Commonwealth Ministerial Working Group on the Post-2015 Development Framework for Education
Marlborough House, 12-13 December 2012
Commonwealth Recommendations for the Post-2015 Development Framework for Education
BACKGROUND PAPER
Commonwealth Ministerial Working Group on the Post-2015 Development Framework for Education
Printed and published by the Commonwealth Secretariat, December 2012
The Commonwealth Secretariat gratefully acknowledges the assistance provided by many individuals, especially the contributions of Professor Keith Lewin.
For more information please contact: Jonathan Penson Adviser (Education) [email protected]
Social Transformation Programmes Division Education Section Commonwealth Secretariat Marlborough House Pall Mall London SW1Y 5HX [email protected] www.thecommonwealth.org Contents
1. Introduction ...... 5 1.1 Background ...... 5
1.2 Outline of the paper ...... 5
2. The Commonwealth perspective ...... 7
3. The changed development context ...... 8
4. Strengths and weaknesses of the current framework ...... 11
4.1 Strengths of the IAGs ...... 11
4.2 Weaknesses of the IAGs ...... 12
5. The options ...... 17
6. The case for education in the new IAGs ...... 20
6.1 The unfinished business of education ...... 21
6.1.1 Progress against the MDGs for education in Commonwealth countries ...... 22
6.1.2 Progress against the EFA Goals in Commonwealth countries ...... 23
6.1.3 Global progress ...... 25
6.2 The catalytic role of education – its extrinsic value ...... 26
6.3 Education for its own sake – its intrinsic value ...... 29
7. Commonwealth focus ...... 30
7.1 Access ...... 30
7.2 Equity ...... 30
7.3 Quality ...... 33
7.3.1 Teacher development ...... 34
7.3.2 Education leadership and management ...... 34
7.3.3 Technology for teaching and learning ...... 35
8. The post-2015 development framework for education ...... 35
8.1 Principal goals ...... 36
8.2 Subordinate goals ...... 38
8.2.1 Early childhood education and development ...... 38 Commonwealth Ministerial Working Group on the Post-2015 Development Framework for Education
8.2.2 Basic education ...... 39
8.2.3 Post-basic and post-secondary education ...... 40
8.2.4 Non-formal education and lifelong learning ...... 43
8.2.5 Participation...... 44
8.2.6 Infrastructure ...... 45
8.3 Cross-cutting themes ...... 46
8.3.1 Education in emergencies ...... 46
8.3.2 Migration...... 47
8.3.3 Gender ...... 47
8.3.4 Education for sustainable development ...... 48
9. Summary of goals, indicative indicators and targets ...... 50
References ...... 52
Appendix: Internationally Agreed Goals for Education ...... 59
A.1 Millennium Development Goals for Education ...... 59
A.2 Education for All Goals ...... 59 Commonwealth Ministerial Working Group on the Post-2015 Development Framework for Education
1. Introduction 1.1 Background At the 18th Conference of Commonwealth Education Ministers (18CCEM) in Mauritius in August 2012, Ministers established a Working Group to develop recommendations for the post-2015 development framework for education. The recommendations would reflect Commonwealth priorities for education and would be fed into the UN processes for replacing the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) for education and Education for All (EFA) goals (together, the Internationally Agreed Goals, or IAGs). The recommendations will be presented to the UN High Level Panel on the Post-2015 Development Agenda and to UNESCO Education For All.
The Working Group’s draft recommendations for the structure and content of the post-2015 framework are informed by the discussions at 18CCEM, the Mauritius Communiqué, statements from the 18CCEM Parallel Forums (Post-Secondary and Higher Education Leaders, Stakeholders, Teachers and Youth) and background documents prepared for 18CCEM (Education in the Commonwealth, Menefee and Bray, 2012) and the 18CCEM Issues Paper and Synopsis (Commonwealth Secretariat, 2012b). Draft recommendations were shared with Commonwealth ministers of education, together with Commonwealth civil society, strategic partners and other stakeholders. The Commonwealth Education Ministers recommendations to the architecture of the post-2015 framework and their priority areas for education are a result of this process.
The Background Paper explores these approaches and primary areas in order to provide a substantiated basis for further refining the recommendations for the architecture and for prioritising areas of education which Members of the Working Group identified should be addressed in the post-2015 framework.
1.2 Outline of the paper The paper is structured to provide information on the identified priorities, the structure and architecture of the post-2015 framework. It includes background information and critical analysis of what is relevant to the specific priorities and recommendations proposed. The structure is as follows:
Section 1 provides an introduction to the document and outlines the process undertaken to reach the final analysis and recommendations.
Section 2 provides a rationale for why the Commonwealth perspective is important. It focuses on the premise and significance of the Commonwealth in the light of its diversity, breadth, common
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values, convening power and ability to represent smaller countries, and identifies the importance of having the interface of values and education reflected in the new framework.
Section 3 provides a brief overview of the changed development landscape to which the new framework should respond. It highlights changed perceptions of the role and responsibilities of governments, the private sector, and non-state actors, and changes in the perception of the role and purpose of education itself. This analysis identifies the importance of a multi-sectoral approach to development, while retaining focus on specific development outcomes.
Section 4 provides an analysis of the strengths and weaknesses of the current development framework. It concludes that the framework represented a certain paradigm consensus on poverty reduction strategies, which fostered clear advocacy messages on certain key outcomes, and this enabled opportunity to leverage resources only around these outcomes. It also concludes that there are areas in the IAGs that sometimes overlap, lack clarity, exclude critical areas of development, do not sufficiently focus on equity, and do not reflect a satisfactory balance between the interests of developed and developing countries.
Section 5 reviews a range of options for addressing the new framework, and the potential implications of each of these options. This analysis concludes that some aspects of the current goals should be retained as the targets have not yet been – and will not be – reached. It further concludes that generally the goals should be refined to make them more focussed; goals should be expanded to include areas of current global importance, and the overall structure needs to be altered, to accommodate both post-EFA and post-MDGs in one framework for synergy.
Section 6 provides background information and evidence as to the importance of education remaining a priority of the development agenda. The section examines the case for continued attention to education, in the light of a perceived reduction in the emphasis on education in current development discourse. It is argued that education has both an extrinsic value, in its catalytic role in adding value to other development efforts, especially economic growth and democracy, and an intrinsic value, in that it is of value to humans for its own sake, as both a self/human development stimulant and tool to individuals and to society. It concludes that important goals in education in the current framework remain unfulfilled and that this work needs to be completed.
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Section 7 identifies and discusses the priority areas resulting from the consultation process with Commonwealth stakeholders. Recommendations are proposed for each priority, including goals, targets and indicators. These recommendations are not intended to be prescriptive but to form a framework for discussion taking into account the Commonwealth specific considerations leading to a final recommendation document.
Conclusion: the findings of the analysis indicate that the new development framework will need both to complete the work of the current IAGs, and to set bold and ambitious imperatives which respond to the experiences of the past, address a fast-changing global context, and prepare the world for the future. Reaching the hardest-to-reach citizens requires new strategies and new commitments. This paper recommends that education (be envisaged to) play a central, foundational role in guiding the vision and goals of the future development agenda, and that three key priorities of Access, Equity and Quality would create and enable a balance.
The appendix provides a summary of the key structural recommendations for the post-2015 framework for education in a matrix of the proposed goals for each priority area, including the relevant indicators and targets.
2. The Commonwealth perspective The Commonwealth is an association of 54 countries which is united by shared values and principles, and which works towards shared goals in democracy, development, and respect for diversity. It lists its shared values as peace and security, democracy, human rights, respect and understanding, rule of law, freedom of expression, development, gender equality, access to quality health and education, good governance and increased partnership with civil societies (Commonwealth Secretariat, 1991). The uniqueness of the Commonwealth is not only its shared values but also its diversity, as it consists of developed and developing countries, rich and poor, large and small. The Commonwealth is home to two billion citizens of all faiths and ethnicities, of which over half are 25 years old or under, and a quarter are under 5 (Commonwealth Secretariat, 2012c).
The end of the MDG and EFA period in 2015 will mark a fundamental paradigm shift in the global development framework. The Commonwealth is comprised mainly of developing countries, whose funding for development and development priorities are likely to be greatly affected by the new development agenda. It is a place where members can come together as equals, agree mutual priorities and goals through consensus, and where donor and recipient countries can meet outside of the usual donor/recipient relationship. Page | 7
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The Commonwealth therefore has a distinctive voice on development, and on education within that. It is particularly concerned with the catalytic nature of education, seeing education as a foundation to economic growth and democracy rather than an adjunct. It is also uniquely concerned with the issues faced by small states, with 32 of its 54 members being considered as such (Crossley, Bray and Packer, 2011), and post-conflict countries, with 12 of its members currently identified as fragile, conflict or post-conflict affected countries (Uppsala Conflict Data Program, 2012a and 2012b; World Bank, 2012). Of the 50 countries to be consulted by UNDP as part of the UN’s post-MDG consultation, 16 were members of the Commonwealth, but only four of these were small states (UNDP, 2012). The Commonwealth provides a platform for all its small states and conflict/post-conflict effected countries to have a voice, as well as speaking as a bloc of 54 countries that wish to ensure education remains high on the development agenda.
The Commonwealth perspective in the process of revising the global goals for development is important because of its linkages and networking structure. In addition to its ability to convene discussion among states as equals and its citizen-to-citizen links, it also has a worldwide network of around 90 professional and advocacy organisations that work at local, national, regional and international levels. All play crucial roles in policy, political or social aspects of Commonwealth life, and, as such, the Commonwealth post-2015 recommendations will represent the views of a large constituency – the population of the Commonwealth is over 2 billion people.
It is also important because of the convergence of emerging global concerns with traditional Commonwealth ones. UNESCO has noted that
As new challenges are recognized or emerge, the post-2015 policy agenda is expected to broaden its scope beyond poverty reduction and economic growth to include social and political challenges such as tackling environmental degradation, responding to climate change, promoting tolerance, democracy and good governance, and ensuring peace and security (2012d: 2).
These are archetypal Commonwealth concerns, to which the Commonwealth can bring an extensive and rich history of experience and knowledge: Commonwealth Ministers of Education have been meeting for 53 years, the longest of any sector in the Commonwealth.
3. The changed development context The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and Education for All (EFA) goals were adopted globally in 2000. The MDGs set out eight headline goals for development, including two directly
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related to education – and most others inseparable from educational investment (Lewin 2007) – while EFA sets out six goals for education. Together, the education MDGs and EFA constitute the global development framework for education, and are known collectively as the Internationally Agreed Goals (IAGs). The IAG targets were to have been achieved by 2015.
The context in which the new IAGs will be developed is radically different from that in which their predecessors were negotiated and agreed. This is true not only in terms of the global economy and international political consensus, but also in terms of education policy. New goals will need to be fit for a different purpose.
At the macro-level, the apparent shift in conceptualisation by some parties, of the role of government from provider or guarantor of service delivery, to a regulator of service delivery (Gansler and Lipitz, 2006), will undoubtedly affect the design and implementation of the post- 2015 framework. Shifts from the state to NGOs and the private sector in mobilising resources will result in a wider range of actors – with more diverse functions and priorities – implementing development interventions to achieve the revised IAGs. This implies greater participation of non- state actors and civil society in the development of policy and management of education (Kharas, 2011). However, it should not be assumed that all governments agree with this reconceptualisation. Moreover, the obligation to ensure that the right to education is fulfilled remains that of government: ‘non-state providers make contributions to educational access but remain much less important than public authorities’ (CREATE, 2011: 30). A key question therefore is, how willing and able national governments are to make this transition an issue for consideration especially among developing countries.
Combined with this qualitative change is a quantitative change: it is expected by some commentators that aid will be reduced in scale and importance globally in the coming decades, as governments become increasingly reliant on their own resources (Green, Hale and Lockwood, 2012). According to Green, Hale and Lockwood, this means that for the new framework ‘new arrangements have to be designed to influence governments, whereas the main impact of the MDGs was on the aid system’ (2012: 2). They suggest three ways in which this might be possible:
1. By changing national norms in areas such as women’s rights…
2. By directly influencing government decision making…
3. By giving civil society organisations and other domestic actors more tools with which to lobby, campaign, and secure action by their governments (2012: 3).
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They go on to suggest six instruments necessary at global and regional levels which, working in concert, would be able to ‘nudge things along’ towards these new arrangements at the national level: big global norms; global goals and targets; regional goals and targets; global league tables; data transparency; and international law. A more comprehensive strategy is needed as the new global context and is significantly more complex than the one in 2000. This applies not only to the institutional environment, but also to the financial (Commonwealth Secretariat, 2012b).
As well as changes in the global political environment, there have been fundamental changes in the concepts of the role and function of education. It has been argued that the ‘traditional’ model of education, which evolved to meet the needs of agrarian or early industrialised economies and societies, does not fit the needs of twenty-first century students and society. The didactic model is not appropriate in an age with an unprecedented rate of technological advancement, a fundamental shift from analogue to digital media1, and societies which aim for democratic, collegiate methods to achieve goals as well as hierarchical systems. Skills are increasingly seen as important alongside knowledge acquisition. Flexible and adaptable skills – soft rather than hard skills – and the ability to apply knowledge creatively and in ways that transform well-being and livelihoods are seen as vital for responsive knowledge-based economies. Further, educational experiences need to encourage understanding and behaviour change about sustainable development and livelihoods if the challenges of climate change and a return to sustainable growth that reduces poverty, increases productivity and enhances well- being are to be overcome. Farrell and Hartwell note:
The tradition model of education, which is now well-nigh universal, what is called… ‘the forms of formal schooling’, does not fit with what is now understood about how humans best learn and inherently serves very poorly the needs of vast numbers of youngsters, particularly those most marginalized by circumstances of birth. And society seems generally to be unable to significantly change that model on any large scale (2008: 36).
The reconceptualisation of education is moving it away from it being a stand-alone sector. The need to tackle HIV/AIDS more effectively; inclusiveness responding to gender differentials
1 Many countries simply do not have the level of ICT infrastructure (in terms of hardware and the skills necessary to make it functional) to support a version of twenty-first century skills which relies heavily on digital media, and the import of models based on these skills to contexts which cannot support existing infrastructures, risks exacerbating the digital divide.
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building gender disparities and gaps, the effectiveness of school feeding programmes in increasing attendance; the efficacy of de-working programmes in increasing academic performance; the involvement of business in effective technical and vocational education and training (TVET) programmes: all these point towards a multi-sectoral approach to development. The original IAGs were based around an explicit assumption of the demarcation of sectors; these boundaries are no longer clear. This means that sectoral goals may be difficult – and undesirable – to establish, and harder to implement and monitor.
4. Strengths and weaknesses of the current framework There is extensive discourse on the strengths and weaknesses of the current framework based on data obtained in response to the established mediums for reporting targets. The findings indicate that while there are strengths in the consensus and advocacy aspects of the goals and overall aim, there are many weaknesses in the implementation of the interventions and the measurement of the achievement of the targets. Many of these have been articulated in the work of Lewin, 2012.
4.1 Strengths of the IAGs The common desire to meet the goals has been instrumental in mobilising and targeting financial and technical resources. The IAGs have been extremely influential as an advocacy tool, as a means of attracting and channelling development assistance, and in shaping the desired outcomes and hence modalities of development interventions (UN System Task Team on the Post-2015 UN Development Agenda, 2012c). Their simplicity and brevity have meant that people who are not development experts have been engaged in tracking progress. The goals therefore provide a focus for public advocacy efforts such as the Global Campaign for Education, and also for internal lobbying for resources within development agencies, as the goals are aligned clearly with results frameworks.
Fukudu-Parr notes three ways in which the MDGs have been instrumental in shaping the international development debate:
First, the MDGs institutionalized the consensus on ending poverty — their broad purpose as a whole or a package — as an international norm.
Second, the MDGs have come to reshape the concept of ‘development’ to mean ending poverty.
Third, the MDGs have helped defining poverty as a multidimensional deprivation in the lives of people, including such dimensions as education, health, environment, food,
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employment, housing, and gender equality – or ‘human poverty’ (2012: 3).
Although there appears to be a positive correlation between the MDGs and increased financing for social development (UN, 2012a), it is less clear that they have influenced countries’ national policies (Fukudu-Parr, 2012). However, the IAG indicators do provide a ready-made framework to which education sector plans can be aligned, facilitating international comparison of outcomes.
Based on the above points, any new framework should capitalise on the positive dimensions, concentrating on the demonstrated strengths of the IAGs. This means trying to maintain the momentum of the IAGs in leveraging resources, and retaining aspects of the IAGs which contribute to this such as simplicity, measurable outcomes, brevity and utility as an advocacy tool.
4.2 Weaknesses of the IAGs While there are a number of positive aspects to the IAGs in shaping and facilitating the global agenda, there are some notable weaknesses that have impacted on the effective implementation of the framework. Some of these detailed below.
Fukudu-Parr notes six weaknesses of the MDGs:
i. Poorly designed development goals.
ii. Composition is too narrow and excludes important dimensions of development.
iii. Lack of attention to important norms and principles, in particular falling short of human rights standards.
iv. Lack of attention to equality.
v. Unbalanced international political economy.
vi. Distortion of national priorities (2012: 11-12). i. Poorly designed development goals
Some indicators are ambivalently or vaguely constituted, which makes measurement and comparison difficult, or they overlap and are redundant. Definitions are ambiguous and therefore pose difficulties in assessing outcomes.
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MDG 2 (universal primary education – UPE) and MDG 3 (gender parity) overlap. If UPE is achieved, then by definition all girls and boys attend school, so a separate measurement of gender parity in enrolment is arguably redundant (Vandemoortele, 2012). However, as Melamed notes,
the experience with the current education target, which is set at 100 per cent attendance, illustrates that this is not quite sufficient – there are still huge equity issues relating to attendance and to quality in the education sector, even after 12 years of a 100 per cent target (2012: 10).
With regard to EFA, Goal 6 is: ‘Improving all aspects of the quality of education and ensuring excellence of all so that recognised and measurable learning outcomes are achieved by all, especially in literacy, numeracy and essential life skills.’ How quality is defined – and measured – is a highly-contested area, and it is not clear how everyone can be excellent, unless one refines ‘excellence’ to mean ‘achievement of one’s potential’. As Burnett and Felsman note,
That four of the six current EFA goals have had little impact has been due significantly to the very general way in which they are defined, permitting countries to interpret them as they will, including in some instances doing nothing about them (e.g. early childhood in many countries, adult literacy in most) (2012: 23).
As well as reflecting the compromises necessary to achieve the consensus required to adopt the goals globally, problems also arise from having two sets of goals: MDGs and EFA. As UNESCO notes, ‘due to flawed design these education goals are technically overlapping and limited in scope’ (UNESCO, 2012a: 4). For example, both MDG 3 and EFA 5 deal with eliminating gender parity. MDG 3 is stated as ‘Eliminate gender disparity in primary and secondary education, preferably by 2005, and in all levels of education no later than 2015.’ EFA 5 is stated as ‘Eliminating gender disparities in primary and secondary education by 2005, and achieving gender equality in education by 2015, with a focus on ensuring girls’ full and equal access to and achievement in basic education of good quality.’ The MDG speaks of gender parity, whereas the EFA speaks of gender parity and equality. UNESCO explains EFA 5 thus: ‘This goal calls for an equal number of girls and boys to be enrolled in primary and secondary school by 2005 (UNESCO, ND). However, the goal is actually more complex, with enrolment being only one factor. The definition of ‘equality’ is not clear, but it might include the opportunities available to each gender in school, gender-based violence and differential learning outcomes. These might entail more qualitative evaluation. There is scope for this in the formulation of EFA 5, but not MDG 3.
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Having two sets of targets also makes it harder for education sector plans to align their results frameworks with global goals; increases monitoring and reporting requirements; and allows for greater scope of interpretation of goals, meaning that the lowest common denominator is used. More than one indicator to measure similar outcomes, together with the lack of definition of indicators, creates competing targets, and confusion on the achievement of the established goals.
It is important for clarity and focus that the number of goals be kept to the minimum. Consequently the two frameworks should be aligned so that they effectively constitute a single framework for education structured with two levels of goals. The first level would comprise a small number of principal goals – goals which capture a major dimension, as in the current MDGs. Each principal goal would contain a small number of subordinate goals. These second level goals would be more technical, like the current EFA goals. ii. Composition is too narrow and excludes important dimensions of development
The IAGs for education have encouraged development financing to coalesce around a limited number of results in a few development areas. Given the length of time since the goals were agreed, the allocation mechanisms for funds are well established in channels which contribute to these results. Melamed notes that ‘the existing MDGs produced something of a perverse incentive to elevate quantity over quality in the provision of education’, but that ‘It is well known that attendance at school does not necessarily reflect adequate learning’ (2012: 9). iii. Lack of attention to important norms and principles
Fukudu-Parr (2012) states that the human rights aspects of the goals were problematic as key development principles such as participation and accountability were not clearly structured or delineated, although it could be argued that the education goals were framed in a rights-based approach. Yamin notes that,
We need systems of global responsibility and global redistribution if we are to have an international order in which the rights and freedoms set forth in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights can be fully realized (2012: para 6).
Another criticism was that gender equality and women’s empowerment were weaker goals than originally envisaged (Hulme, 2007). Given the emphasis on shared values in the Commonwealth,
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the Commonwealth could contribute to the re-framing of the goals along more inclusive and democratic lines. iv. Lack of attention to equality
The IAGs aim for equity but do not specify how inequalities can be addressed through the goals. The framework and goals are neutral on the question of inequity and disempowerment. Inequality leads to economic inefficiency, political conflict, and institutional frailty, and, although the relationship is complex, explicitly targeting the disadvantaged can contribute to development outcomes and economic growth (World Bank, 2005; McKinley, 2009). It has therefore been argued that explicit targeting of the disadvantaged should be included in the framing of future goals (Fukudu-Parr, 2012). v. Unbalanced international political economy
Goal 8 of the MDGs (the global compact) in particular does not address the geo-political and economic imbalances which condition development. The goal is vague, making measurement difficult. Hulme and Scott, as well as seeing the development of the MDGs as being led by rich country interests, argue that ‘the overriding determinant of state action continues to be self- interest, and at present states do not see the MDGs or global poverty reduction as being particularly important to that state-interest (2010: 11). Among other issues, they state that ‘any future goals should ensure that national goals are set at the national level, ideally as part of a democratic process, and are not set globally’ as ‘the link between global goals and national development strategies has been problematic’ (2010: 12). If this view is accepted, it then follows that, at least, national control of some aspects of goal determination would be necessary, along with integration into national plans and policies. Finally, as McKinley notes,
Fostering greater equity (such as in educational attainments) might well enhance longterm growth. But how likely is such an impact in a capitalist economy based on an unequal distribution of wealth and power? (2009: 4). vi. Distortion of national priorities
International pressure to conform to the IAG agenda is strong in fragile states and those that are aid dependent, especially when the IAG targets are used as the basis for aid allocations. UNESCO (2012) advocates for national ownership and priority setting in different national circumstances and through different means of implementation, arguing for the need to resist a ‘one-size-fits- all’ approach, instead balancing global agenda setting with national target setting. The pressure Page | 15
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to meet the goals meant that resources for other national priorities might be reduced. Having the same target and deadline for all countries regardless of disparate baselines means that some countries will be determined to have failed if they do not meet the targets in 2015, even though they may have made great progress.
Other weaknesses
There has been criticism that the original IAGs were too comprehensive and reflected more of a wish list without a clear conception of how they would be implemented, financed or how they fitted into other aspects of the global development architecture. In addition, there has been feedback relating to areas such as the lack of participation and engagement from countries, especially developing countries; the lack of an exit strategy and assumed success; and that the goals did not address how the division of roles and responsibilities for implementation would work effectively (Lewin, 2012; UN System Task Team on the Post-2015 UN Development Agenda, 2012b). The UN System Task Team on the Post-2015 UN Development Agenda states that this means
The multilateral trade, finance and environmental architectures will need to be reassessed to ensure greater coherence such that they can more effectively enable implementation of the post-2015 agenda. Democratic deficits in some of the institutions of global governance will need to be addressed to ensure legitimacy in their decision-making. Greater coherence will also need to be sought between global and regional mechanisms of global governance (2012a: 30-31).
The lack of an exit strategy is important as many institutions have been set up to implement the current IAGs. The transition to a new framework needs to take this into consideration and should not be so abrupt or so dramatic as to undermine these structures. Existing institutions and modalities should be allowed to evolve with the changing goals, as drastic change is not possible or desirable
One of the notable weaknesses is related to the development of the previous goals which was felt, especially by developing countries, to be non-participatory (Vandemoortele, 2012). The new process therefore needs greater involvement and engagement with and of national governments, regional organisations and multi-lateral agencies in designing the post-2015 development framework for education at all levels. In addition, the goals should be globally relevant and applicable to all countries regardless of socio-economic development.
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While the MDGs contained a sub-goal focussed on small states (Goal 8c: ‘Address the special needs of landlocked developing countries and small island developing States’), it has not been clear that sufficient attention has been paid in the implementation of the IAGs to the tension between global models and the particular circumstances of small states. The focus on small states should be retained and re-emphasised in the new development framework, which should be sufficiently flexible to accommodate diverse national characteristics.
5. The options The public discourse is that it is important that the post-2015 framework consider a range of options as one option is neither plausible nor desirable given the differential progress achieved to date and the importance of achieving those goals that are not yet attained. The scope and shaping of the post-2015 development agenda are crucial elements in the effective design and implementation of a framework that would address all education issues within the development framework and the need for a balance across the development landscape and their potential implications.
The UN Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA, 2012), for example, suggested the emergence of three main options for the post-2015 framework: i. Retaining the current MDGs and extending the timeline; ii. Restructuring the MDGs, to eliminate overlaps and include issues originally omitted (‘MDG- plus’); iii. Replacing the MDGs completely with an alternative framework which would focus on:
transforming the structure of the economies of developing countries; developing internal economic institutions to facilitate and sustain structural transformation; strengthening the capacities of developing countries for greater reliance on domestic resources and revenue; and spawning formal and entrepreneurial skills (UNECA, 2012: 131).
Lewin (2012) suggests three additional possibilities for the IAGs: iv. IAGs ‘lite’: a two-tier framework, with high level goals linked to regions/groups and context, and lower level goals linked and defined at national or regional level. v. IAGs ‘heavy’: a standardised framework with detailed global specifications linked to performance and funding. Page | 17
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vi. IAGs ‘Rest In Peace’: termination of a global framework; IAGs would cease, replaced by separate national, bilateral and multilateral projects.
The following are the principal options being considered for the post-2015 structure
i. Retaining the current IAGs
ii. Restructuring the IAGs
iii. Replacing the IAGs
iv. A two-tier framework of global level and linked national goals
v. Standardised, detailed global specifications linked to performance and funding
vi. Termination of the IAGs
i. Retaining the existing goals would mean that the existing planning, implementation and monitoring structures could be retained, political momentum sustained, and countries which commenced in 2000 from a low starting point would have time to achieve the goals. This option would pose some major challenges as it would not be responsive to the changed global political and economic environment, and would shift the discourse from a global agenda to only those countries who will not have met the goals by 2015. ii. Restructuring the goals would allow them to respond to the changed context, and for the re- prioritisation of areas of action. This would allow for inclusion and provide structure and process for current priorities such as inclusive economic growth, skills for employment, climate change, quality and equity. This would also allow for the structure to be designed to address the identified weaknesses and strengths. iii. Replacing the goals would require constructing a new approach to development which is not based on aid but on a more comprehensive and cohesive international agenda. The aim of structural transformation would focus on development ‘enablers’ rather than development ‘objectives’ (UNECA, 2012). While aiming to transcend geostrategic blockages to development, this approach risks losing what remains of the international consensus around the elimination of poverty, although by re-designing the system in the light of the learning from the IAGs, it has the potential to be more focussed and effective.
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iv. Two-tier goals would make the framework less simple, and lose the sense in the MDGs that all areas of poverty reduction intervention have of equal weight. This structure would provide a way of combining competing frameworks (such as education MDGs and EFA), thus increasing focus, efficiency and impact, and allow more realistic national or regional level goals responsive to different initial conditions, national priorities, and available resources to be set under the umbrella of a global framework. Some differentiation based on contextual realities is necessary to successful attainment. Differentiation might take the form of different attainment levels, or of different timescales for achieving targets. Differentiated goals make specific targets more possible, measurable and more accountable. Country-specific targets would allow greater specificity in indicators, and allow for secure national ownership within a global framework. v. A unified global framework would increase standardisation, clarity, efficiency in disbursement, and convergence in expectations, but could also result in a lack of situation specific relevance, limited resilience and divergence in aspirations (Lewin, 2012). Notwithstanding this, the new framework needs to be globally relevant. The MDGs and EFA were generally interpreted as applying to low or middle-income countries. However, all education systems need to be responsive to demands for greater equity and improved quality, and no country has truly 100% participation in the education system, nor 100% adult literacy. The new development framework should be constructed such that goals and targets apply to all countries or can be adapted to all countries, taking their starting points into consideration. vi. Terminating the IAGs would allow countries to follow their own policy priorities. However, without a global framework, international comparability in development performance could be compromised, and there might be reduced harmonisation and co-ordination among donors; a loss of international consensus and a time-bound imperative, and the attendant political will to achieve development; a reduced ability to mobilise financing, and increased transaction costs.
The proposed option includes the positive aspects of options i-iv that should be considered and incorporated into the new framework.
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Important goals have not been achieved and these should be retained.
Goals can be refined, only if necessary.
New goals should be introduced only if necessary.
A two-tier framework would provide a structure to manage global and regional/national goals, and align different frameworks in one streamlined structure.
There should be a limited number of goals and they should focus on outputs. Outputs should be measurable within existing reporting structures. Where this is not possible, new assessment structures should be simple and not create onerous monitoring and reporting requirements.
The two frameworks of EFA and the education MDGs should be aligned into one, post-MDG framework for education.
The new framework for education should be designed around two levels of goals.
The first level would comprise a small number of principal goals – the post-MDGs.
The second level would contain a number of subordinate goals – the post-EFA goals.
Each goal should include targets for Access, Equity and Quality.
6. The case for education in the new IAGs The case for education rests on three points. First, education was considered sufficiently important in 1990 to be featured in two of the eight MDGs and a separate global framework – the EFA goals. Achievement of these goals is not yet complete. Were the narrative arc of the 1990 education trajectory to be prematurely curtailed, it could be interpreted as an acceptance that the steady progress of humanity towards a better future is not guaranteed, and that large numbers of people will have to accept that for them and their children life will not be better.
Second, given the different context of development in 2012 compared to 2000, the case for education needs to be re-affirmed. The momentum from its historic importance cannot be assumed, and so the contribution education now makes towards development goals needs to be re-examined and re-articulated. In some instances, the case for education has moved from education for its own sake as an unambiguous public good, to education as a catalyst and value
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multiplier of other interventions. This does not diminish the intrinsic value of education, but recognises that the changed context requires that this value needs to be understood more contextually, and interpreted explicitly in the light of its relationship with other sectors.
Third, education is important not only as a means but as an end. While education is instrumental in achieving democracy, economic growth and the fulfilment of human rights – it is also of value for its own sake, and the elevation of the human potential.
6.1 The unfinished business of education Since the development, of the IAGs the global environment has changed. The impact of factors such as the economic crisis and the re-emergence of environment issues onto the global agenda has resulted in education slipping down the priority list, and being in danger of slipping off the global development agenda.
The Secretary-General of the United Nations has noted that he is ‘deeply concerned that education is slipping down the international priority list’ (UN, 2012b: 3). The 18CCEM Mauritius Communiqué stressed the importance of education as the driver of economic growth and development of human capital and further noted the primacy of education in a knowledge- driven world. However,
Ministers noted that unless robust advocacy for the pivotal role of education post- 2015 – in the economy, for society, for democracy and for development – is made, there was a risk that it might lose its place in the global priorities (Commonwealth Secretariat, 2012a: 2).
Burnett gives four reasons for this decrease in importance:
1. Education (and human development more generally) has slipped on the global agenda as investing in people is no longer considered as overriding as it was.
2. There is no strong global education movement and no strong UN agency for education.
3. There is a dangerous perception outside the education community that the education goals are the closest to success of all the MDGs.
4. There is much less chance of linking education with international resource flows today than there was in 2000, except to low-income countries (2012: 25-26).
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6.1.1 Progress against the MDGs for education in Commonwealth countries The education access and gender parity MDGs are among those goals considered to be the ones most likely to be achieved, at least by some countries. However, analysis of these claims shows that they are somewhat misleading. For example, with regard to MDG 2 (UPE), the 2012 Millennium Development Goals Report notes ‘Many countries facing the greatest challenges have made significant progress towards universal primary education’ (UN, 2012c: 4). While good progress towards achieving UPE in most Commonwealth countries has been made, some 23.3 million primary age children remain out of school in the Commonwealth. By 2015 only 13 Commonwealth countries are likely to be near UPE (set at 97% NER) (Menefee and Bray, 2012). Menefee and Bray note, ‘there appears to be a stalling of progress in most regions and rapid progress in others’ (2012: 35) and ‘while many Commonwealth countries are doing better, some are getting worse’ (2012: 34).
Reaching the hardest-to-reach children requires new strategies and new commitments, especially a focus on preventing drop-out, reducing repetition, focussing on universal completion, reducing the number of over-age children entering the system, and reaching the most marginalised. This implies a multi-sectoral approach:
The most disadvantaged out-of-school children need additional targeted measures and investments, some of which are beyond the field of education and many of which are costly and difficult to manage (UNICEF and UIS, 2012: 2).
MDG3 – Gender parity: The Millennium Development Goals Report 2012 states that ‘The world has achieved parity in primary education between girls and boys’ (UN, 2012c: 4). These headlines conceal a more complex reality. One of the challenges is the general interpretation that gender parity is intended for primary school age children. This gives the public the impression that the majority of work in education has been completed. The MDG for gender parity in education applies to all levels, not just primary. Parity in secondary and tertiary levels has not been achieved and in many countries there has been minimal progress.
Menefee and Bray note, with regard to secondary enrolment in the Commonwealth, ‘Gender inequity is a much more serious issue in secondary enrolment than in primary enrolment and is increasing in both scope and scale’ (2012: 45). They go on to note that
Gender inequity in secondary enrolment persists, and is magnified with growth… At least at the margins, in every regional grouping gender inequity in secondary
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enrolment is forecast to get worse if trends continue (2012: 50).
Further, in some countries, girls outnumber boys in the classroom; in others, boys outnumber girls. UNESCO notes:
At tertiary level, regional disparities are even greater than at secondary level, with as few as six girls for every ten boys in sub-Saharan Africa, while around eight boys for every ten girls are studying at this level in North America and Western Europe (2012b: 107).
Therefore the aggregated figure – effectively an average – is misleading, and disguises the non- achievement of the goal. In reality, much work remains to be done with regard to enrolment and gender parity, especially in the Commonwealth.
6.1.2 Progress against the EFA Goals in Commonwealth countries Menefee and Bray (2012) provide a summary of progress against the EFA goals within the Commonwealth. Their findings and analysis are summarised as follows:
EFA Goal 1 – Pre-primary gross enrolment rate: Regionally, there have been strong gains in Asia and the Caribbean; slow and uneven gains in Africa; and loss of momentum in the Advanced Economies and Pacific regions. However, there is not enough data for regional comparisons of net enrolment. Africa has the lowest median pre-primary gross enrolment rate at 29.9 per cent. The Advanced Economies have the highest at 81.0, followed by the Caribbean at 80.9. Asia’s rate is 53.8; the Pacific’s is 59.8. Intraregional variation is very high: in Africa, the rate ranges from 2.4 to 96.7; in Asia it ranges from 13.5 to 113.9. The lowest variation is within the Advanced Economies, but that still varies between 71.1 and 111.2 per cent.
EFA Goal 2 – Primary Education: There has been a rapid rise in Net Enrolment Rate in Africa; gains in Pacific and Advanced Economies, but a downward movement in Asia and the Caribbean. Most out-of-school children are in Africa and Asia; although Africa’s enrolment rates have risen dramatically, the number of out-of-school children might also have been increasing because of population growth. Regional median gross enrolment rates are: 102.8 in Advanced Economies; 113.6 in Africa; 103.4 in Asia; 104.2 in the Caribbean; and 108.3 in the Pacific. Within regions there is a wide variation, especially in Africa (where countries range from 82.6 to 142.6) and the Pacific (60.1 to 117.2).
EFA Goal 3 – Life Skills: The goal is imprecise, which makes measurement difficult. This has been recognised by UNESCO, which has been working on developing indicators, but it notes that
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‘recent developments will not produce sufficient data in time to measure goal 3 adequately before the deadline has passed’ (UNESCO, 2012c: 4). It is worth noting, however, that 461 million of the 775 million illiterate adults in the world are in the Commonwealth.
EFA Goal 4 – Median Distance to EFA Literacy Goal: Africa and the Caribbean are set to exceed their goals; Advanced Economies and Asia are within 1.5 points of their goals; but according to the data available, illiteracy is growing in the Pacific. In terms of population, 99% of illiteracy in the Commonwealth is in Asia and Africa; with four out of five illiterates being in Bangladesh, India, Nigeria or Pakistan.
EFA Goal 5 – Gender Equity: Gender imbalances in enrolment are found to be more serious in secondary than primary schooling. In some countries and regions, boys rather than girls are disadvantaged (see 6.1.1 above). Regional medians of gender parity index at primary level (GER) within the Commonwealth range from 0.96 in the Pacific to 1.00 in the Advanced Economies. There are significant intra-regional variations: for example, countries in the Pacific region range from 0.89 to 1.06; in Africa they range from 0.86 to 1.04.
EFA Goal 6 – Quality: This goal has also been found to be difficult to measure, with proxy indicators used including expenditures, teacher-student ratios, percentage of trained teachers, and standardised test scores such as PISA (Programme for International Student Assessment) and SACMEQ (The Southern and Eastern Africa Consortium for Monitoring Educational Quality).