: HISTORY OF BLAST FISHING IN INDONESIA
The history of blast fishing in the Spermonde archipelago cannot be separated
from the history of blast fishing in Southeast Asia, from which it is originated. In
Southeast Asia, blast fishing was practiced during the colonial era in the late 19th
Century, before the nation states in Southeast Asia were formed. There is evidence that the use of dynamite to catch fish in Southeast Asia started in the 1900s. For example, from 1907 to 1910, the Philippine expedition of the USA Bureau of Fisheries used explosives to gather underwater samples, including fish (Sievert 1999).
In addition, fishermen used dynamite stolen from railway construction projects in
East Java to catch fish such as Sardinella in Bali, Indonesia. There is also evidence that in the 1930s the Japanese used blast fishing in Southeast Asia waters. During the 1940’s, blast fishing was widely practiced among Filipino fishermen who paid a high fee to the municipal authorities (Butcher 2004. p. 163). After that, blast fishing has spread throughout South Asian waters, including Indonesia and Malaysia. Recently, the practice has continued, shifting from dynamite to fertilizer bombs. Fishermen put fertilizer-
petroleum oil mix into a bottle and ignite it with small detonator cap to make a bomb.
A. Blast Fishing Practice in the Colonial Era
The history of blast fishing in South Sulawesi started in the colonial era in the 20th
century. The Dutch colonialists introduced dynamite to bomb fish in order to speed up
the process of harvesting fish, at that time, an annual ceremony celebrated the birthday of
the Dutch Princess, Juliana. The ceremony was held on New Year’s Day, January 1, in 41 the places under Dutch colonial rule, including South Sulawesi2. The ceremony required a large quantity of fish to be served quickly for the party. Since, there was no advanced technology to quickly catch a large amount of fish, the Dutch army introduced bombs to catch fish. The Dutch then taught the fishermen how to utilize the bombs.
Nevertheless, strict rules applied to dynamite fishing at that time. The Dutch controlled the bombs and allowed the fishermen to use them only for occasional purposes. The Territorial Waters and Maritime Environment Act in 1939 stated that
“exploitation of Indonesia’s fisheries could only be carried out by indigenous people, except when granted an exception by government” (Crago 2003). This rule banned outsider fishermen to fish on the area where there are local fishermen settled. However, the government has all power to order fishermen to fish on the area where the government wants, which means the government also can order the fishermen to fish using dynamite. “The fishermen were not allowed to use the bombs for daily fishing activities, except when they were ordered by the Dutch authority. Anyone caught using the dynamite with no order would be sentenced to death3.”
According to Alimuddin (2004, p. 33), even though the use of dynamite fishing was first introduced by the Dutch, its extended use was during the Japanese colonial era.
After the Dutch colonialists were kicked out by the Japanese in 1943, the Japanese soldiers ordered the local fishermen to catch the fish by bombing but not for ceremonial purposes. The Japanese military used the captured fish to feed their soldiers. The war in
Southeast Asia caused problems in their food supply.
2 Interview with Muhammad Neil 3 Interview with Muhammad Neil 42
B. Blast Fishing After Independence
After Independence in 1945, the practice of blast fishing declined due to a
shortage of dynamite, bombs were no longer supplied by colonial soldiers. In addition,
there was no more demand for fish feed to the soldiers, so there was no need for more
than subsistence fishing. The market was not yet growing because Indonesia was in the
early stages of independence.
However, in the 1950s, a splinter of the National army (TNI) led by Abdul Kahar
Muzakkar rebelled against the central government ruled by the Sukarno Administration.
The Kahar Muzakkar rebellion organized soldiers in rural areas remote from the main city of Makassar. Some islands in the Spermonde archipelago also became bases for his followers, one of which was the island where I did my research. To support the war, the
Kahar Muzakkar rebellion blast carried out fishing using gun powder. They caught large
numbers of fish to sell in the market in Surabaya (in East Java); then they used the money to buy weapons in Singapore. The rebellion was finally stopped when Kahar Muzakkar was captured by the National Army in 1965. Hence, forth after having practiced the use of bombs to catch the fish, the fishermen began to adopt it for their own purpose.
Following the introduction of engine-powered boats in the 1960s, the practice of
blast fishing became prevalent. With those boats, the fishermen could reach remoter areas
farther offshore. Using explosives from ammunition shells left over from the World War
II, fishermen started to operate the dynamite fishing at a larger scale within broader areas
(Alimuddin 2004, p. 33; Poet-Soede, et.al. 1999). It was then that coral reefs started to be
threatened by blast fishing activities. 43
In the 1970s, with a shortage of dynamite, fishermen started to resort to bombs
using farming fertilizer. Fishermen from the Philippines introduced the use of fertilizer to fishermen in Spermonde (Alimuddin 2004, p. 34). The bomb materials are made from ammonium nitrate fertilizer and fuel oil; therefore, the bomb is called ANFO
(Ammonium Nitrate-Fuel Oil). The fishermen put the ANFO into drinking bottle to make a bomb. To ignite the bomb, fishermen put a small detonator in the neck of the bottle connected with a waterproof wick. Almost all of bomb material including fertilizer, detonator, and wick are imported from foreign countries such as Malaysia, India, and
Bangladesh.
The fertilizer used for bomb (ammonium nitrate fertilizer) is different than the
fertilizer that is commonly used for rice-field farms in Indonesia. The ammonium nitrate fertilizer is commonly used for palm oil plantation. Now, after fishermen use it for making bombs, the price rose and it cannot be easily fond; it is illegally imported from
Malaysia. Therefore, fishermen cannot easily get the material from the market; fishermen can, however, get it from the black market. Smugglers import the material from Malaysia to Indonesia through border town such as Tawaw in North Borneo.
C. Contemporary Blast Fishing Practices
In the 1980s, cyanide fishing, was introduced by outside fishermen. This method
uses poison (potassium cyanide) to stun valuable fish. Unfortunately, the targeted fish
live in and around coral reefs, so this new method of capturing fish is also destroying to 44
coral reefs. Yet, the emergence of cyanide fishing has greatly increased profits. Cyanide
fishing has become a rising new fishing method coexistent with blast fishing.
Along with the rise of cyanide fishing, the scale of bombing is also rising. The
increasing wealth of cyanide fishermen encouraged blast fishermen to increase their catch
in order to gain more wealth. This was abetted by more market demand for fish on the
mainland. Some new fish landing ports (TPI), such as Paotere and Rajawali, in South
Sulawesi, were established by the government to extend the fish market. Furthermore, some fish processing companies have opened in the new industrial zone, KIMA, in the capital city of Makassar. These companies have access to international markets to export fish, all of which contributes to the extension of blast fishing practices in the Spermonde archipelago.
Access to capital and materials to make ANFO bombs is currently more open, so
the practice of blast fishing is increasingly widespread. It has even extended beyond the
Spermonde Archipelago, to areas such as the Sabalana Archipelago and the sea area
around the mainland of Kalimantan. 45
CHAPTER 5: RESEARCH METHODS AND STUDY AREA
A. Research Methods
The field research conducted for two month, from July 7 through August 26,
2007. During two months stay, I visited two islands of blast fishermen settlers within the
Spermonde archipelago, Barang Lompo and Kodingareng Lompo. To gain broader data, I
also visited two islands outside Spermonde, Balobaloang and Sumanga’. Balobaloang is
an island where most people are opposed to blast fishing, and Sumanga’ is Balobaloang’s
neighbor island where blast fishing is employed. Both of them are located within the
Sabalana archipelago, which can be reached from Makassar by cargo ship, a trip that
takes about 18 hours. I went to those islands because some of my informants on
Kodingareng Lompo have connections with those islands.
However, my research focuses on the island of Kodingareng Lompo, where I spent most of my time. On Kodingareng Lompo Island, I stayed in a house of fish traders
(pabalolang) for few days, before I moved to a house of a blast fishing boss (juragang).
The boss gave me chance to join his fishing boat offshore practicing blast fishing. I also sometimes visited Hasanuddin University on the mainland to interview some faculty members in the department of Marine Science. The Hasanuddin University location is about two hours from Barang Lompo. Ferry service from Barang Lompo to the mainland is available daily at very low cost.
In gaining information from people, I carried out “unstructured” and “semi-
structured” interviews. I used in the unstructured interviews because it is more informal
so make people feel more comfortable. This interview is spontaneous conversation 46
without any specific questions that lead the conversation. I intended to allow them to talk
freely rather than a direct conversation with my questions. I brought my recorder and
notes to record the interviews; however, sometime I have to memorize the interviews
when my respondent did not allow me to record. I combined my interviews with focus
group discussion (FGD) with fishermen in the village to dig broader data.
I used semi-structured interview for “educated people” such as government
officials, local leaders, and younger fishermen. Event though, semi-structured interviews
is very reliable in ethnography to gain in-depth data (Russel 1999), I rarely use it to
interview fishermen on the island because most them were less educated and less apt to
respond to direct questions. Interviews were conducted in many different places, time and
situations. Sometime the interviews were held in fishermen’s house, in office, in
mosques, in local food vendors, market, and on boat while they were fishing. I did not
have any preferences time and situations for interviews, I sometime doing interview in
the early morning when they started to go to sea, during the lunch time, in the night by
dinner or watching TV with them, and even in the late night before they got to sleep. In
addition to the interviews, I attended to meetings, traditional ceremonies, and trading. I
also joined with fishermen in doing blast fishing on their boats.
I mostly communicated with fishermen directly using the national language,
Bahasa Indonesia. However, since some respondents could not speak Indonesian well, I
hired an interpreter to help me in translating the local languages (Makassar and Bugis)
into Indonesian. In addition, my interpreter had family members on the islands which are very helpful for me to in connecting with people. Finally, I carried out literature studies 47
in the library and the Marine Science Department at Hasanuddin University in Makassar,
South Sulawesi where one of my advisors, Pak Iqbal Djawad, works.
B. Research Location
Originated by the two largest maritime-based ethnic groups of Makassar and
Bugis, South Sulawesi is considered as a maritime province. Surrounded by sea, South
Sulawesi is blessed by rich oceanic natural resources such as fish, coral reefs, and
maritime tourism. Since centuries ago, people in South Sulawesi have utilized their
oceanic resources to support their live. In Indonesian history, Bugis and Makassar people have been considered experts in sailing either for trading or for fishing. Using traditional
boats, they sailed the archipelago (nusantara) to trade goods including dried and salted fish.
a). Spermonde Archipelago
Spermonde archipelago is located at 4 27'00'' - 5 29'00'' of south latitude and 119
2'00'' 119 33'00'' of east latitude, Spermonde archipelago has total area of 40,000 ha and
consists of 120 islands (Bangda and BKSA 1997 in DFW 2003). Hutchinson (1945)
divided Spermonde archipelago into four zone of ecology: inner zone, middle inner zone,
middle outer zone, and outer zone. The inner zone is coastal zone surrounding the
mainland; the middle-inner, with average depth of 30 meter, is located about 5 km from
the mainland; the middle-outer zone, with the depth is vary between 30-50 kilometer is
around 12.5 kilometer away from the mainland; and finally, the outer zone is the located
on 30 kilometer away from Makassar by 50 kilometer deep or more. 48
Figure 1. Map of the Spermonde Archipelago (DFW 2003). 49
Administratively, though major islands in Spermonde archipelago are within
Districts of Makassar and Pangkajene Kepulauan (Pangkep). However, the Spermonde archipelago reaches five districts in South Sulawesi: Makassar, Maros, Takalar, Pangkep, and Barru. The borders of Spermonde archipelago are: Pare-pare Sea in the north,
Takalar in the south, Makassar Strait in the west, and west coast of Sulawesi mainland in the east.
Figure 2. Map of borders of the Spermonde Achipelago (adapted from Stapel 1997).
50
Historically, people started to settle on islands of the Spermonde archipelago in
the 17th century. Then, economic activities increased when Muslim merchants from
Malaya and Arabic came to the islands aboard trading ships in search of spices. Initially, they hired local Makassar, Bugis, and Bajo to sail their ships. Later on, Muslim traders
were followed by Chinese merchants, since Malay traders invited them to the area.
Therefore, in an island such as in Kodingareng the name of Chinese area (kampong
China) remains until now. Sarongs (home span) were the biggest commodity sold by
local people to the merchants (Hamamoto, 2007). Since long ago, strong networking
among the islands of the Spermonde archipelago has contributed to the common culture and shared values.
Formerly, there was traditional leader of gallarang4 ruled the area. However,
early in the 1970s, the leadership in the Spermonde archipelago changed following the formation of regional districts rule. Islands within the Spermonde archipelago were separated into two districts: Makassar and Pangkep. The southern island cluster belongs to Makassar District and the northern islands clusters are belong to Pangkajene
Kepulauan (Pangkep) District. This administrative change weakened the shared common culture and values amongst the islands. In addition, this change also increased the economic disparity among islands within the Spermonde archipelago.
Due to the spread of destructive fishing practices, some islands settled by
fishermen who rely on those products became rich; on the other hand, islands settled by
conventional fishermen became poor. Beside Kodingareng Lompo, there are other islands commonly inhabited by blast fishermen including: Papandangan, Kondongbali,
4 Gallarang is the indigenous leader of a petty jurisdiction (Ammarell, 1999 p. 44) 51
Sarappokeke, Karanrang, Lumu-lumu, Panambungan, Langkai, Bonetambung, Barrang
Lompo, Barrang Caddi, and Bangkengdoang (DFW 2003; Crago 2003). There are also
some unsettled islands common for blast fishing such as Pandagang, Bontosua, Salekbok,
and Samatello (Noveria et. al., 2007).
b). Kodingareng Lompo
Kodingareng Lompo is a one of 120 islands within Spermonde Archipelago. Its
location is in the middle-inner area of the Spermonde Archipelago. The island is administrated by the district government (kota madya) of Makassar. It is about two hours
from the capital city of Makassar by ferry. There is regular ferry operated connecting the mainland to the island. The island is only about 48 kilometer square and is noted by a 15 meters tall of mercusuar (light-house) and water tanks inherited from Japanese occupation during World War II.
Picture 1. Kodingareng Lompo Island.
52
With the existence of an old grave on the island as evidence, Yanuaria dan Neil
(2007) stated that on Kodingareng Lompo was inhabited beginning hundreds of years
ago. According to them, the name of Kodingareng itself is written on lontara5, Bugis
traditional manuscripts. Referring to the Village Data Base in 2006 (Daftar Isian Potensi
Kelurahan, 2006), the island is inhabited by 4,221 settlers with ratio 2,108 are male and
2,113 are female. Among them, 715 people have finished elementary school, 144 have
finished junior high school, 44 have finished senior high school, and only 3 people have
higher education. Currently, the elementary school (SD) has 580 students, and the junior
high school (SMP) has 71 students. In addition, there is also a special Islamic school,
which has 86 students. The Islamic school has different schedule with state school,
because its students are also students at the elementary and junior high school.
At the time of this study, there were about 20-30 blast fishermen bosses
(juragang) on the island, each boss had at least six crew members (sawi). Other people
who are not involved in blast fishing activities use fishing methods, including many kinds
of line fishing (pancing) and spear fishing (panah). Yanuaria dan Neil (2007) stated that
some people practiced cyanide fishing; however, during my stay in the island, I did not
find anybody practicing it. Besides fishing, other vocations are vendors (60 people),
government officers (20 people), and construction workers (8 people). Most people who
work as government officers are not working on the island but work in Makassar. Only six of them work on the island as village officers.
5 The Lontara script is rooted from the Brahmi script of ancient India. Its name derives from the Malay to refer the Palmyra palm (lontar), which is became traditional material for manuscripts in India and South East Asia. 53
Blast fishing contributes to the main income of economy. There at least 20 juragang which each of them has six to 16 crew members. Moreover, there are 60 groceries stores and food stalls where people spend their money to buy food. Other provision, vendors go around the village selling snacks in the morning and evening. The island is electrified by diesel engine that is run only at night. People enjoy with electronically appliances because they are easy to purchase from Makassar.
Islam is the only religion practiced by people on the island. However, the way they practice Islam varies. There are people who practice mixing Islam and traditional beliefs; there are also people who want to purify the practice of Islam on the island. In the village history, those groups were involved in long conflicts which sometimes erupted into violence. Ethnically, there are two dominant cultures on the island: Makassar, which constitutes of about 70% of the settlers, and Bugis, which constitutes of almost 20%.
Other ethnicities are Mandar (less than 5%) and Javanese. however, I only found two
Javanese living on the island; they moved to the island because of marriage. 54
CHAPTER 6: BLAST FISHING IN KODINGARENG LOMPO
The basic principle of practicing blast fishing is throwing a bomb into water in
order to catch fish. The original bomb is made from dynamite; however, due to the lack
of dynamite, fishermen use modified the bomb, using ammonium nitrate fertilizer mixed
with fuel oil. Fishermen deliver the bomb directly to the target by lightning the wick and
throwing. The impact of this bomb varies, depends on how big the bomb is. For a small
bomb (bottle size 150 ml), the impact will be around 2-3 square meters in the water. It kills fish and damages coral reefs within the impacted area. However, the higher level bomb, with a one liter of bottle, could affect about 10-20 square meters. Usually, the fishermen add a weight to the bottle to set it to explode deeper under water. Fishermen explode the bomb once they have gotten close to fish by igniting its wick and then throwing it directly into the school of fish.
Picture 2: An example of ANFO bomb.
55
A. Creating an ANFO Bomb
Since the key ingredients of bombs are prohibited by the government, it is not easy to get bomb materials on the open market. They are, however, sold on the black market through underground suppliers. Therefore, these materials are extremely expensive. Compared with other fertilizers, the price of fertilizer used for blast fishing could be 20 times more expensive than its original price. The price for a 50 kg sack of ammonium nitrate fertilizer could be more than one million rupiah (more than $100). The fisherman must also to buy detonators on the black market at a cost of $4.00 per 100- count pack. Hence, the cost of making ANFO bomb is expensive.
Here are some materials needed to make such a bomb: a). Ammonium nitrate fertilizer (as munitions powder)
Picture 3. Ammonium Nitrate fertilizer.
Ammonium nitrate is a universal fertilizer that can be applied to all kinds of plants to boost growth. It is widely used on palm plantations, especially in Indonesia and Malaysia.
Ammonium nitrate is a high hygroscopic material that can be easily dissolved in water, 56
ethyl alcohol and methyl alcohol. It does not cause an explosion by punching and
shocking it; but it decomposes violently and leads to an explosion when subjected to high temperatures or contaminated by organic materials. Therefore, the combination of fuel oil
(organic material) and a small dynamite detonator ignition (high temperature) creates a powerful ammonium nitrate explosion. My informant from Hasanuddin University said that the chemical combination of fertilizer and kerosene forms TNT (tri-nitro-toluene), a highly explosive substance.6 If I have chance, I would like to check that information with
a chemist.
As the major material for making fish bombs, ammonium nitrate is sold in white crystal
form on the black market. Since it is only sold illegally, the price is greatly elevated. It is
usually sold in 50 kg bags or 500 kg bags. With the 50 kg size, fishermen can make about
30 one liter bombs. Some ammonium nitrate fertilizer brands commonly used by
fishermen include: Matahari (DFW 2003) and Mandau (Alimudin 2004). All of my
informants said that most of these fertilizers are imported illegally through Malaysia.
b). Kerosene (minyak tanah)
Figure 4: Kerosene
6 Interview with Muhammad Neil 57
Kerosene is used to solidify the ammonium nitrate fertilizer when it is dissolved. The
solid mixture of ammonium nitrate fertilizer and kerosene results in a highly effective of
explosion. Kerosene can easily be found locally as it is widely used to burn firewood. If
no kerosene is available, fishermen substitute gasoline.
c). Detonator (lopis/lucis/dopis)
Figure 5: A bunch of detonators and wicks.
The detonator is a small piece of metal containing munitions used to ignite the bomb. It is
as about as thick as a pencil. Some fishermen call the detonator a dopis or lopis (my
informant from Hasanuddin University said that lopis stands for “low explosive”)7.
Usually they use brand “99”, “88”, or “66”, imported from India, Korea, Bangladesh, and
sometimes from local sources (produced by Pindad, the Indonesian army-owned weapons
factory).
d). Water proof wick (sumbu)
Traditionally, it is made from coconut fiber (sabut kelapa) mixed with sulfur and
kerosene, bound spirally together, forming a small water proof rope. It is used to transfer
fire from the igniter (ju'ju) to the detonator. However, in recent times most fishermen
7 Interview with Muhammad Neil 58
have stopped use this home-made wick because they can easily get wick from the market.
They can buy wick from the same agent from whom they get detonators at an average price of 100,000 rupiah (about $10) per meter. The length of the wick they use for a bomb varies, depending on the model of bomb and the depth of the targeted explosion; the deeper the target location, the longer the fuse. There are three wick lengths:
• Long wick (length: 4-12 cm). This model is used for bombs that target schools
of fish on the sea bottom. With the longer fuse, the bomb is expected to
explode one minute after throwing, above the sea floor.
• Medium wick (length: 2-4 cm). With this medium-length fuse, the bomb is
expected to explode in medium depth.
• Short wick (length: less than 2 cm). This model is used for surface explosion.
With the shorter wick, the bomb is expected to explode on the surface when
fishermen target fish schooling at the surface. Sometimes, the fuse is very short, the
bomb exploding only few seconds after ignition. This often causes severe or even fatal accidents by exploding in the fishermen’s hand before being thrown. Hence, people on the island call this wick model sumbu syahadat8. Syahadat is a Muslim prayer before
dying, to attain a good ending in the hereafter.
e). Weight (laddo)
Weight is used to increase the weight of the bomb which is made from fertilizer and a
bottle. Using laddo, made from any kind of used metals, rocks or stones, causes the bomb
8 Syahadat are holy words said when somebody declares to be a Muslim. It is believed that people who say those words at the time before dying will go to heaven. 59
to sink faster. A metal laddo (length about 3-5 cm, 1 ounce each) is used for a small
bomb, and a stone laddo is used for bigger bombs.
f). Bottle
Picture 6: Drinking bottle
A plastic or glass bottle is used for the body of the bomb, its size depending on the scale
of explosion desired; the greater the explosion required, the bigger the bottle. Fishermen
usually use 5-liter, 2-liters, or 1-liter, 720-ml, or 250 ml bottles.
g). Bomb cap (tomba)
The function of the tomba is to close the bottle mouth so the water does get inside. It is
made from rubber or other flexible things designed to fit the bottle mouth.
60
h). Igniter/lighter (Ju'ju)
Picture 7 . Igniter (juju’)
Igniter (ju'ju) is made from dried coconut fiber, twisted spirally to form a rope. It is used
to transfer fire to the wick in igniting bombs. In some cases, fishermen uses a cigarettes
or a mosquito coil as a substitute for ju’ju.
B. Procedure for Making Bombs
Actually, making an ANFO bomb is easy. In general, it is a matter of mixing ammonium nitrate fertilizer with kerosene and then putting into a bottle along with a
small detonator. The detonator is connected outside the bottle to a waterproof wick for
ignition. Here is the procedure: First, the Ammonium Nitrate fertilizer is mixed with kerosene in a basin with a 1:10 ratio (1 liter of kerosene: 10 liters of fertilizer). Then the mixture is dried for up to 12 hours. Second, the bottle is filled with the dry fertilizer-oil
(ANFO) mix and tamped with a small wooden stick. Third, the bottle is closed with a tomba (rubber cap) and plastic is wrapped over the neck of the bottle. Make a hole in the size of the detonator in the tomba, making a 2-3 cm hole inside the solid ANFO for 61 detonator. Fourth, make sure the detonator and wick/fuse are connected, then set the detonator, with half its length buried in the solid ANFO (about 2-3 cm deep). Finally, hang the laddo (weight) beneath the bottle and wrap plastic rope tightly around them, to hold the laddo snugly against the bottle.
Figure 3. Procedure to make a bomb.
62
B. Fishing Boats
Before going deeper into discussion of blast fishing, it is better to describe some
models of boats operated by blast fishermen. On the island where I stayed, at least three
models of boats are used by fishermen:
a). Perahu (larger motor boat)
Perahu is used by large-scale blast fishermen with 10-15 crew members. With a
length of 15-20 meters and an average width of 3.5-4 meters is powered by two or more
inboard engines of 10-55 HP. It is equipped with electronic navigation technology, such as GPS and fish finders, and with aft with an ice box to store captured fish. With its bigger capacity, this boat can reach distant fishing grounds up to hundreds kilometers from their home island for weeks-long trips. During operations, this large boat carries 3-4 small outriggered-canoes (lépa-lépa) to help throw bombs.
Picture 8. Perahu (large motor boat). 63
b). Jolloro’/jolor (mid-size motorized fishing boat)
In the local language (Makassar) it is recognized as jolloro’, which has similar
meaning with jolor in Malay language. This model is smaller and narrower than the
perahu, it can run faster. It is 8-10 meters long, 2-3 meters wide with one or two 11.5 –
30 HP engine and crewed by 5-8 members. It is used by medium-scale blast fishermen
groups for daily-long trips within limited fishing ground, usually near the home island.
This model is also used by pabalolang (offshore fish brokers) to transport captured fish to
the marketing port. Most blast fishermen on the island use this model.
Picture 9. Jolloro’/ jolor (mid-size motorized fishing boat).
c). Lépa-lépa (small size outrigger boat)
It is a 4-5 meter long of wooden canoe with one outrigger and powered by small
outboard engine, paddle or small sail. Small-scale blast-fishermen usually use the lépa-
lépa to catch fish on the area closer to their home-island on half day-long fishing trips.
The fishermen use the small size bomb and works only on the area of less than 10 meter
deep. Sometimes, a small 4 HP outboard is engine attached on the body to power the 64 boat. However, lépa-lépa is also used by large-scale and medium-scale blast fishermen to as bomber canoe. In operating the bombs, fishermen do not use the main boat to throw the bombs; they throw the bombs from lépa-lépa.
Picture 10. Lepa-le pa (small-size outrigger boat).
Lépa-lépa has a long history with people on the island. Long time ago, before the introduction of motor engine, people used to use lépa-lépa for travel. Powered with sail, people on the island go and forth to the Makassar (the mainland) using lépa-lépa. It took more than six hours to travel from the island to the mainland (compare with one hour log if using motor engine boat!). 65
Table 3:
Characteristics of Blast Fishermen in the Spermonde Archipelago
Characteristic Large Motor Boat Jolloro’
1. Crew members 10-25 people 1-8 people 2. Additional equipment GPS, Fish Finder, GPS and Fish Finder Navigation Map, Radio (tentatively) Communicator 3. Distance of Fishing > 20-hour trip < 1- hour trip ground 4. Length of fishing trip 7-15 day 2 hours – 1 day 5. Bomb volume 1-10 liters, mostly 2-5 1-5 liters; mostly 1-2 liters liters 6. Fishing ground Inner and outer Inner Spermonde Spermonde 7. Boat Big motorized boat or big Small jolloro’ or outrigger jolloro’ motor boat 8. Fishing season Depends on seasons Anytime 9. Capital Dependent on boss Self capitalized 10. Buyer of captured fish Capitalist/juragang on Pabalolang the main island 11. Trading transaction On the main island Off shore location Source: DFW (2003)
D. Operating Blast Fishing
The greatest challenge of my stay in the Spermonde islands was to join a group of blast fishermen catching fish offshore. The boss (juragang), in whose house I stayed, allowed me to join his fishing boat as part of his crew. I assumed the same risks those blast fishermen take in their daily lives. Fatal accidents, paralysis, or deafness are 66
frequent occurrences in the life as a blast fisherman. In addition, they often are sentenced
to jail if a police patrol catches them on the sea. However, joining them was the best way for me to learn how blast fishing works and how hard their life is.
In blast fishing, there is no official procedure for handling the bombs. Each group has its own preference of bomb size. I will offer a brief to illustration my involvement on
a blast fishing boat.
a). Preparation on the Main Boat
It was in the early morning of the seventh day of my stay on the island; we were
competing with the sunrise to start the day. A few minutes before the sun rose, we pushed
our boat out into the water, since low tide had left it stranded on the beach. It took more
than just our crew members to get the boat afloat. Everyone around, including members
of other fishing groups pitched in to help.
When the boat was floating freely, one of our crew members fired up the boat
engine. All fishing equipment, including bombs, was transferred to the boat using a lépa-
lépa. The boat was started out as soon as the captain (juragang) felt that everything was
ready. On trip, the lépa-lépa was either towed behind the boat or occasionally stowed on
board. Our juragang had three boats, one large boat and two jolloro’, and for today’s
fishing was using a well-equipped jolloro’. He led the blast fishing operation.
The jolloro’ was powered by a Yanmar engine made in Japan. It also carried a GPS navigation system and an electronic fish finder. On the boat, only the juragang know how to operate the GPS which he used to know position his position at sea and to find the best fishing grounds. From experience, he knew some favorite places for fishing and had 67
noted their coordinates on the GPS. However, everybody on the boat can operate the fish
finder. It had a small screen that showed detected underwater objects, either schools of
fish or coral reefs. According to the juragang, it cost about $500.
Since this jolloro’ was equipped with electronic tools, its design was better than any other jolloro’ on the island. It has a small shelter amidships to protect the crew from
rain or sun, and which also housed the GPS, fish finder, and bombs. The more typical
jolloro’ from the island had no such shelter but only an open deck. Forward of the shelter
was a compressor, similar to those used to pump up car tires. This compressor provided
air for the divers. While they were underwater, the compressor was connected with a long
tube (hookah) to the mouth of the divers.
The jolloro’ had a crew of eight, including the captain, and every crew member
had a specialized job. Though the job division was not strictly applied, each crew
member was usually expert in his field. Here are descriptions of each job:
1. Pandega/kep (captain)
Pandega is the leader on the boat in a blast fishing operation. The pandega is often a
juragang from the island who owns the boat and capital. However, a pandega can be
someone hired by a juragang to captain a boat. Usually he is somebody who is
influential amongst the other crew members (sawi) and has long experience in fishing
activities. During an operation, the pandega is fully responsible for all fishing
activities, including responsibility if the boat is captured by police. 68
2. Patula’/pakaca (observer)
From the main boat (jolloro’), the patula’ searches for the best spot for blast fishing.
Standing on the front of the jolloro’, viewing the sea, he looked around to find the best
place for fishing. He uses hand signals to the person guiding the boat. He has a special
ability to predict where the schools of fish will be. Whenever he sees a school, he will
instruct the driver (paguling) to stop the jolloro’.
A patula’ is the person who assesses a target before bombing. When fish are found,
the patula’ puts his head underwater using goggles to assess the situation. He may not
see the fish directly, but he can tell where the fish are by knowing such signs as fish
feces, fish food, and ocean current. He then decides where to throw the bomb. He
signals the pa’tunu (bomber) to ignite and throw the bomb.
During the assessment, the patula’ tries to lure the fish using a special tool called bise
pamucuk, a short white-painted wooden paddle. With his face underwater observing
the school of fish, the patula’ shakes the bise pamucuk in the water. The movement of
the bise pamucuk creates bubbles foam which attracts the fish.
3. Pa'tunu (igniter)
His main job is to ignite and to throw the bomb to the spot directed by the patula’.
However, during observing fish he also holds the bise, which is the small white
rounded piece of wood on a rope. It is used to assess the water depth and to interpret
the bottom surface. The bomb will not be thrown where the bottom is sandy because
the sand will bury the fish after the bomb explodes. The pa’tunu works from the
middle of the lépa-lépa. 69
4. Pabise (paddler)
The pabise paddles the lépa-lépa during target assessment and dropping of the bombs.
His position is at the back paddling and following the instructions of the patula’.
5. Paguling (helmsman)
The paguling is in charge of running the boat and directing it to the fishing grounds. In
driving the boat, he uses a compass and follows signals from other crew members (to
direct the boat).
6. Paselang (diver)
The paselang is in charge of diving to harvest fish after bombing as the fish sink to the
sea bottom. Using traditional diving tools such as inadequate goggles, compressor
breathing instruments, and diving shoes, the diver goes up to 20 depa9 (about 40
meters) deep, which sometime causes fatal accidents. Even though they recently have
begun to use modern goggles, in the past they used traditional wooden goggles. For
breathing under water, they do not use scuba diving gear but rely on compressors used
to inflate tires. Rather than using diving fins to protect their feet on the sea bottom,
they use regular plastic shoes. Since this job requires strong stamina and is full of
risks, mostly only younger unmarried fishermen take this job. Being a diver usually is
the first job in blast fishing.
9 Depa is a standard measurement by local people. One depa is equal with one hand length (about a half meter). 70
Compressor used by divers to breath underwater
Picture 11: Divers use compressor to breath underwater when they dive.
7. Bas (machine technician)
The bas is the boat engineer. His job is to take care of engine and compressor. He also
starts up engines and controls their speed. In a jolloro’, the person who drives the boat
and the one who controls the speed are different people.
Finally, there is a crew member who has no special job but is jack-of-all traders.
He helps others on the boat preparing bombs, moving them from the main boat to the lépa-lépa, starting the engine, preparing and wrapping diving equipment, dropping and 71
raising the anchor, and cooking. This position is filled by newcomers and gives them
preliminary experience before becoming true blast fishermen.
However, in daily practice, such job divisions are not strictly applied in a blast
fisherman group. Every crew member is flexible and the person in charge of one job has
the capability of doing another job if it is needed. For example, a diver whose main job to
dive can drive the boat or fix engine. The captain sometimes joins other crew member in
diving to harvest bombed fish, drive the boat, start the engine, or assess the fish. The
only jobs that cannot be exchanged are those of the bomber crew (patula’, patunu, and
pabise). They are keys to the success of the fishing operation. Therefore, their jobs
require specific skills which only a few people acquire.
Based on my observation, among the sawi themselves there is a implicit hierarchy whereby some sawi have higher positions than others. Sawi with special skills are
deemed superior to others. For example, the sawi who work on the lépa-lépa are more
respected than the ones who work on the main boat because their jobs require special
skills and are risky.
b). Operating Bombs using the Lépa-lépa
In the practice of blast fishing, fishermen usually utilize two boats: the jolloro’
and the lépa-lépa. As the main boat, the jolloro’ carries all crews, logistics, and fishing equipment, captured fish, and the lépa-lépa. However, the fishermen do not operate the bombs from the main boat but from the lépa-lépa. There are three experts on the lépa- 72
lépa: the patula’ (assessor), the pa’tunu (bomb thrower), and the pabise (the lépa-lépa
paddler).
Picture 12. Bomber crews are assessing fish and ready for blasting.
The lépa-lépa is not utilized until the fishermen find a school of fish. Using the jolloro’, the fishermen prowl around on the sea, with the juragang or some other crew members standing on the bow looking for fish. Traditionally, the fishermen find the fish by knowing signs such as the color of the water, the sea surface waves, and birds flying around above the water. However, if they have a fish finder on the boat, they will use it in conjunction with traditional signs to find fish.
As soon as the lookout sees a school of fish, he signals the driver to stop or slow
down the boat. Then, with the captain's instruction, the bas will stop the boat at a certain location where they are sure the fish are swimming around. Another crew member turns on the compressor while a paselang is preparing his tools for diving. One or two 73
paselang will dive into the sea to assess the bottom condition and the amount of
schooling fish. They will not blast over a sandy or muddy sea base because such a base
will bury the fish after the bomb. Blasting of too few fish would be a waste of bombs and
effort.
After assessing the location, the diver will come back to the boat and report. If the location is good, then he will lower the lépa-lépa into the water. The patula’, the pabise,
and the pa’tunu board the lépa-lépa with some bombs. They paddle the lépa-lépa away
from the main boat and start to work. First, they will make another fish assessment,
looking for a school of fish. The patula’ sits in the bow, hanging his head into the water
with goggles while shaking his bise pamucuk in the water to lure the fish to come.
Sometimes, he will do another diving to look at the underwater conditions directly.
While the patula’ works on assessment, the bomb thrower (patunu) sits behind him again assessing the sea depth and the bottom composition. In doing this, he has a white rounded wooded tool (8 cm x 20 cm) connected to a long rope, and has a 3
kilogram metal weight attached to make it sink. The patunu assesses the bottom condition
by letting the tool sink to the bottom. He assesses the bottom condition by interpreting the
light reflection. The tool also keeps keep the fish from swimming away. Fishermen know that schooled fish like to stop near and circle an object. This same principle works with a
rumpon/rompong (Fish Aggregation Device/FAD) which I will explain in a next sub-
chapter.
Meanwhile, the pabise paddles the lépa-lépa around, following the patula’ or the
patunu’s instructions. This assessment process takes place not too far from the main boat 74
(jolloro’). The patunu will throw the bomb once they have gotten close to the fish. After the patula’ chooses a target area, the pabise will move the lépa-lépa about five meters away. Using a laddo (or sometimes a smoldering cigarette), the patunu ignites the wick and quickly throws the bomb to the target. The bomb will explode at the surface, at the mid depth or at the bottom of the sea, depending on the length of the wick. The impact the bomb also varies, depending on the size of the bombs.
Figure 4: Position of bombers on the lépa-lépa.
Sometime, a second and even a third bomb will be thrown to get a bigger impact. This usually works if the school of fish is large. There is a pattern to throwing the second and following bombs; they should not be aimed at the same spot where the previous went, but at an area opposite the flow of the sea water current. This is because fish tend to swim against the current, which according to Prager and Earle (1999 p. 206).
75
E. Encountering Police Patrols
Blast fishing is illegal; therefore, blast fishermen always avoid police patrols. At
least three authorities patrol the sea: the Sea police, the District Police, and the Navy. It is
common sense that all juragang on the island set aside money every each month to bribe
police officers to secure their cooperation. However, this does mean that they are safe from being caught by police patrols during fishing operations. Sometimes, even though they have bribed officers from one corps, officers from a different corps will be patrolling. Fishermen (not just blast fishermen) always try to avoid the patrol, because if they meet the patrol, it will cost the fishermen either in money or gasoline. Usually, if the patrol catches them, they have to pay 200,000 rupiah for bribe, otherwise they will be sent to the court which will cost more. Sometimes, if they are ‘lucky’, then patrol does not ask money but gas for their patrol boat10.
There are some strategies used by blast fishermen to evade patrols and avoid
being caught. First, if they spot the patrol from a long distance, they will quickly haul in
the lépa-lépa on the main boat and run at the highest speed. Second, if the patrol is too
close, they will not run but will remove everything that might become evidence. The
fishermen throw the bombs overboard, because of the lefty fine if caught in violation. In
doing this, sometimes, the blast fishermen will work collaborating with a line-fisherman.
While the patrol is approaching, all evidence will be shifted to the line-fisherman’s boat
rather than thrown away. The police never investigate line fishermen because their boats
are too small to be suspected of blast fishing. Of course, the line-fisherman will the be
rewarded for his help.
10 Interview with Hassan 76
Lastly, there is a kind of solidarity among blast fishermen. As soon as one group
sights a patrol, the word is spread to other groups. When I was aboard for observation, a
patrol approached. I saw all crew members wrap up everything on the boat and run away
from the patrol. While in flight, the crew also told to other groups to flee.
F. Fishing Grounds
Fishing grounds are the location where blast fishermen usually operate. Since their activity is illegal, they tend to avoid working inshore (the sea area close to the mainland). They also prefer not to fish nearby their home island (the concussion resonance of the bombs could crack buildings on the island (Hapsari, 2007)). The blast fishermen look for remote areas for their fishing grounds. For large-scale blast fishing,
they usually go for a destination about three-days from home. However, small-and
middle-scale groups operate in places which can be reached by a jolloro’ in only a few
hours from their home island. The best location for blast fishing is around a reef flat or
slope where fish congregate. Another benefit of blasting reef areas is that the shallow
water makes it easier to harvest the fish after bombing. Some spots within the middle
zone in the Spermonde Archipelago (including spots surrounding Kodingareng Lompo)
are favorite fishing grounds. DFW (2003) defined 52 favorite fishing grounds for blast
fishing located around islands of Kapoposang, Langkae and Lanyukang.
G. Rumpon/rompong (Fish Aggregation Device/FAD)
The rumpon (Fish Aggregation Device/FAD) is a fishing tool which attracts fish
and keeps them nearby. According to Hardjono (1990), in general, the shape of the 77 rumpon is similar throughout Indonesia; it consists of a floating part (bamboo, a drum, or a piece of styrofoam), a connecting rope, a lure (usually made from coconut leaves), and an anchor. As research by Husen, E.S. (1985) and Subani (1986) has shown traditionally rumpon are placed at depth of 20-25 m with floating materials attached, the anchor weight is between 75-100 kg, made from stones or rock. The floating part and anchor are connected with a rope of braided young bamboo to which attractors (lures), made of coconut leaves, are attached.
Conventional rumpon Rumpon in spermonde island (Hardjono, 1990)
Figure 5: Two different models of fish aggregation device (FAD).
However, blast fishermen in the Spermonde Archipelago use styrofoam for the floats materials and synthetic rope to connect them to the stone anchor. They also put a small flag on the styrofoam as a marker. The coconut leaves are still used for lures by blast fishermen in the Spermonde Archipelago. Planktons surround the lure which in turn 78
will attract bigger fish. In addition, several species of fish that live and travel in groups
like to swim in circles around the rumpon. This behavior is well-known to fishermen,
who then use the rumpon as a tool to help their fishing activities. Fishermen explode their
bombs whenever a group of fish surrounds the rumpon. Fishermen recognize that the fish are there by noting the color of the sea water and bubbles on the water surface. The water
darkens when the fish congregate underneath, and there will be bubbles on the water
surface from fish movement.
The main purpose of the rumpon is to concentrate the fish so the bomb will be
most effective. However, for the blast fishermen in the Spermonde Archipelago, the
rumpon has also the additional function of marking territory. Fishermen install simple
flags on the tops of their floats to mark their areas. Each group has its own rumpons in
certain places. It is a common convention among them that whoever owns the rumpon
has the right to bomb the area surrounding it.
Others may bomb fish in that area, but the common understanding is that whoever
bombs fish surrounding another person's rumpon has to share the captured fish with the
owner of the rumpon. The ratio for sharing is 2:3 which means the owner of the rumpon gets two portions of the "guest" gets three portions.
H. Fishing Time
For the mid-and small-scale blast fishing, the best time for fishing is in the early
morning when fish are looking for food. Therefore, most fishermen go off shore just as
the sun starts to rise (about 5 a.m.). They operate until 10 AM when the fish market
opens. During those five hours, they try to get the maximum amount of fish and then get 79
them to market as soon as possible to get the best price at auction. The auction is held in
the fish landing port (TPI) on the main island. The earliest boats will get the best price as
the demand is highest; then the price will go down as more fish arrive.
Another good fishing time is in the evening, just before sunset. Blast fishermen
who go back and forth fishing on a daily basis often go out twice a day. They go in the
early morning, return to the island at noon for a rest, and then they go offshore again in
the afternoon (around 2 p.m.) until sunset. The fish captured from the second round are
sold the next day.
With the exception of large scale blast fishing, using the bagang (squid boats)
(Alder and Christanty, 1998, p. 235), most blast fishing boats do not operate at night.
Blast fishing requires fishermen to dive and pick up the bombed fish one-by-one by hand,
either on the surface or on the sea bottom; this job need sun light. However, with the
bagang, blast fishermen can operate at night. A Bagang is for large-scale fishing using a
boat crewed by more than 15 people. The bagang boat is equipped with high-voltage
electric lamps and a purse seine net. The specially designed lamps are attached
surrounding the boat and focused into the water to attract fish. Whenever a school of fish
arrives, the lamps are turned off, except for two or three lamps to lamps to concentrate
the fish in one spot. The net will be let down into the water, surrounding fish. The bomb
is then thrown to kill the fish to be grabbed by the net.
I. Blast Fishing Risks
Blast fishing is a risky activity, dangerous not only for the environment but also
for the blast fishermen themselves. According to Ansary (2002, p. 5) there are at least 80
three danger of blast fishing practice: damage coral reefs, depleted fish stock or other
natural resources, and danger to human who operates the blast fishing. Regarding the
danger to human, fatal accidents to fishermen and other people on the island are
frequently happen. In operation, if the fishermen make mistakes with a bomb, it can
explode on the boat, killing or injuring the fishermen. During my stay on the island, people told me the year before an accident killed three fishermen and injured other four
fishermen on a boat. The accident was caused by a crew member who, after throwing
several bombs into a huge school of fish, forgot to throw the last bomb that already been ignited. The bomb exploded on the boat and killed almost all of the crew members11. A juragang also told me that in 1995 there was an accident; a diver was killed underwater by a mistaken bomb. While he dove underwater to harvest the bombed fish, other blast fishermen group threw a bomb on the area where he is diving12.
During the last days of my stay I was shocked by reports of a big bomb explosion
in Situbondo city, East Java that ruined some houses and killed at least three people. The
explosion, which was first suspected as terrorist bombing, came from fish bombs stored
in the house of a blast fishermen boss13. Hidayati (2003) also reported that many
fishermen from other bomber islands such as Barang Lompo and Barang Caddi are
disabled. They are usually amputated their fingers, hands or limbs caused by bomb
accidents.
11 Interview with Tadjudin (sawi) 12 Interview with juragang Haji Sangkala’ on July 17, 2007. 13 Reported by the Kompas, Fajar,and Tribun daily news on August 26th, 2007 and the Jakarta Post on August 22, 2007. . 81
Paralysis is a common risk for divers. Diving too deep for too long could result in paralysis. During my stay on the island, two people died because of permanent paralysis.
They were former divers who had suffered paralysis for two years. In addition, a younger brother (17 years old) of the juragang with whom I stayed also suffered paralysis. He had suffered paralysis for almost two years. Fulfilling his desire to be a blast fisherman, he quit junior high school to be a diver. Unluckily, his third dive paralyzed him. Moreover, his father (who is a former diver and currently is a juragang) reported to me that during his active-life as a diver, he himself had suffered paralysis three times. Fortunately, he has lucky he recovered.
Finally, the most common risk of blast fishing activity is hearing loss, especially for divers. Many divers have hearing problems because they dive too the deep sea (more
than 10 meters) too frequently and the high underwater pressure damages their hearing.
Most divers work in a blast fishing group are hard of hearing.
J. Fish Captured
Blast fishing kills all targeted fish including baby fish, small fish and big fish
within target area. The explosion also impacts to the non-targeted species such as juvenile
fish, shellfish, sea mammals, corals, plankton, turtles and even birds. Fish impacted by
blast fishing are both pelagic and reef species with air or swim bladders including
sardines, anchovies, mackerels, scads, jacks, mullets, fusiliers, surgeonfish, groupers and
snappers. The wave effect after explosion quickly pressure within their bladder.
Unfortunately, fishermen only take the fish which can be marketed. They leave the
invaluable killed fish in the sea. Fish captured by blast fishing can be identified by the 82
ruptured bladders and broken bones inside its body. However, fish with no-bladders such
as sharks, tuna, shrimp, and crabs are relatively more resistant.
DFW (2003) indicates more than 40 species were fond as main fish captured by blast are marketed in the local market in Makassar. I identified each fish I found in TPI
Makassar and on the island after catch. Firstly, I identify the species by their local name and then take their picture. I asked people to name the local name. Then, I match their name with Indonesian names. Finally, I use Allen (1999) as reference to identify their
Latin and English names by matching my pictures to the described on the book. For further information about each species, I referred to the Fish Base Catalogue’s website:
http://www.catalogueoflife.org/show_database_details.php?database_name=FishBase.
For detail of fish species I identified during my research, please see the appendix. 83
CHAPTER 7: SOCIETY OF THE BLAST FISHERMEN COMMUNITY
A. Patron-client Relationship in the Blast Fishermen Groups
Making a living through dangerous and illegal activities, blast fishermen do not
solitary lives in an isolated area; they live openly with other people in villages. The
village society accepts them as part of the community as easily as those in other, legal,
professions. Villagers seem to see them no differently than other fishermen. However,
blast fishermen usually live in closely knit neighborhoods. Within the group, they have
their own hierarchy bounded in patron-client relationship form. This hierarchy carries
over from their boats into their daily lives, involving all family members.
In general, the blast fishermen hierarchy is divided into two levels: Juragang, for
those in the higher position, and sawi for the lower position. Pelras (1996, p. 2963)
mentions that juragang was used to refer the second in command on a sailing vessel (the
first, or captain, was nakhoda). Nevertheless, recently juragang has come to refer to the
top person in a group of fishing activities as it is a common name among fishing societies all over Indonesia. Furthermore, Semedi (2003 p. 45) defined juragang as a person who earns money from his or her capital whether through boat ownership or of necessary fishing gear ownership. Since these people have more money than other people in the village, they have also power and influence other people so are placed higher in the hierarchy of the society. Sawi, on the other hand, refers to the fishing crews who do not own their own boat and work for the juragang. They have less money and are dependent
on the juragang. No matter what jobs the crew members have, they are all called sawi. 84
In a blast fishermen group, however, the patron-client relationship is stronger than
in any other fishing communities. This because they deal with illegal issues involving
capital, suppliers, market, and government officers. A tight cooperation between the sawi
who operates blast fishing boat offshore and the juragang who provides capital, materials
and protection is necessary. First, the juragang provides capital to purchase gear and
provisions for fishing and materials for making bombs. Capital is also needed to bribe
police officers both regularly during the fishing season and incidentally whenever a
fishing boat is caught by a patrol. Second, the juragang links the blast fishermen group to the network of bomb-materials suppliers. Since the network is secret, only one specific person can access it: the juragang. Third, the juragang connects with the global fish- market on the mainland in order to sell their captured fish. It is impossible for crews to accomplish this by themselves since they are busy with their fishing activities offshore.
Finally, the juragang has special connections with government officials in securing their activities. By providing money and facilities to those officials, the juragang gets a special
“license” to operate those illegal practices (blast fishing), so the crew can comfortably work with their job. The juragang provides everything needed for blast fishing activities and the sawi work for the juragang to catch as many fish as they want. The sawi take advantage of economic benefits, security, and insurance provided by the juragang by serving as the juragang’s followers.
According to Ahimsa (1999, p.3), the patron-client relationship needs to be
supported by a social norm where there is possibility for the lower level (client) to
bargain. If there is no benefit, they can withdraw from the relationship without 85
consequence. Therefore, Semedi (2003, p. 16-17) argued that the working organization of
legitimate fishermen is weak; crew members frequently move from one boat (juragang)
to another to get a better catch. In contrast, in the blast fishermen group, the working organization is strong. The juragang maintains the patron-client relationship by giving protection not only to the sawi himself but also for his family and relatives. The juragang takes some responsibility for their welfare in daily economic needs, health care, marriage, and even education. Whenever a sawi’s family member has a financial problem, the
juragang will take care of it. The juragang will lend money to the sawi to feed their
families or sometime the juragang just share his food with them, the sawi’s family and
the juragang’s family are in the same neighborhood. The juragang’s house is open to
everybody; they come and go anytime they want.
In some extent, the juragang also helps the sawi whenever they or their family
members have a health problem. If the sawi or a family member gets sick, the juragang
will take them to a doctor or healer; or at least lend money to go to a doctor. The sawi will pay off the loan by deducting it from their revenue from fishing. This system is like insurance provided by the juragang to the sawi.
A blast fishing group is like a big family where the juragang is the head of the
family. If a sawi or his son wants to marry, he will ask juragang to to be the wali (the go-
between who meets a girl’s family to pursue a marriage). This is because the juragang is
influential due to his high social status. In addition, in social life, the juragang often
represents a sawi in public relations. For example, a sawi has a ceremony for a marriage
inauguration the juragang often is a speaker on behalf the host (sawi). 86
The same thing happens whenever a sawi is involved in negotiations; the
juragang often acts as his negotiator. Whenever a fishing boat is captured by a police
patrol, the juragang will act as negotiator representing the sawi and later will pay the fine
for the sawi. If the sawi are sentenced to jail, the Juragang will do everything he can to
get them out.
On the other hand, the sawi acknowledge the juragang’s position by placing
themselves as “followers” at his disposal. To the sawi, dedicating their lives to the
juragang is not a problem. Their social position in the lower level under the juragang is
given by God. They believe that life under the juragang is predestination; therefore there
is no use in rebelling or fighting against the juragang. They believe that rich or poor, high
or low rank is part of God’s predestination which nobody can denounce. Finally, dedication to the juragang is part of a sawi’s pleasure. The more he can serve his
juragang the happier he will be. Serving to the juragang means taking care of the family
because if the juragang is satisfied, he will give more protection to the sawi’s family.
Moreover, a sawi’s trust that the juragang has power over common people comes
not only because the juragang has more money, but also because he has more knowledge,
information, and connection with outsiders. According to Pelras, this trust is one of the factors in maintaining the patron-client relationship: personal character and the patron’s
rank (symbolized by close relations with government officers or people from outside).
Another factor that maintains the patron-client relationship is inheritance. In building a
patron-client relationship with a sawi, a juragang tends to choose clients from people within an extended family (Alimuddin 2004 p.17). This pattern is reasonable because 87
typically people from inside a family tend to be more committed than people outside it. In
order to maintain the family unity, family members prevent each other from doing bad
things. They tend to help each other rather than compete. Recruiting sawi from family
members is also preferable because the juragang want to share prosperity with family.
Additionally, there is a common cultural desire for the more fortunate to help less fortunate. If a juragang cannot find clients (crew) among family members, he prefers to choose neighbors rathe than people from outside.
a). Case: Life a Young Juragang
I was lucky to know Hassan, an upcoming young juragang. He graciously
permitted me to stay free of charge in his house during my work on research. While I was
there, he gave me everything: shelter, food, friendship, and more importantly, abundant
information about fishing. He patiently answered my questions busy with his daily
activities; I often interviewed him when he was supposed to take a rest. He gave me full
trust, inviting me to join his boat while they were doing blast fishing offshore. And lastly,
he generously allowed me to interview with all of his sawis (crews) without exception.
Hassan was the most impressive person during my research.
At the age of 19, he is very young to be a juragang, responsible for two fishing
boats with total of 15 sawi, but seemed to be doing well. In 2004, his father, an important
juragang, gave Hassan the boats after he got married. Like most boys in the village, after
graduation from elementary school, Hassan preferred to join the fishing boats rather than
continue on into high school. His father wanted him to continue the family business and
so, from an early age he thought him everything about fishing activities. In the father’s 88
opinion, the best school for fishermen is on the sea, and there is no need for formal
schooling. Moreover, that was also what Hassan wanted; his dream was to make money
and then get married.
Hassan is married to a beautiful 16-year-old girl from the same island, whom he
married her soon after she graduated from junior high school. She is the daughter of
another juragang. Actually, this is Hassan’s second marriage. His first marriage, in 2001,
was an arranged one that ended in divorce. Hassan said he never really loved his first
wife. His current wife is his true love to whom he loves and they are blessed with a one-
year-old daughter.
As a young juragang, Hassan is much better off economically than any other
young man in his village. He has luxuries such as a furnished house, an audio set-up, gold
accessories for his wife, and a flat, wide-screen TV. While I was there, he was building a
new house not far from his family home. While the house was under construction, he
stayed at his sister’s house, also close to the family home. His brother-in-law is a
successful fish trader in Makassar, and loaned Hassan his house since he has another one
in Makassar. Hassan lives with his wife, his daughter, and his wife’s sister.
However, the house seems to be an open house for everybody. There were always
people from the neighborhood who come and go, as who hang out and watch TV. Hassan
put another TV on the porch so people could watch it anytime. His sawi are there almost every night, often sleeping over, till Hassan rousts them out in the early morning to go fishing. 89
Hassan’s fishing crew members are solid sawi. They always communicate with each other freely and seem always to have fun whenever they go fishing. Most of the crews have close family ties with Hassan’s family. Two of them are his cousin and the others are extended family members. Each has a different job depending on their expertise. Almost all of them are expert at operating the boat, three of them are bomb experts, and two members are expert at diving.
Even though most of them are older than Hassan, they follow his orders. At the same time, Hassan always tries work harder than they do. On the boat, Hassan is the captain, but he is a diver. He takes that job because it is the riskiest. It is dangerous to dive deeper than 30 meters so only few people want to do it. Many islanders die in diving activities, and most of those who survive are paralyzed for life; Hassan’s brother is one of those. Regarding this hard work, Hassan said:
“I work harder than others because I am the one responsible for everything that happens on the boat. As a juragang, I feel shamed if I know nothing; they will lose their courage if they see me as a weak person.”14
As Hassan’s father is an important juragang, besides owning boats, he connects other juragang, including Hassan, to bomb suppliers from off the island. Naturally,
Hassan always gets his bomb materials from his father. As a long-time big blast fisherman, Hassan’s father has experienced some accidents, been caught by sea patrol police, and been in jail. Lately, he has not been able to walk properly because his feet are weak. During his time as a diver he had three accidents. When he was young, as a sawi diving was his specialty. As a diver, he collected money and later on bought a boat to
14 Interview with Hassan 90
become a juragang. He worked hard in the early years, and even after he became a
juragang, he continued as a diver on boat. After the accident that almost killed him, he
quit as a diver. Now, he is a successful juragang with three fishing boats operated by his
sawi.
During his career in blast fishing, he was caught twice by sea police and jailed for
several days till he paid off the police and court. Every time he got caught by the police,
it cost him about 60 million rupiah (around $6000) in bribes. Therefore, juragang have to
save money for bribes in case their boat is captured by police. In addition, every month,
someone from the police in Makassar comes to take money from juragangs. Islanders
said the money is given to as security money. It goes to avoid penalties whenever they
get cough by police.
As a juragang, Hassan’s father went on pilgrimage to Mecca three times.
Therefore, people in the island call him Pak Haji (an attribute for somebody who has
made hajj, a pilgrimage to Mecca). He always wears his white cap, the symbol of a haji,
when he goes outside. Nevertheless, I never saw him practice the most principal obligation for a Muslim, which of prayer five times a day. It seems that he feels he has already completed his duty as a Muslim by doing hajj. This belief is common among
Muslims on the island: Somebody who made the hajj has already completed his religious obligation and has no need to pray.
b). Case: Life of a Sawi
Ali is a-30-year old sawi in one of the blast fishing groups. Seven other sawis
work with him with various duties. Ali’s job is as fish observer; he sights the fish in the 91
sea before he gives the sign to throw the bomb. As a fish observer, he usually just looks
from a dugout but sometime dives into the sea to make sure there are schools of fish
available to be bombed. He works closely with other two crew members in the small
dugout. To be an observer requires understanding of fish behavior, sea stream patterns,
and good instincts. It also requires a precise prediction of where and when a bomb should
be thrown.
Ali, his wife and a nine-year-old son is a portrait of a client family. They are all live with his mother-in-law and sister-in-law. The wooden house located in front of his juragang’s house, with the two is very close and facing each other. During the day and up until midnight, the houses stand open so all family members can come and go. Ali’s wife can go to the juragang’s house to borrow kitchen tools or get some ingredient she finds she’s short of. Ali’s family usually spends the evening at the juragang’s house, chatting or watching TV.
As a sawi, Ali does blast fishing with other sawi. His juragang usually joins to
lead the fishing activities. Ali knows how to make bombs, but does know where the
materials come from. They are provided by juragang and only he knows how to get them
because only he has connections with suppliers. Even though he has no access with
information about the bomb materials, Ali has no curiosity about it. He feels that he has
no right to know, at it is enough that the juragang has relationship with businessmen and
government officials in Makassar.
Ali believes he was predestined to become a sawi and he is satisfied with his lot;
there is no need to change it. Of course, as a human, he would like a better economic life. 92
Being a juragang is everybody’s dream; but Ali recognizes his limitation to pursue it. He has no capital to buy a boat; he has no leadership skills to run a fishing group; and he has no connection with bomb materials suppliers or government officials. In sum, there is a little chance he can ever be a juragang. Since he already feels comfortable with his life as a sawi, there is no need to deal with the higher and more complicated business of a juragang. It is better to trust the juragang to do everything right so Ali can benefit from the juragang.
Sawi only know how to operate blast fishing boat and bombs, they do not know
how to get the bombs material and where those material come from. Once, Ali told me:
“The juragang gets the materials from the mainland. He never tells anybody how to get them. It is a secret. If he tells anybody, he could not get the materials anymore because the supplier would stop the business. Even I do not know from where the boss (juragang) gets the materials. We know nothing. We never want to know. To earn money (from juragang) is the most important for me.”
Because blast fishing is illegal, only juragang knows how to get the bombs material. On the island, juragang controls the distribution of the bombs material.
Juragang never tell sawi where those materials come from, because it is the way juragang can maintain his domination as a patron. Once a juragang share the information, it can be disaster for him because it will break the networking. His upper line networks may get upset at him and kick him out from the network. In addition, by sharing the information to sawi will give possibility to sawi to cut the networking line.
Sawi may have access to the bombs material distributor directly, so they do not need the juragang anymore. If it is happen, juragang lose his statu as patron. 93
At last, living as a sawi, Ali earns about 10,000–20,000 rupiah (about $1-2) per
day on average. He gives the money to his wife who uses for family expenses including
cigarette for him. On lucky days, he can sometimes earn more than 100,000 rupiah (about
$10) in a day. He will use the money to pay off his family debts to the juragang (which is
deducted directly by the juragang at the same time he receive money). He will use the
rest of the money to buy clothes, housing accessories, and sometimes electronics
appliance, if it is possible.
His sister-in-law operates a small vendor’s stall in front of the house selling drinks and snacks. Actually, there is no significant income from this business; however, it is common for young single girl run a small business on the island. Operating small vendor give girls to have activities rather than stay at home without doing nothing. For poor family, this activity can help the economy of the family. However, by doing so, at least it make girls feel more independent.
B. The Religious and Cultural Values
Islam is the only religion on the island; all 4,221 habitants are Muslim. There are
four mosques: two principal ones (masjid) and two regular mosques (musholla) (Data
Isian Potensi Kelurahan (2006). Even though most people are not devoted Muslims,
Islam is their religious identity. Most people do not perform the five prayers a day, but they do identify themselves as strong Muslim followers. Therefore, Islam informally plays a significant role in the society. 94
Islam is taught in an unsystematic way by persons who are educated in religion. It is taught in informal ways to children who go to the house of an ustadz (Islamic teacher) around 4 p.m. What the people call “studying Islam (mengaji)” is actually learning how to read the Quran, which is written in Arabic. The children learn to read and recite without understanding the meaning. People on the island believe that to read the Quran is important because it will be useful in the hereafter. They believe that God rewards people who recite the Quran well even if they do not understand the meaning as well as hearing it. Reciting or hearing Quran is considered as prayer, by doing so people are hoping to gain reward from the God and to save from the hellfire.
In Islamic tradition, Quran is not only to be red to understand the meaning, but also to get the spiritual feeling (soul).
“The Quranic verse reveals in a very condensed form the entire spiritual relationship between God and His human creation. He says He made the human being out of the elements and then breathed life into the body. The Quranic words used here are significant. Allah uses the word "nafas" (soul) for His own breath, and He uses the word "ruh" for His own soul. These same words are used to mean the human breath and human soul -- confirming the fact that we are, that mankind is originally from Allah, of Allah, for Allah, and in the end will return to Allah. Of all of the physical realities that have a bearing upon health, that which is least often considered in medicine and healing is the breath. The breath has the following important relations with health (Iqbal 2004)
In addition to reciting the Quran as basic education among young Muslims on the island, it is used in prayers and religious ceremonies. Reciting some Quranic verses is part of the requirement in performing the five daily obligatory prayers (sholat lima waktu), and the recitation has to be in Arabic. Quranic recitation is also used in religious 95
occasions like in the month of Ramadhan fasting and Eid celebrations. If nothing else, at
a wedding since a man has to say the marriage declaration in Arabic in front of people. In
some extent, the Quran verses are also used as a mantra for wising luck in fishing or other activities. A fisherman needs to see a special religious teacher to get the mantra. Even though the mantra consists of Quran verses, they could not be taken directly from the
Quran without recommendation from a teacher.
I was told that before launching boats or before throwing the bomb, a fisherman used to narrate a mantra in Arabic. The mantra is taken from some verses of the Quran, and sometimes it is combined with local ancient language. During my visit to Sumanga’ island I saw by myself a religious leader recited a mantra prior to launching the fishing boat for a fishermen group. Unfortunately, I have no chance to record the mantra. My informant also refused me when I asked him to teach the mantra to me. The only mantra I learned was from a fishermen’s wife. She told me that she always uses the mantra whenever she is cleaning or filleting fish. The mantra is intented to reduce the fishy stink of the fish. He is the mantra:
“Inna a’thoina kal kautsar” “fasholli lirabbika wanhar” “innasyaniáka huwal abtar”
Meaning: (To thee have We granted the Fount) (Therefore to thy Lord turn in Prayer and Sacrifice) (For he who hateth thee, he will be cut off)
96
Once I asked her the meaning of the mantra above, she said that she does not understand the meaning. She was told by her teacher to memorize it and recite whenever she need.
Later on, I found the mantra was actually verses in the Quran of Chapter Al-kautsar, verses 1-3.
People recite the mantra as a talisman so they never learn the meaning. Actually, people not only take the Quranic verses for mantra, they also use albarzanji in child birth and marriage celebrations and also in ceremonies for launching fishing boats. Albarzanji is a book written in Arabic talking about the life story of the prophet Muhammad. Even though it is written in Arabic, it has nothing to do with Quran; it is not a holy book and was written long after the prophet’s era. However, seems that people on the island tend to believe that it has a sacred.
The Islamic values are mixed with the local Bugis-Makassar culture. In fact,
Islam has been influencing the Bugis-Makassar culture since 1605 (Helen and Reid,
1988). It is hard to differentiate between pure Islamic teaching and tradition since Islam has become embedded daily life in the form rituals, ceremonies, and social events. The rituals like prayer before fishing, visiting ancestor graves, or building a house are marked with religious traditions. The ceremonies like Maulid (to commemorate the Prophet birthday), birth and death ceremonies, circumcision, and marriage are held in Islamic way. Even village events like the national independence celebration are opened with the
Quran recitations.
However, as the result of interaction with the mainland of Makassar, the new
Islamic purification movement has started to influence the island. Some new purist 97
religious groups have come to the island preaching to shift people to the new Islamic
teaching. They recruit some the younger generation as followers in purifying people’s
beliefs. Yet, this creates conflicts between followers of traditional religious and the new
purists. There was a religious conflict regarding a sacred grave (kuburan keramat) on the
northern edge of the island. Supported by some outside islanders, some traditionalists built a fence and small structure on a grave. They believed to be sacred because somebody got lucky fishing often praying at it. However, another Islamic group opposed this decision, labeling people who built the fence sinners, followers of polytheism; then, they burned the grave. That moment resulted in a long-lasting hidden conflict between traditional believers and purists. Recently, the island has been virtually divided into two blocs: one the purists and the other traditionalists.
Unfortunately, the religion seems not to have any influence on natural
conservation. Even though religious elites always said there are verses related environmental conservation in the Quran, but I have never seen a religious leader relate them to the practice of blast fishing. Yet, I found some religious leaders who are the juragang of blast fishermen groups. The religious teaching that “As God created the human, God also will provide their food” has more influence. People believe that there is no need to worry about losing fish stock because God the Most Merciful will preserve it for them. Additionally, the new religious movement focuses only on purification of
Islamic teaching and religious ritual practices. They do not talk about environmental
issues at all. Hence, the new Islamic movement has no influence on fishing practices. 98
Actually, people are aware of natural depletion issues. They are well-informed by
radio, television, and interaction with other people. My interviews showed that most
respondents could feel the depletion of fish stock when they see that, recently, it is
getting harder to catch fish compared with a few decades ago. Remoter fishing grounds is
evidence: a few decades ago, fishermen did not have to go far away to catch fish, but now
they do. Yet, this awareness does not seem to influence them in action. This was the
conclusion of Crago (2003) in his research on Barang Lompo Island. Culturally, a
common traditional belief said “As long as there are plenty of leaves on the island, there
will be enough stock for fish in the sea” has more influence of people. Moreover, I found
this belief not only on the island where I did my research, but also in other islands within
the Spermonde archipelago.
Pilgrimage to Mecca (haji)
Hajj is an obligatory pilgrimage to Mecca (Makkah) for all Muslims around the world who can afford it; it is the fifth pillar of Islam. The original purpose of the hajj was for spiritual increase only (Quran: 97). In the Indonesian context, somebody who is able to make pilgrimage will put haji in front of his name as a title. In some places, including in South Sulawesi, haji is part of social status. Therefore, using the title of haji is an important thing for people to show their social status. By doing so, they will gain respect in the society.
Hajj is an important thing among people in the island as well as in the Spermonde
archipelago. In the society, the hajj plays an important role in encouraging people work
hard on fishing. It also means that hajj plays a significant role in extensive use of blast 99
fishing. People work hard to catch fish more fish quicker in order to afford the status of
haji. Because the pilgrimage to Mecca is very expensive, a lot of money is spent to have the status.
Actually, people work hard to afford a hajj not because of the hajj itself, but
because they want to raise their social status. Being a haji means gain respect that
included whole family. A young haji is more respected than a non-haji elder. In addition,
to be a haji means more access to power and business. A haji can more easily gain trust
as gain capital for business. Therefore, on that small island with 4,221 habitants, there are
more than 400 people with title haji. Some of them have made the pilgrimage to Mecca
two or three times.
In daily life, a haji is known by the white songkok (white hat). Originally, the
songkok was a symbol of spirituality, showing an experience of spirituality by pilgrimage
to Mecca. Wearing a songkok meant an intention to have more self-control than others. It
is analogous with grey hair symbolizing wisdom in elders. When somebody get older, to
graying hair guides them to behave more wisely. However, people on the island have a
different interpretation; the meaning of songkok has changed to have more social status
than a spiritual one. In general, people who are haji always wear the songkok, never
taking it, wherever they go. As a result, it is easy to notice the juragang on a fishing boat
because most juragang are haji, and haji is known with songkok. In the same way,
juragang can be easily noticed when they are around on the island. 100
Picture 13: Haji with his white hat (songkok).
Nevertheless, the influence of modernity has changed the use of the songkok as a symbol for haji. Recently, on the main island of South Sulawesi, the songkok has becomea a part of fashion for the younger generation. Anyone can wear a songkok whether they are haji or not. The color of the songkok has been modified to some other colors; it is no longer just white. This trend, however, seems not to have migrated to the island; the songkok still symbolizes a haji. While young generation has started to adopt the trend of colorful songkok fashion, the white songkok is still specific to haji. Non-haji may wear other colors, but anyone wears a white one must be a haji.
The haji is privileged by another social difference in village ceremonies and rituals. For example, in a wedding ceremony or any other ceremony, the white head 101
guests (hajis) sit in the front row with special greetings and food, while the black head
guests (non-haji) have to sit in the back row.
C. The Role of Women
Pelras (1996. p. 162) said that fishing is considered to be male activity which
means that only men go fish offshore. However, in some fishing societies, women still
play a significant role on fishing-related activities (Rouhomaki, 1999). Even though they
do not join the fishing boats offshore, women contribute to the family economy by
activities such as fish processing, trading, and other family commerce.
According to Lambeth (1999), there are at least five significant women’s roles in
the fishing society: pre-harvest activities, harvest activities, post-harvest activities,
distribution and marketing, and social organizing activities. First, in the pre-harvest
activities, women make fish-trapper baskets and nets, and mend nets. Second, in the
harvest activities, traditional women often stalk and search for fish along the reefs at low
tide using simple tools like sticks and crowbars. On a bigger scale, women capture fish
by putting nets out at high tide and then check them at the turn of the tide. Third, in post-
harvesting activities, women take over the processing with smoking, drying, salting and
quick boiling, filleting, gutting, cleaning, preservation and other activities. I saw these
activities in a line-fishing society on Balobaloang Island, another island in the Spermonde
archipelago. Moreover, in modern fish processing, usually, women are responsible for quality control and other fish handling such as refrigerating and ice-chain processing.
Fourth, with distribution and marketing activities, often women play a big role in selling fish throughout the region by house-to-house distribution, roadside stalls, or connecting 102
to middlemen. In a tourism area, women are major players in selling crafts made from
shells, mussels, and fish bones.
However, in the blast fishermen society, women do not play a significant role in
fishing-related activities. There is no need for nets in blast fishing, so there is no women
activity in either making or mending them. The pre-harvest activities for blast fishing
such as preparing bombs, fixing compressors and boat engines, and fuelling boats, are all done by men. There is no need for fish processing in post-harvest activities because the
captured fish are marketed directly after the catch; when the blast fishermen sell their
captured fish to middlemen at sea the captured fish never reach the island. From the
middlemen, they go directly to the fish marketing port of Paotere, on the mainland of
Makassar. I saw some women buying and selling fish in the fish market port of Paotere, but they were not island women; they were business women from Makassar. In conclusion, the role of women in blast fishing society is far less than in a non-blast fishing society.
There is a strict job division between men and women in the blast fishing society.
Almost all men’s activities are related to fishing, and most women’s activities are related
to domestic tasks such as cooking, laundry, cleaning house, and taking care of children. I never saw men help women in doing domestic work. Once I went to the kitchen to wash the dishes after lunch, the woman of the house was angry. She asked me to not do that anymore. She said: “This is women job, you should not do it!”
Nevertheless, in the less wealthy families, women are more economically
creative. Since their husbands’ incomes cannot support the family, the women earn 103
additional money by opening small stores or selling snacks. According to Village
Database (Data Isian Potensi Kelurahan 2006), there are 160 grocery stores and vendors on the island, and most of them are operated by women. Some women make snacks and sell them throughout the village. Sometimes, they ask their daughters to go around the kampong (village) to sell snacks from baskets or big bowls on their heads. Their voices offering snacks in the early morning or evening was a special sound for me.
D. Blast Fishermen Relationship with other Fishermen
a). Blast Fishermen and Line Fishermen
Theoretically, blast fishermen and line fishing is two different fishing methods that
cannot co-exist. Blast fishing is excessive destructive, in contrast line fishing method is
more sustainable. Blast fishing is taking resource excessively which ruin the line fishing
fishing ground. Because of blast fishing, recently, line fishermen cannot fish as much as
before. “A decade ago, we can fish on the area near by the island with huge amount of
fish catches, but now we have to go far away to fish”, said Aminudin, a fishing lineman
on the island15.
However, now it seems that there is understanding between blast fishermen and line fishermen. Line fishermen take advantage of blast fishermen by helping them to harvest bombed fish floating on the sea. There is a rule sharing for line fishermen who helps the blast fishermen harvesting the bombed fish. The rule is 1:2, means one division for line
fisherman and two divisions for blast fishermen group. Whenever the line fisherman
15 Interview with Tadjudin 104
harvests fish on location where bomb was thrown, they have to bring them to the blast
fishermen boat and then count the fish. The blast fishermen decide how much fish will be
shared to the line fisherman. However, this rule is flexible; the division is 1:1 (half for blast fishermen and another half for line fisherman) if the line fisherman is a family of a neighbor of the blast fishermen.
This pattern benefits to the line fishermen because they do not have to wait for
hours fishing using line but can easily get fish by helping the blast fishermen harvest the
bombed fish. Therefore, though only use lepa-lepa (powered by a small engine), line
fishermen often go little bit far from their host island to follow the blast fishermen boat.
They will be around the blast fishermen boats; while fishing using line, they are waiting
for “explosion”. Whenever they see blast fishing is operated, they will come to join
harvesting the fish. However, in other area, such as among Mandarese, the common
understanding is if there already a line fishermen fish on the certain sea area, blast
fishermen cannot bomb on that fishing ground (Alimuddin, 2004 p.19).
Nevertheless, in general, it seems that the appearance of line fishermen surround
blast fishermen boats benefits to the blast fishermen. Often, line fishermen are good informant for blast fishermen regarding the security issue. Line fishermen give information to the blast fishermen whenever there is a police ranger patrols on the area. It is kind of reciprocity where two side benefit each other.
b. Blast Fishermen and Cyanide Fishermen
Both blast fishing and cyanide fishing are destructive. However, they cannot be
operated in the same place. The fish they target are also different; cyanide fishing targets 105
some species of demersal fish live surrounding coral reefs such as grouper and lobster;
however, blast fishing targets schooling fish. Networks between both of them are also
different, cyanide fishing sell their captured fish for export; blast fishing sells the
captured fish mostly for local market. In addition, the juragang for both blast fishing
group and for cyanide fishing group are also different. They are connected with different
suppliers and different markets on the mainland of Makassar. Cyanide is easily obtained
from the local market by a distributor in Makassar; however, the fish captured by cyanide
fishing are marketed abroad.
However, culturally both of blast fishermen groups and cyanide groups are similar.
They mostly speak Makassar and share the common value of the Spermonde archipelago.
In operating their fishing gears, there seems to be an understanding between blast
fishermen and cyanide fishermen regarding their fishing grounds. Since both obviously
cannot be done in the same place, both of them operate in different territories. Cyanide
fishing is looking for coral area where grouper or lobsters are easily found.
Diving is the main technique for cyanide fishing. In operating the cyanide, a
fisherman can dive in one area for long time. It is dangerous to operate blast fishing on the same area with cyanide fishing. Operating blast fishing near to location for cyanide
fishing could be disaster. The bomb can kill or injure the cyanide fishermen whenever they are diving. Therefore, there is an “unwritten agreement” between blast fishermen and cyanide fishermen to not operate in the same place.
Regarding Kodingareng Lompo, there is no body operates cyanide fishing method.
The sea surrounding the island is a preferred place for blast fishing. The blast fishermen 106
have their own fishing ground, is located about an hour far from the island. However, on
Barang Lompo island (a neighborhood island in the Spermonde archipelago), both blast
fishermen and cyanide fishermen live together in the same island. There are many fishing
methods living together on the same island. They live together as village society and share the common culture and religion. But, still they have different fishing grounds. On
Sumanga island (in the Sabalana archipelago), blast fishermen and cyanide fishermen
join together on the same island but not for sharing life. Most people living on the island
are blast fishermen, while cyanide fishermen come to the island just for parking their
boats, getting water, and sharing in the “protection” of the local authorities.
Another function if line fishermen is to camuflage from the police patrol. If there is
a police patrol approaching the blast fishing boat, they will move the bombs to the small
boat belong to line fishermen. Therefore, when the police catch the blast fishing boat,
they will find nothing. Police will find no evidence of blast fishing since they do not find
a bomb on the boat. 107
CHAPTER 9: BLAST FISHERMEN ECONOMY AND NETWORKING
Coral reefs are the essential assets for Indonesia, especially for fishery and
tourism. “About US$15,000 worth of coastal products can be produced from one
kilometer of healthy reef per year while from coastal base tourism, the value varies
between US$3,000 per km2 in low and about US$500,000” (Hidayati, 2003). However,
due to the lack of management, the resources are under threatened. Pet-Soede and
Erdmann (1998) estimated that up to 15% of the fishermen in some villages fishing the
Spermonde archipelago in South Sulawesi are blast fishermen, with their catches
supplying 10-40% of the total landings for the 16,000 km2 fishery. This estimation, of
course, has been changed recently; therefore, the latest data of blast fishermen in
Spermonde needs to be updated. My interview with government officers in main fishing port of Paotere in Makassar indicated that 70% of fish landed on Paotere fishing port was captured by blast fishing. This can be an indicator of how the blast fishing is a common practice among people in South Sulawesi.
Studies regarding the economic aspects of blast fishing have been done by Pet-
Soede et. al (1999), who has concluded that even though blast fishing created benefit in
the short time, cost of the practice will rise after twenty years. Its social cost of explosive
fishing is very high, more than four times higher than its benefits. The chart below shows
how in Southwest Sulawesi, the net annual income per fisher dropped from US$6,450 to
less than US$550 after twenty years.
108
(Source: Tropical Research and Conservation Center (http://www.tracc.00server.com/).
Figure 6: Curve of the economy of blast fishing in twenty years.
A. Fishing Revenue and Cost
In 1997, Pet-Soede, Cesar, and J.S Pet (1999) studied the economy of individual
fisherman household both juragang and sawi in the Spermode archipalego. According to their research, the estimated per month income for small-scale blast fishermen juragang
was $55, for the medium-scale juragang was $393, and for large-scale juragang was
1100. However, the average incomes for small-scale sawi were $55, for medium-scale
sawi were $146, and for large-scale sawi were $197. These incomes were the highest among conventional coastal fisheries. Of course, those incomes do not represent the current incomes of the blast fishermen; the current incomes must be more than above.
Unfortunately, I did not study the detail of current family income of the blast fishermen. 109
Nevertheless, by measuring the average income for each sawi during my research,
I can roughly calculate their average monthly incomes. Based on my interviews with
medium-scale sawi, each sawi usually earned about 35,000-40,000 per day. During lucky
days (when they catch more), they could earn up to 70,000 rupiah per day and during bad
days (when they catch less), they earned 20,000 rupiah per day. Assuming the exchange
rate stable at 9,000 rupiah per dollar16, their earned average incomes were about $3.8 to
$4.4 per day, with an exceptional on the lucky days of $7.8 per day and on the bad days
they earn $2.2. With those data, assuming they go fishing for 27 days per month17, so they earned $118.8 per month.
Compared with data from Pet-Soede et.al. (1999), the average sawi revenue of
people on Kodingareng Lompo is lower. In their research, Pet-Soede et.al concluded that
the average revenue for sawi working on medium-scale blast fishing boat was $146.
However, their research was done in 1995 to 1997 when the exchange rate was fixed at
2,500 rupiah per dollar. After the economic crisis hit in the end in 1997, the exchange
rate dramatically changed to more than 10,000 rupiah per dollar. In addition, I also did
not consider the inflation rate into my data analysis. In future, I may need to get more
data from other fishing groups and consider inflation rate as a factor to make an accurate
conclusion of blast fishermen revenue.
16 During the time of my field work (June to August) the exchange rate was fluctuating between 8,900 to 9,400 rupiah per one dollar. Based on this I make assumption of standard 9,000 rupiah per US dollar. The further data may be retrieved from
a). Profit Share
As I mentioned in the previous chapter, patron-client relationship between
juragang and sawi plays a big role in the blast fishermen society. The relationship is inherited since long time ago before blast fishing method was introduced. Including in this inherited system, blast fishermen also still maintain the division of catches (bagi
hasil) as a form of profit share rather than adopt the new system of fixed wage (salary).
However, it doesn’t mean that the division of catches system does not change at all. In
fact, the adoption of fishing technologies changed the division of catches system to be
more benefited to the boss (juragang). The boss gain more profit sharing due to more
investment needed if they adopt new fishing technology.
According to Meereboer (1999, p. 263-265), the adoption of technology
influences the change of the division of catches practice. For example the profit sharing
of jala-net fishing method in the 1940s was more equal between boss and crew members
if it is compared with the profit sharing among newer technology of jala malam in the
1950s. Furthermore, the adoption of purse seine fishing method in 1970s changes the
system considerably; the inequality was not only between the boss and crew members but
also among crew members themselves. Division of labor on the boat resulted in each
crew member being rewarded differently, depending on their job specification. This goes
back to the hierarchy of patron-client relationships.
The same way, blast fishermen groups in the Spermonde archipelago use the
division of catches (bagi hasil) with distinction of crew member duties. The division of
catches is distributed in form of money. After selling the fish, the juragang will distribute 111
the money to the sawi at the night after. The juragang divide the revenue after it is
deducted for cost of logistic, gas, bombs, and other fishing equipments which are
provided by the juragang. However, in dividing revenue, boat, engine, and breathing
compressor machine are also counted as recipients of the revenue. Of course, the revenue
goes to the owner of those things, which is the juragang. Therefore, the juragang gets
much more money because his investment on boat and engine.
For the medium fishing boat group, after the deduction, the juragang divides the
revenue into 10 divisions: four divisions are for sawi working on the lépa-lépa (bombers crew) including the juragang himself, three divisions are for non-bomber crew members, one division is for boat, one division is for engine, and one division for compressor. By this model of revenue division, besides benefiting revenue from bomb material selling, the juragang is also benefited from boat and engine revenue, and also from his involvement as part of the crew. In one trip of blasting operation, juragang might get three divisions or sometime more.
For example, within Hassan’s fishing group there are seven crew members,
including himself. If the group sells the fish for 1 million rupiah, so after the deduction,
Hassan will divide the revenue into ten divisions: five divisions are for skilled crew
members (three bomber crew, one diver, and himself as a juragang and also a diver as
well), two divisions are for un-skilled crew members, and two divisions are for both boat
and engine, and one division is for compressor.
At first, he deducts 500,000 of the total 1,000,000 rupiah for the fishing cost,
including gas, bombs, logistic, and other equipments. Then he divides another 500,000 112 rupiah to ten divisions: five divisions are for skilled crew members (bombers team, a diver, and juragang himself); each of them gets 50,000 rupiah (60,000 x 5 = 300,000 rupiah). Then he distributes two divisions of each 40,000 rupiah to the un-skilled crew members (40,000 x 2 = 800,000 rupiah). Boat, engine, and compressor contribute to the fishing activity, therefore, they are counted as part of revenue share recipients. Each of them is counted as fishing crew which earns 35,000 rupiah/each (40,000 x 3 = 120,000 rupiah). Boat, engine, and compressor are owned by Hassan (the juragang), therefore the revenues go to him. In addition, if the juragang also join on boat, he is considered as skilled crew member who also gains revenue share. Hassan lead his fishing boat by himself, therefore he is also included in the revenues share recipients as skilled crew category. On the boat, he does many jobs including diving, navigating, and sometimes driving.
113
Figure 7: Revenue distribution within blast a fishermen group.
Usually sawi will pick up the share from the juragang house at night after the catch. sawi like to spent nigh time in juragang house watching televison or jus chatting.
The juragang’s house is the center of their activities. If a sawi has debt to the juragang, the juragang will deduct they money first. If the debt is larger than the revenue, the juragang will not cut all money they get. Juragang only cut some amount of money to pay the debt not in onet time. Juragang still give the money to the sawi in the certain amount of family survival. 114
Sometimes, on the bad luck days, they cannot sell fish that make them lost
money. In this case, the juragang has responsibility to prepare extra money to be taken
home by his crew members. It is shame when a sawi goes home with no money. In local context, this shame is called siri which plays a fundamental role in Bugis-Makassar cultural values. Siri literally may mean honor, dignity, or courtesy which is the basic value in Bugis-Makassar culture. Siri motivates somebody to achieve good manners in their daily life (Pelras, 1996). Usually, the sawi’s families are not rich so their daily life is dependent on take home money by their family head. The money is considered as a loan from juragang, and they will pay off the money whenever they get a good catch.
b). Cost of Making Bombs
I did not have chance to do research on the economy of juragang. It must be beneficial to have exact data of how much money the juragang spends for each trip to
cover the cost of gas, bomb materials, fishing tools, food, security, boat depreciation and
maintenance, engine depreciation and maintenance, fishing tools depreciation and
maintenance, and risks of being caught by police. However, especially to estimate the
cost of making bombs, I have data based on my interview with juragang and sawi on the
island.
For making a piece of bomb, blast fishermen need to spend money about 100,000
rupiah. The cost is divided into: cost for wick is 75,000 to 100,000 rupiah ($8 to $11) per
meter (cut into 15 to 20 pieces), cost for detonator is 40,000 rupiah ($4.4) per pack
(contains 100 pieces), and cost for fertilizer is 1,000,000 rupiah to 1,250,000 rupiah (111 115
to $138) per sac (make for 30 bombs). Additional costs are for weight and bottle, which
much cheaper, less than one cent for each of both.
In one trip of fishing activity, usually, a blast fishermen group spends 3-5 bombs,
which means costs about 300,000 to 500,000 rupiah (33 to $55) per fishing trip. The
medium-scale blast fishing group, roughly, earns 1,000,000 rupiah ($111) per fishing trip.
Therefore, the juragang will take a half of the total revenue (before distributed to sawi) because the cost of bombs is almost a half of the total revenue. If is added with the cost of
gas, fishing tools, food, security, boat depreciation and maintenance, engine depreciation
and maintenance, fishing tools depreciation and maintenance, and risks, of course, it will
cost more than a half.
However, with the calculation above, the juragang already took advantage of
being “a seller” of those materials to his fishing group. The prices of bomb materials
above are not the exact price of those materials when they were sold by distributor from the main island. The juragang bought those materials in lower price, and then he sells them to the blast fishermen group with higher price. This also occurs with gas, food, and other materials.
B. Networking and Marketing System
One thing that sustains blast fishing is that it is supported by strong networking.
Fishermen do not work by themselves in an isolated group, but are connected with other groups involving bosses (juragang), local fish traders (pabalolang), fish industries, exporters, bomb suppliers, government officers, and police officials. Each group plays a 116
different role and secures its bond within the network. Here are some bonds of fishermen
support networks:
a). Juragang (boss)
A Juragang provide capital and facilities for fishing activities such as boats,
bomb materials. The juragang plays an important role in society as a money lender
(rentenir) as well as patron to the fishermen. The juragang loans money to blast
fishermen who usually do not have enough money to buy their own boats and fishing
equipment. The juragang will charge high interest on the loan and it increases whenever
the fishermen do not pay it back on time. Therefore, fishermen are often trapped in debt
to the juragang and become dependent on him (Alder and Christanty 1998, p. 234-235).
Generally, a juragang has a high social rank. There are two kinds of juragang: juragang
on island (juragang pulau) and juragang on the mainland (juragang darat).
A juragang pulau lives on the same island as the fishermen. He has a direct
connection with fishermen owning the boats and equipment needed for fishing, including
bomb materials. He hires fishermen to work on the boats, and connects them with outside
markets. Sometimes a juragang pulau plays a double role: while he is a juragang, he is
also part of boat crew, joining his fishermen offshore and leading the blast fishing
activities. There are more than 20 of juragang pulau on Kodingareng Lompo.
On the other hand, a juragang darat stays on the mainland in Sulawesi and many of them are Chinese Indonesian (Alder and Christanty (1998). He usually does not have a direct connection with the fishermen, and therefore, does not lend money to them; but rather to juragang pulau to operate large scale blast fishing. A juragang darat takes 117
interest of 10-20% on loans. The relationship between juragang pulau and juragang
darat is a closed one which means that, as a consequence of their financial arrangements,
the juragang pulau is obligated to market his catches to the juragang darat from whom
he borrows money.
Of course, from a hierarchal perspective, the position of juragang darat is higher
than the juragang pulau, and the juragang pulau outranks the blast fishermen groups.
The Juragang pulau is dependent on the juragang darat for capital and marketing; however, a juragang pulau has power over blast fishermen. In addition, both the juragang darat and the juragang pulau often play secondary roles as bomb material suppliers to blast fishermen. The Juragang darat gets the materials from the black market and then delivers them to the juragang pulau who then distributes them to the blast fishermen. They are linked together where the juragang features in both input and output ends of blast fishing activities.
b). Pabalolang (fish broker)
A Pabalolang is a local trader who buys fish from the fishermen offshore and then sells them aither to markets in fish landing ports (TPI) on the main island or to island or mainland. Pabalolang have their own boat (jolloro) to buy fish from fishermen directly at sea soon after the catch. The pabalolang ties up alongside the fishing boat, they then move captured fish from one boat to other. They classify the fish to determine a price, not by weight but by the bucketful. The price a buckets of fish varies depending on the value of the fish species. 118
Usually, a pabalolang from the same island as the fishermen does not pay for the
fish directly at the sea. He pays to the blast fishermen after he returns from selling the
fish in the market on the main island. The price of fish is not fixed, but depends on the
price fluctuation in the mainland market. If the pabalolang can sell the fish at a good
price, he will pass that along to the fishermen, but if the price down, the pabalolang pays
the fishermen less. This system, of course, gives the pabalolang a chance to cheat fishermen by telling them that the price was low even though he sold the fish at a high price. However, as far as I know, it does not happen because the relationship between pabalolang and blast fishermen is based on trust.
With this broker arrangement, blast fishermen do not land their fish by
themselves. They return to the island in “clean condition”. After fishing, they will rest at
home and wait until evening when the pabalolang comes to pay them.
Some pabalolang also play the role of capitalist for blast fishermen. They
advance capital to blast fishermen and they have an obligation to sell their captured fish
to him.
c). Fish Industries
Another big player on the chain of blast fishing on Spermonde Island is the fish
processing industry. This is the major consumer of fish caught by blast fishing methods,
to be processed and then exported. They export the frozen products are exported to
countries such as the USA, Japan, China, and some countries in Europe.
In Makassar, the capital city of South Sulawesi, there some fish processing
factories which are localized in an industrial zone called KIMA (Kawasan Industri 119
Makassar/Makassar Industrial Estate). I had a chance to interview some managers from a
fish processing company there. The company processes fish for filleting, freezing, and
canning for export. The interview indicated that they get their fish supply mostly from a
fishing port in Makassar where most blast fishermen land their catches. A production
manager indicated that about 30-40% of the intake fish are captured by the blast fishing
method18.
This opinion was supported by the manager of logistics who is in charge of
receiving fish from suppliers to his factory. As a buyer, he knows with whom he works.
He knows that most of his suppliers are mainland juragang who get their fish from blast fishermen. Sometimes he goes to the fishing port auction himself; therefore he knows clearly where the fish came from. Additionally, by his special skill and experience, he recognizes which fish are captured by blast fishing and which by other methods.
As companies work with fish processing, they turn a blind eye to the blast fishing
activities. The manager said that even though he knows that his company is accepting
raw material from blast fishing activities, his company has no direct connection with blast
fishermen, so his company is secure. His company only has a relationship with suppliers
who are not blast fishermen. When I pointed out their indirect involvement in causing
environmental degradation, he said that “they have no choice”. His company needs to
keep their production stable to maintain their relationship with consumers in the market.
“Why do you blame our company? Why don’t you blame the consumers? Why do the
USA, Japan, and China keep importing fish caught by blasting?” he said.
18 Interview with the production manager of PT. KIMA. 120
d). Fish Traders
Another component that contributes to supporting blast fishing activities involves local fish traders. These are local people on the mainland who work as fish sellers in the local market. These are entrepreneurs buy fish directly from fishermen in the fish landing port (TPI) or from a juragang and then sell the fish directly to consumers. The high fish consumption by local people in South Sulawesi demands the fishing catches. Culturally, the people in South Sulawesi eat more fish than in any other location in Indonesia.
e). Exporters
Actually, the term of “exporter” is especially used for exporter players in cyanide
fishing. They export live fish captured by cyanide fishing method to countries such as
Japan, China, the USA, and Hong Kong. Most of them are established Indonesian-
Chinese descendants businesspersons. In the context of blast fishing, the exporters are fish processing factories based Makassar. They export their product in the form of fillet fish to the USA, Japan, and Europe.
f). Bomb Materials Suppliers
Fishing materials suppliers sell whatever is needed for blast fishing operations such as detonators, ammonium nitrate fertilizer, wicks, etc. Since those materials are sold illegally, the suppliers work underground. Among the fishermen communities on the island, only a few people know the suppliers. However, on the island, the juragang pulau is someone who has a special relationship with them and islanders believe that the suppliers who deliver bomb materials to the island are employees of the juragang darat.
They are a connection between their juragang darat and other juragang darat. 121
The bomb materials, distributors work in three different ways: They can go
directly to the island to bring the bomb materials to local juragang (juragang pulau).
They only need to drop the materials with the juragang pulau who will distribute them to
fishermen. Alternatively, the juragang pulau can come himself to the mainland to pick up
the materials from a juragang darat. This means the juragang darat also act as a distributor, instead of just as a capitalist. Finally, by the juragang‘s authorization, the fishermen get those materials from distributors directly. The fishermen will pay for the materials after they sell their catch.
Actually, there are other distributors above the juragang darat. They bring the
materials from the black market to the juragang darat. Since the materials are mostly
made in foreign countries such as Malaysia, Singapore, India, and Bangladesh, there must be long distribution networks. It is commonly known among fishermen that a district of
northern Kalimantan, on the border between Indonesian and Malaysia, is the entry gate of
those materials. Using underground networks, they are distributed through eastern
Kalimantan, North Sulawesi and South Sulawesi.
There are indications that in securing their networks, the distributors are backed-
up by local authorities (police officers). The local authority benefits by routinely accepting bribes. My interview with people on the island reveals that most of them believe that, the distributors get support from the local police authority. Even though it may be undercover, it becomes common sense that to be a juragang, somebody must
have strong connections with local authorities. “If they do not have connections with 122 local authorities, how they can get those illegal materials and market them to fishermen on islands.”
Distributors Illegal Importers Foreign Country
Export
Juragang Pulau Juragang Darat (Boss on island) (Boss on mainland)
PT KIMA
Pabalolang (Fish Processing Industry)
Blast Fishermen
Local TPI Consumers (Fish Landing Port)
Fish Vendors Materials distribution Marketing distribution
Picture: Networking Chart of Blast Fishing
Figure 8: Blast fishermen networks. 123
CHAPTER 9: DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
A. Discussion
a). Patron-Client Relations
“Patrons without clients are obviously no longer patrons”(Meereboer 1998).
As I mentioned in the chapter 8, patron-client relationships play a significant role
in the fishermen society in South Sulawesi. In the past, the patronage system was
dominated by nobles. However, due to the weakening of noble elites as the political
leader in society, the patronage system is now shared by government officials (civil
servants), intellectuals, and businessmen. Pelras (1996) concludes that this “proliferation”
of patronage system opened the opportunity for non-noble people to mobilize themselves
in the society.
Furthermore, the competition among non-noble people to gain prestige (social
position), local political roles, and economic success prevails as a part of social dynamic.
However, it seems that social prestige and economic success play more of a role in the
competition than local political power (Meereboer 1998). Anyone who succeeds in economy has more possibilities to place themselves in the higher ranks of the society by gaining social prestige through their generosity to the society by sponsoring social services, ceremonies, and events. Social prestige can also be gained by increasing the
followers in one’s patronageship, which means that a patron is required to provide more
services and social security to his clients. Another way to gain social prestige is by
achieving the religious obligation such as completing the pilgrimage to Mecca. In Bugis- 124
Makassar society, the hajj is more socially functional than as a part spiritual-religious
accomplishment. However, all the above factors that contribute to social prestige can
only be achieved through wealth. Therefore, economic success plays the biggest role in social competition in the society.
Meereboer mentions that accessories like as gold watch and a gold necklace (for wives) confer social status. Gold is also an investment of capital. There is no bank
operated on the island where people can save their money. Actually, they can save their
money in banks in Makassar since their island is only about one hour distance from
Makassar. However, they are not familiar with modern business institutions like banks.
They prefer to go to juragang get loans and buy luxuries if they have surplus. Buying a
gold accessory as a way they transform their surplus into asset. Gold is just an example of
how people invest their money. In addition to gold, people also buy motorcycles and
electronic luxuries such as flat televisions, audio equipment, and cell phones. Those
things function as both to show off their wealth and investment. By having those
materials they gain prestige, and at the same they can re-sell it to other fishermen if they
need cash.
I disagree with Meereboer’s opinion implied that fishermen in the Spermonde
Archipelago do not consider their houses as part of showing social status. On the
Spermonde Archipelago, fishermen design their houses following housing model trends
on the mainland, including all the required decorations, to show their wealth. They are
willing to spend a lot of money to buy building materials such as bricks, ceramics tiles,
aluminum windows and doors from the mainland to build a fancy house. For fishermen, 125 having an expensive house is also a source prestige. On the island, it is easy to differentiate between juragang and non-juragang house. Juragang’s house is usually made from cemented materials with full of decoration, on the other hand, non-juragang house is made from wooden materials.
Citing Robinson (1987), Meereboer also mentions that patron-client relationships among fishermen tend to “have an ambiguous character” from the sawi’s (clients) point of view. Patron-client relationship benefits the client in the form of insurance to protect them against misfortune. Nevertheless, it also can be a kind of exploitation by patrons of clients since the patron takes advantage of client’s disadvantages. “The risk clients take by not following their boss is higher than the risk to the boss losing the client.” Therefore,
Meereboer concluded that in the future the patron-client relationships will tend to weaken to be replaced by “employer-employee” relationship, with a more rationalized-enterprise form and a more open relationship. The employer (then called as bos) and the employee
(then called anggota, “member”) have more socially equality, and the anggota can easily move from one bos to another bos to be employed. In contrast, in case of blast fishermen, the patron-client relationship seems to remain strong. Even though their exposures to enterprise management systems attract them to rationalize the relationship, the illegality of blast fishing practice ensures that they continue to live within patron-client relationships. This is because the patron, juragang, not only gives them insurance and social security but also guarantees their safety from being arrested by the police.
In addition, the juragang is also the person who can give sawi better economic conditions compared with other fishermen on the island. Usually, a crew of blast 126 fishermen (sawi) has more wealth than other non-blast fishing fishermen. Clients can still resign from their patron; however, it means that they choose to live with less income.
Moreover, it is not easy to move from one juragang to another juragang since their job is dealing with illegal activities. The juragang is the one who pays bribes to the policemen to secure their activities; therefore, juragang tend to be pickier in accepting new clients.
To a juragang, accepting new members means taking new risks.
Finally, it may be argued that due to increasing accessibility to fishing equipment, it should be easier for entrepreneur-fishermen to shift from sawi to juragang. With some capital help, a sawi can buy a new boat and fishing equipment to start to establish a new fishing group. Unfortunately, because of its illegality, it is hard for somebody to start a fishing group. To establish a blast fishermen group, the infusion of capital is not enough; it requires a strong connection with suppliers bomb materials, market players, and local government authorities. b). Islands-Mainland as a form of a Rural-Urban Relationship
Poverty is a big issue in coastal areas as indicated by low and unstable incomes of coastal people (Copes, 1988; Dahuri, 2003; Gordon, 1954; Hardin, 1968; Hidayati, 2003;
Mubyarto, 1994; Nagib and Purwaningsih, 2002; Widayatun, 2002). Poverty often becomes an excuse to allow unsustainable practices. However, in the case of blast fishermen in the Spermonde archipelago, the issue of poverty is far for being an excuse as to why blast fishermen are practicing blast fishing. People in the Spermonde archipelago practice blast fishing not because they are poor, but because they want to pursue some luxuries offered by the global market such as wide screen televisions, video players, 127
video games, cell phones, motorcycles, etc. Their exposure to the cosmopolite city of
Makassar directs them to be more consumptive. “If people on the mainland can afford
them, why we are not allowed to achieve them?”19, this question seems to represent the
opinion of islanders against critics of their consumerism that lead them to be more
extractive of natural resources.
Actually, the islanders’ consumerism itself is not rooted in their culture. Their
consumerism is influenced by the mainland consumerism as a result of “rural-urban
interactions” (Rigg 2003). As Rigg mentions, urban bias in rural development tends to be seen in negative terms, the islanders’ consumerism which creates greediness is an example of negative impact of rural exposure to urban. As islanders usually perceive the mainland as more developed, they often portray people on the mainland as superior over themselves. Consequently, they tend to construct a perception that whatever occurs on the mainland is to be considered as “modern”. Islanders tend to make the life style on the mainland into a role model which they should follow; the mainland is the trendsetter for the islands.
Furthermore, it is interesting to examine the difference between agricultural-rural society and fishermen-rural society in term of adopting capitalism. In the case of the
Speremonde archipelago, it can be concluded that capitalism grows faster among fishering societies than farming societies. The social-economic construction of fishering
society gives them more possibility to be more adaptive to urban capitalism. Generally,
fishering communities are more open societies which make them more responsive to
19 This question was raised by my colleague, Alimuddin (2004), commenting on why Mandar kinsmen continue the common practice of blast fishing. 128
change. In addition, the economic structure of fishering societies has some similarities
with that of industrial societies. To achieve economic growth, a fisherman invests his
capital by buying boats and fishing equipment. A fisherman can easily sell their
production properties as easily as they buy them. In contrast, farmers invest their capital
in land which is finite and rarely available for purchase. Somebody has money cannot
extend their land easily unless someone else is willing to sell his land. In fact, only few people will sell their land. Therefore, it takes time to extend business capacity in an agricultural society (Shari 1990, p. 258-256).
Responding to Rigg’s question, “who is the winner?” and “who is the loser?” , it
is hard to decide whether islanders are best considered as “winner” or “loser”. Yet, the
islanders’ greediness in extracting their resources, which make them vulnerable in the
future, is a form of their response to the urban life of Makassar. It is argued by Pelras
(1996) that the Bugis-Makassar has been part of a market economy for centuries.
Therefore, their response to the modern market shifts them from a traditional market economy to a modern-global market economy, which in fact, brings economic development for islanders. This argument seems to be approved by Hamamoto (2007) who concludes during the past years, since the modern (destructive) fishing methods have been operated, there is a significant economic achievement in the Spermonde archipelago. Regarding the negative impact of destructive fishing to the environment, I already discussed it in the previous chapters. 129
c). Ideas of Conservation
Most of my interviews with fishermen indicated that fishermen are aware about
conservation. Almost all of them understand that the practice of blast fishing is
destructive to their environment and unsustainable for the future. The information they
receive from television, radio, and other people from the mainland raises their awareness
regarding conservation. However, it seems that they have no will to stop the blast fishing
practice.
Some islanders may believe that fish will never be depleted since they are
provided by God to support human life. “As long as there are leaves on the islands, the
fish will remain in the sea”. Nevertheless, islanders also realize the fact that year-by-year
their catches are getting smaller, and so now they have to go farther out to catch. They
extend their fishing ground since they cannot easily find fish on the surrounding sea area.
However, fishermen have different opinions regarding the impact on blast fishing
to the coral reefs and fish stocks. There are some fishermen who really understand that
blast fishing is directly destructive to coral reefs and causing depletion of the fish stocks.
Unfortunately, there are also some fishermen who believe that blast fishing practice has
no connection with fish depletions in their area. They believe that the depletion of fish
stock is caused by big fishing companies that operate trawlers in that area. Blast fishing has nothing to do with the depletion of fish. Their argument is that the bombs they throw to catch the fish are made from fertilizer which contribute to the growth of sea plankton and algae. This makes sea produce more fish which help fish to grow faster. As evidence, 130
they always find an abundant of fish where they blast. They know that at that location,
there are more foods that attract fish.
Since most fishermen operate in areas where they are not from, they tend to not
pay attention to the sustainability of the resources. According to Alder and Christanty
(1998, p. 237), outside fishers do not care about conserving the environment in the area
where they fish, since they are not culturally linked to the area. They would rather exploit
the resources as much as possible to gain maximum benefit than thinking about
conservation. Furthermore, in extracting the resources, they are often supported by
license from the government, either provincial government or national government. This
makes it difficult for local society to control them.
B. Conclusion
Blast fishing has been widely practiced in the Spermonde archipelago by the majority of fishermen living on the islands. Blast fishing was introduced by the Dutch during the colonial era and had become widespread by the 1970s when fishermen from the Philippines introduced the modified bomb made from ammonium nitrate fertilizer- fuel oil (ANFO). Despite its illegality, blast fishing is still common among fishermen in the Spermonde archipelago.
The blast fishing society is bound by patron-client relationships where the blast
fishermen’s boss (juragang) acts as a patron for his fishing crew (sawi) who become his clients. The boss gains more material benefits than the crew members and therefore becomes very rich. In this society, the boss occupies a high ranking position. However, the boss gives protection to his clients by giving “insurance” for sawi including their 131
family members. Bosses also secure their illegal activities against police persecution.
This extra measure of protection strengthens the patron client relationship for juragang who use blast fishing practices more than their counterparts who stick with conventional methods of fishing.
Blast fishing is destructive to the environment because it not only kills fish that
can be consumed for market but also kills untargeted fish, including young fish. Blast
fishing damages the coral reefs within the targeted areas, which in the long run, deplete
the amount of fish, potentially destroying the livelihoods of future generations.
This risk to the environment has no direct impact on the fishermen’s daily life.
The desire for economic gain and hopes of modernization overcome the desire for
resource sustainability. Even though the fishermen know the negative impact of blast
fishing practices in the long run, they continue to use these methods due to “greed”.
However, exposure to the nearby city of modern life in Makassar combined with a
lack of formal education is what pushes them to constantly try to improve their standard
of living, even far beyond what they would have expected while still living a more rural
lifestyle. Having limited resources at their disposal, they resort to methods such as blast
fishing in order to create profits which will allow them to participate in the commercial
consumption going on around them. The high demand from global markets for fish
attracts them to use short-cuts in fishing to keep up and maximize profits.
Even though the government bans these destructive practices, the fishermen keep
practicing it because they gain support from capital, suppliers, global markets, and
government officers who work with them in secret. The underground network has been 132 working to invest money, bring bomb materials such as ammonium nitrate fertilizer and detonators from outside the country, and by marketing products both domestically and overseas. Surprisingly, some government officers are also involved in this business by securing the networks used by fishermen and their suppliers.
133
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APPENDIX A: LIST OF FISH CAPTURED BY BLAST FISHING
Latin Name : Rastrelliger kanagurta
Local Name : Banyara’
Indonesian Name : Banyara
English Name : Long-jawed Mackerel
Latin Name : Siganus lineatus
Local Name : Baronang
Indonesian Name : Baronang
English Name : Golden lined-Spinefoot
Latin Name : Plectorhinchus chrysotaenia
Local Name : Ekor kuning
Source of image: Indonesian Name : Pisang-pisang http://www2.dpi.qld.gov.au/images /11201.jpg English Name : Celebes Sweetlips
Latin Name : Oxyurichthys microlepis
Local Name : Dapa-dapa
Source of image: Indonesian Name : Puntang, Ploso http://morphbank.net/images/jpg/0/ 0/0/0/0/0/0/5/9/0/59029.jpg English Name : Finescale Arrowfin Goby
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Latin Name : Mugil spp.
Local Name : Belanak
Indonesian Name : Belanak
English Name : Sea Mullet
Latin Name : Decapterus spp.
Local Name : Layang
Indonesian Name : Layang
English Name : Mackerel
Latin Name : Istiophorus platypterus
Local Name : Layar
Indonesian Name : Layar, Kayaran
English Name : Indo-pacific Sailfish
Latin Name : Selar crumenophthalmus
Local Name : Katombo
Indonesian Name : Selar, Lolong
English Name : Big eye scad
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Latin Name : Caesio cuning
Local Name : Rapo-rapo
Indonesian Name : Pisang-pisang
English Name : Red-bellied fusilier
Latin Name : Leiognathus equulus
Local Name : Bete-bete
Indonesian Name : Pepetek, petah
English Name : Common ponyfish
Latin Name : Caranx sexfasciatus
Local Name : Garonggong
Indonesian Name : Selar, Ikan puteh
English Name : Bigeye Trevally
Latin Name : Decapterus kurroides
Local Name : Commo’-commo’
Indonesian Name : Selar, selayang ekor
English Name : Redtail Scad
Latin Name : Dussumieria elopsoides
Local Name : Tembang Jawa
Indonesian Name : Tembang bines
English Name : Slender Sardine 143
Latin Name : Stolephorus indicus
Local Name : Lure’
Indonesian Name : Teri
English Name : Indian Anchovy
Latin Name : Plectorhinchus chaetodonoides
Local Name : Kapala’ Bibere’
Indonesian Name : Kaci Macan
English Name : Many-spotted Sweetlips
Latin Name : Lutjanus spp.
Local Name : Dapa’
Indonesian Name : Kakap merah
English Name : Seaperch, Snapper
Latin Name : Pseudobalistes flavimarginatus
Local Name : Pogoh
Indonesian Name : Jebong, Triger
English Name : Triggerfish
Latin Name : Ulua mentalis
Local Name : Tiling-tiling
Indonesian Name : Terman
English Name : Trevally
Note: All pictures were taken by the author, except for pictures that have online source. 144
APPENDIX B: LIST OF INTERVIEWS
1. July 14, 2007: Interview with Narto, fishermen. 2. July 16, 2007: Interview with Sarifudin, fishermen. 3. July 16, 2007: Interview with Hilal, fishermen. 4. July 16, 2007: Interview with Se’re, fishermen. 5. July 17, 2007: Interview with women in the mosque 6. July 17, 2007: Interview with a group of sawi on the fishing boat. 7. July 19, 2007: Interview with Daeng Sila, fishermen and religious leader. 8. July 20, 2007: Interview with Ridwan, Hasanuddin University staff. 9. July 20, 2007: Interview with Rejo, spiritual and religious leader. 10. July 20, 2007: Interview with a fish trader (anonymous). 11. August 4, 2007: Interview with Muhammad Neil, faculty at Hasanuddin University. 12. August 4, 2007: Interview with Rusmubarak, a college student from the island. 13. August 12, 2007: Interview with production manager and other staff of PT. KIMA. 14. August 15, 2007: Interview with Udin, fishermen 15. August 17, 2007: Interview with government officer (anonymous). 16. August 20, 2007: Interview with Tadjudin, local intellectual. 17. August 20, 2007: Interview with officers of Paotere fishing port (anonymous). 18. August 22, 2007: group discussion with fishing crews. 19. August 23, 2007: Interview with fishermen (anonymous)
Note: The list does not include off-record interviews.