Feed the Future – Livelihoods for Resilience Activity Rapid Cash, Markets, and Gender Analysis

Hawzen, , and Gulomekeda woredas of Eastern Tigray

Assessment dates: March 8-13, 2021 Report date: March 31, 2021

Executive summary of key findings

The conflict in Tigray has decimated the livelihoods of the Productive Safety Net Program (PSNP) households who participate in the Feed the Future – Livelihoods for Resilience Activity, and has had a deep impact on the lives of women, men, girls and boys. In the three woredas of Eastern Tigray targeted by this assessment (, Ganta Afeshum, and Gulomekeda), the ongoing conflict has led to significant restrictions on mobility (due to road closures as well as fear of attack); loss of assets; disruption of market supply chains, labor opportunities, and financial services; and the near-complete absence of any social or health services.

These impacts are compounded by the psychological trauma and fear faced by household members on a daily basis. Families face temporary or permanent displacement, rape and other forms of physical and sexual abuse, looting and theft, killing, and other human rights violations perpetrated by “We move with our lives in our hands. A person’s life soldiers. The situation is particularly dire in is like a plastic bag worth 10 cents, like something you Gulomekeda Woreda. Criminality and banditry don’t try to catch when the wind is taking it.” are also a problem, as local youth have also - Gulomekeda focus group participant been accused of looting and theft.

The arrival of food aid in recent weeks has helped to temporarily stabilize food prices in , but food prices remain high as both traders and customers suffer from cash shortages. In Adigrat, wheat prices had risen from ETB 1,800 to ETB 3,000 per quintal (100kg) but had fallen slightly to ETB 2,200 by the time of this assessment. In Hawzen, oil prices remain high, at 580 ETB per 5 liters, compared to 330 ETB before the conflict. Many households continue to struggle to purchase food, and food aid is still not reaching many rural communities. The Commercial Bank of Ethiopia (CBE) branch in Adigrat is the only open bank in the targeted woredas, albeit with lengthy queues; a branch in nearby Edega Hamus is also open. Large markets in Hawzen, Adigrat (Ganta Afeshum), and Fatsi and Zalambessa (Gulomekeda) are functioning, albeit at a lower scale, as traders are threatened by checkpoints (where they risk having to pay bribes), supply restrictions, and insecurity, compounded by a lack of working capital. On the demand side, many rural households are unable to travel to these markets due to security concerns, and those that do have limited purchasing capacity. Many households are surviving on financial assistance from relatives, or from small-scale petty trading activities.

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Households have lost both productive and other assets, and there is concern about a prolonged period of food insecurity and malnutrition if they are not able to restart their farming activities—and particularly cereal production—in time for the upcoming meher season. The availability of wheat seed has been compromised by looting of Welwalo Union (a major wheat seed supplier in the region) and the eruption of war just as households were preparing to harvest their crops for the last meher season. Moreover, the supply of fertilizer is uncertain due to unions’ and cooperatives’ severely limited capacity, and many households have lost their ploughing oxen. Yet farmers are determined to plant their wheat for the meher season.

Households urgently need food and nutrition support. They are keen to resume their previous livelihoods activities, but they need support to acquire inputs, and most of all, they need stability and safety. Focus group participants list their immediate needs as food and nutrition support, non-food items (mattresses, blankets, kitchen utensils, jerrycans), health services, agricultural inputs, and peace. In addition to wheat, PSNP households in Eastern Tigray rely heavily on livestock production/fattening, as well as on daily labor and petty trade. The continued instability and fear of displacement and looting mean that many households are not yet ready to begin reinvesting in other livelihoods such as livestock fattening or poultry. However, when the security situation improves, livelihood recovery investments— and particularly livestock and poultry—will become an immediate priority.

Cash-based programming will be a challenge, but, with a longer-term and more flexible approach, it may be the most efficient way to meet households’ diverse needs. Security concerns and extremely limited financial service availability make cash distribution a daunting proposition in the immediate future. Yet households have a variety of needs that would be difficult to meet entirely through in-kind programming, and cash-based livelihood recovery interventions offer an opportunity for households to make diverse investments in livelihoods inputs and other needs. Flexible cash delivery approaches—for example transferring money in a client’s name for them to withdraw when they feel secure and/or have immediate purchases to make—may offer the best solution and should be explored.

Last but not least, psychosocial support is a critical and urgent need for project households. Project clients need access to gender-based violence services, which requires a restarting of health services in the woredas and is beyond the capacity of the project. However, basic psychosocial support may be possible through the project’s VESA network, and should be planned for after project staff have received paracounseling training.

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BACKGROUND

CARE has been implementing livelihoods and resilience building activities in Tigray for many years through its local implementing partner the Relief Society of Tigray (REST). Over the past four years, CARE and REST, together with technical partner the Netherlands Development Organization (SNV), have implemented the Feed the Future – Livelihoods for Resilience Activity in eight woredas1 of Eastern and Southern Tigray. The Livelihoods for Resilience Activity targets 35,700 households that participate in the Government of Ethiopia’s Productive Safety Net Program (PSNP), with the objective of enabling these households to graduate from the PSNP. In December 2020, the Livelihoods for Resilience Activity began its fifth year of implementation.

The conflict that started on Figure 1. Map of Livelihoods for Resilience woredas in Tigray (using November 4, 2020 displaced former woreda names prior to splitting) households and affected household safety and security, mobility, food security, markets, access to finance, and many other facets of people’s lives, and led to a pause in Livelihoods for Resilience field activities in all target woredas of Tigray. As telephone lines reopened in late 2020 and early 2021, project staff on the ground began to share information about the impact of the conflict on households and their livelihoods. It became clear that the planned activities for Year 5 would need to be superseded by recovery interventions. To better understand the situation on the ground and the potential for recovery activities, and particularly cash transfers, CARE, together with REST and SNV, conducted this rapid assessment of cash and market feasibility and gender analysis in March 2021.

Objectives

The objectives of this assessment were twofold:

• To understand the feasibility of cash-based interventions to support livelihoods and economic recovery under the Livelihoods for Resilience Activity, including assessing the functionality of

1 At the start of the project in 2016, the area covered was represented by eight woredas, which then split and became 14: Gulomekeda, Ganta Afeshum (now Ganta Afeshum and Bizet), Hawzen, Hintalo Wajirat (now Hintalo and Wajirat), Emba Alaje (now Emba Alaje, Bora, and Silewa), Endamehoni (now Endamehoni and Neksege), Ofla (now Ofla and Zata), and Raya Alamata. As many maps, field office staff, and REST’s field office structure continue to use the old woreda names, for the purpose of simplicity this report uses the old names as well.

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primary and secondary markets accessed by the conflict affected population and the functionality of financial service providers • To assess the impact of the conflict on women, girls, and female youth, in order to better guide project interventions

Methodology and limitations of the assessment

Methodology CARE Ethiopia, together with its implementing partners REST and SNV, conducted a rapid assessment of cash, markets, and gender in Eastern Tigray from 8-13 March 2021. The team2, composed of staff from the Livelihoods for Resilience Activity and CARE’s Emergency Unit, collected field data from three Livelihoods for Resilience implementation woredas: Hawzen, Ganta Afeshum, and Gulomekeda woredas. The team employed the following methodologies:

• Focus group discussions with project participants: o All-female focus groups for rapid gender analysis discussions (one per woreda) o Mixed-gender focus groups for markets and livelihoods discussions (one per woreda) • Key informant interviews (KIIs) with project staff and government officers • Market observation in Adigrat and Hawzen • Market price surveys in Adigrat and Hawzen • Trader surveys in Adigrat and Hawzen • Informal conversations with: o Conflicted-affected community members from different kebeles in Hawzen, Ganta Afeshum, and Gulomekeda o Agro-dealers in Hawzen and Ganta Afeshum o Financial service provider in Adigrat

Study limitations and uncertainties The security situation and movement restrictions continue to make it difficult to reach many project areas. In particular, the team was unable to travel to Southern Tigray woredas as planned as a result of troop movements and road closures during the week of the assessment. In addition, the team was unable to travel to the rural kebeles of the targeted woredas. Participants were afraid to be seen talking with the assessment team, so focus groups were small and discussions took place inside offices in order to offer the participants privacy in sharing their stories.

The situation in the region remains very fluid. At the time of the assessment, the three woredas visited were under the control of three different forces (Eritrean forces in Gulomekeda, Ethiopian Defense Forces in Ganta Afeshum, and Tigray Forces in Hawzen). At the time of writing (two weeks after the completion

2 The following staff members participated in the assessment: • Livelihoods for Resilience: Chief of Party, Gender and Social Transformation Advisor, Climate and Economic Resilience Advisor, Tigray Project Manager, Agribusiness and Market Advisors, Senior Livelihoods Officers, Value Chain Officer, Woreda Team Leaders, Life Skills Trainers, and Gender Officer • CARE Emergency Unit: Emergency Manager and Emergency Gender Advisor • CARE Country Director

4 of the assessment), the presence of Eritrean troops in the “border areas” had been officially acknowledged. The shifting situation may lead to different realities on the ground in the coming weeks and months.

Key findings – cash and markets

Livelihoods

On- and off-farm livelihood assets and opportunities were all deeply impacted by the conflict. Focus group participants reported that their productive livelihood assets had been destroyed, looted, slaughtered, burned, and/or stolen. The value chain activities supported by the Livelihoods for Resilience Activity (poultry, sheep and goat fattening, cattle fattening, honey, wheat, and onion) and off-farm livelihoods have largely been put on hold as insecurity and instability have taken hold.

Grain reserves are low and crop production for the upcoming season is threatened by the lack of inputs and impact to seed and fertilizer distribution networks. Many PSNP households in Eastern Tigray rely on wheat, as well as barley, sorghum and maize, as food security crops (wheat also serves as a cash crop).3 In 2020, some households lost crops to the desert locust infestation that swept through the region; many others lost their crops in November 2020 when they fled to the mountains in search of safety, and their crops were burned or looted when left “We have nothing to eat.” unattended. Focus group participants in Ganta - Ganta Afeshum focus group participant Afeshum reported that households that had remaining grain had eaten it as kolo.

Agricultural inputs for the coming Meher cropping season (which starts in June)—in particular, improved wheat seed and fertilizer, which is necessary to grow wheat in the sandy, infertile soils of the area—are not available in the local market, nor are they being supplied by local administrations. At the time of the assessment, key informants reported that all cooperatives were closed and that the improved seed, fertilizer and other agricultural inputs supply chain were not functional. Key informants were concerned that unions and cooperatives would be unable to play their key role in distributing inputs this year.

Livestock resources, critical to the livelihoods of many households in the area, have been decimated. For many PSNP households in Eastern Tigray, income from livestock is more important than income from crops.4 Households’ livestock assets—sheep, goats, oxen, beehives and colonies, chickens—were also lost as a result of the conflict. Livestock were stolen or slaughtered, or in some cases died due to lack of feed, water, and veterinary care.

Off-farm income generating opportunities such as wage labor employment and petty trading have also been severely affected by the conflict, as mobility has been severely restricted due to security concerns, and employers and potential customers have all been impacted by the conflict.

3 Food Economy Group, 2007. Tigray Livelihood Zone Report. Eastern Plateau. 4 Food Economy Group, 2016. Atlas of Ethiopian Livelihoods, Livestock and Livelihoods (43).

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Households have stopped saving, but have outstanding loans. Focus group participants reported that they had stopped savings in their village economic and social associations (VESAs), and many also reported that they had lost or finished all of their savings. Some households and VESAs had failed to convert their old birr notes into new birr notes before the conflict, and are now left with old birr notes and no way to change them. Other VESAs had their cash boxes looted and/or their toolkits damaged as a result of the conflict. Many households have outstanding loans from Dedebit Credit and Savings Institution (DECSI), facilitated as a result of project support. A female focus group participant from Ganta Afeshum reported that she had lost the 30,000 birr she took from DECSI MFI.

In the areas of Ganta Afeshum, Gulomekeda and Hawzen where the focus group participants live, it remains difficult for women to engage in livelihood activities, but they are doing what they can. The security situation is still uncertain, and even when there are bouts of stability and a break from conflict, community members are not sure they will have the same peace they have today, tomorrow: “every day is a new day with its new problems.” Moreover, they explained, even when the situation is relatively peaceful, people may take goods or use services and say, “I cannot pay” or “I will not pay because I don’t have money to give you.” Women reported that they are also afraid of gender-based violence while they are out earning an income. One of the project staff suggested that, from the way one of the respondents described her business, it is possible that she is engaged in sex for survival.

The women who participated in the focus groups reported that they engaged in small businesses such as petty trade; selling tea, coffee, water, or maize; and making and selling sefed (traditional woven trays), beso (processed barley drink), tella (traditional alcohol drink), etc. to soldiers and internally displaced persons (IDPs). “I started a petty trading business by borrowing 2,000 birr from a relative, after losing my poultry business of They started these businesses with money 200 chickens and all my savings. Now I make sure that I they borrowed from relatives and family have everything I sell on a plastic mat so that I can run that live in relatively better areas. Women with it whenever I see soldiers coming.” report that these small businesses are only - Ganta Afeshum focus group participant (F youth) for their families’ daily food instead of making profit.

Significant livelihood investments will be possible only when peace and stability return. Focus group participants stated that they were eager to restart their previous value chain activities such as poultry, shoat fattening/rearing, petty trading, and other activities if the security situation allowed, though they would need inputs and assets to re-engage in these activities. However, all participants agreed that there needs to be stable peace before they start a successful business. They explained that today they cannot carry money or even grains from one place to another as soldiers may take it from them and they “may even face danger because of it.”

Market access and availability

Hawzen, Adigrat, Fatsi, Bizet, Sebeya, and Zalambessa are the principal marketplaces in Eastern Tigray. Hawzen market is historically one of the biggest regional markets, serving about 75,000 people on a weekly basis, while others (Edaga Selus, Megab, Digum, Edaga Arbi (Degamba), Koraro, and Gera Arase) are secondary markets serving weekly about 25,000 people connected to all weather roads. The supply

6 of most commodities sold comes primarily from central Ethiopia through wholesalers and traders, and the local market. Hawzen market operations have been severely restricted as a result of the conflict; key informants reported that Hawzen market is currently served by approximately 10 wholesalers, and 50 large, 80 medium, and 120 small traders.

Market supply chains in the area have been severely disrupted: supply of goods and services is limited, commodity prices are high, and transport is expensive. Both food and non-food items are available (in limited supply) in the local market, but prices are high as the number of local market actors (traders, grain retailers, etc.) operating is far smaller than before the conflict. With the closure of banks and micro- finance institutions (MFIs), traders have limited financial capacity to replenish good and commodities. In Adigrat, focus group participants reported that grain supply in local markets came from looted stores.

Market dynamics have changed as a result of the conflict and its subsequent effects such as fear, theft, bribes, and shortage of supply. Generally, government tax regulations, security, demand versus supply, fluctuations in upstream commodity prices, source market and supply availability, transportation cost, weather shocks, and export pressure are the main factors mentioned by the traders as determining the ever-evolving market price of goods and services. The price of goods fluctuates significantly over the course of the year, with March to October and December to February typically being the periods when livestock supply is low and prices are high, while food prices (e.g. for wheat and barley, vegetables, and oil) are low. The price of certain commodities fluctuates on a seasonal basis, especially food items during the lean season (June to September). Today, insecurity, fear, and supply/demand imbalances are paramount factors in market dynamics. Many traders from Hawzen and Gulomekeda woredas are still internally displaced to other areas due to insecurity. Market infrastructures are damaged, and shops have been looted and ransacked, or burned. Traders, like other community members, are afraid of financial losses due to looting or theft, as well as other risks such as hostage-taking, sexual and physical assault, and killings. This fear has ripple effects throughout primary and secondary markets, affecting the supply of goods.

Market observation in Hawzen and Adigrat revealed that the supply of goods (food and non-food items) is very limited. With the exception of Adigrat market, other markets are characterized by little diversity of mixed fresh vegetables and dry foods and services available. Traders reported that they don’t have any stock for food and non-food items, and supply from other areas is highly dependent on the security situation and cash availability. Many traders intentionally keep their stocks low to minimize risk.

The weekly local markets are operating, but accessing them poses security threats for both women and men, girls and boys. Focus group participants reported that security threats (theft, killings, and abductions) are the main barriers to access food and non-food items from the local market. As a result of the factors above (affecting both community members and the traders who supply the markets), project households have extremely limited access to market to meet household basic needs such as food and non-food items, health services, and clothing.

The absence of financial service providers has also contributed to limiting economic activity in the area. For the last five months, all financial service providers—the Commercial Bank of Ethiopia (with the exception of one branch in Adigrat and another in nearby Edega Hamus), Dashen Bank, Wegagen Bank, Anbessa Bank, Abyssinia Bank, DECSI MFI, and RUSACCOs) have been closed. For many, their branches have been damaged or ransacked.

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Traders have limited capacity to increase supply. Traders reported that if the demand for key commodities increased, they would be able to increase supply by an average of 83% to meet the needs; time taken for replenishment of stocks will take weeks (if demand increased by 50%) to a month (if demand increased by 100%). The three main factors that could make it difficult for traders to increase supplies for key commodities are: (1) shortage of cash/financial capital and services (as there are no credit schemes to enable traders to purchase or obtain additional supplies on credit), (2) security restrictions, and (3) transport.

Input supply

The assessment team observed that dry season farming (irrigation) and land preparation (ploughing) for the meher season had begun in the target woredas. Nevertheless, many households reported lacking ploughing oxen, improved seeds, and fertilizer for the upcoming season.

Agro-dealer operations have been affected by the Figure 2. Megab Town agro-dealer shop, March 10, conflict. The assessment team visited project- 2021 supported agro-dealers in Hawzen and Ganta Afeshum, and attempted to visit an agro-dealer in Gulomekeda. In Hawzen Woreda, one agro-dealer in Megab Town was still displaced, his shop closed and showing signs of looting, with an empty shop, a broken display case, and a broken lock on the door (see Figure 2 at right).

The Hawzen Town agro-dealer, Gebreyohannes, had just re-opened his shop that month, counting himself fortunate that although items had been damaged, nothing had been looted and he had been able to reopen his shop. Unfortunately, the Agricultural Transformation Agency (ATA) input service center he’d been about to open was looted, with an Isuzu truckload of inputs taken. He was observed selling veterinary drugs and compiling demand for vegetable seed (tomato, cabbage, lettuce, and carrots) and other inputs from customers. He explained that demand was lower than usual as many animals had been killed, but that demand for some inputs would increase this year as “government and cooperatives are not working.” He also reported that he was ready to provide inputs, and that he had savings and planned to travel to Mekelle to purchase inputs in time for the next market day.

In Adigrat, the agro-dealer Negasi had a small number of vegetable seeds (purchased at a recent business- to-business meeting organized by the project) and veterinary drugs.

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In Fatsi Town of Gulomekeda woreda, the agro-dealer shop had been closed for four months at the time of the assessment. Its owner, a high-performing agro-dealer named Tsige, managed to save her inputs (though not her shelves) and travelled to Adigrat for the sake of personal safety.

Figure 3. Pullet grower shed, Hawzen, March 10, Pullet supply may take months to return to normal. 2021 The pullet grower in Hawzen showed the assessment team his empty shed, explaining that he had fled to the mountains when the soldiers came and decided to use his land as a camp. He reported that his 3,500 pullets had died due to lack of water and feed, and that some of the 1,500 chickens that he had been fattening for the Ethiopian Christmas (Genna) market had been eaten by the soldiers. He stated that there was some demand for pullets, although the community was not settled, and that he hoped to restart his business with the 1,500 chicks he had prepaid from EthioChicken, if he could obtain these from Addis. The pullet grower stated that of the 18 pullet growers in the area, six had had pullets at the time of the conflict, and all six were in the same situation.

Cooperatives and unions—critical channels for the distribution of seeds and fertilizer—were reportedly “non-operational”, but the assessment team was unable to check their status.

Financial services and the potential for cash payments

The absence of financial service providers in the region affects markets and livelihoods, and poses a challenge to the implementation of cash transfers. Previously there were many government and private banks in the region, and a vast network of MFI branches (DECSI and Adeday) as well as rural savings and credit cooperatives (RUSACCOs). Today, with the exception of one CBE branch in Adigrat, there are no financial service providers in the targeted woredas, and no one knows how long it will take for these institutions to resume financial service provision. Bank branches have been looted and ransacked, and DECSI—previously the most accessible financial service provider to the majority of PSNP households in the area, and a project partner that had disbursed loans to 87% of the 35,700 project households in the region—has been blocked by the federal government. For most PSNP households, PSNP ID cards are used as the main means of identification to access financial services during normal times. Households that have lost their PSNP cards can submit a claim to the Kebele Food Security Task Force, and a support letter will be written to the Woreda Disaster Risk Management Office for reprinting of IDs. However, this could be difficult at a time when local structures are not in place.

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Customers typically make payments in cash for items purchased. Before the conflict, commercial banks and MFIs served as the financial service providers for sales transactions, but currently, none of these institutions (with the exception of CBE) provide their regular services such as savings, loans, and cash transfers. The business infrastructure is severely damaged: shops, warehouses, and stores have been ransacked and looted. The traders reported that they were willing to participate in cash and voucher programming for the conflict affected households, and planned to restore the damaged infrastructure.

CBE is the currently the only functional financial service provider in the zone, with branches in Adigrat and Edaga Hamus towns, and is most accessible for possible cash transfers to PSNP households. The bank has experience and adequate capacity (logistics and human resources) in cash transfer activity and to effect cash distribution. Households in distant kebeles may face security risks from soldiers or youth in accessing these CBE branches and returning home with goods or money, but this risk may be mitigated if households are given flexibility as to when they can withdraw funds. The main requirements for bank account opening would be a renewed ID card and photo; these would enable households to receive cash transfers through CBE. The CBE has an account-to-account cash transfer mechanism which can be accessed by any client without time limitation to withdraw cash. CBE will apply service charges for the cash transfer activity as per its internal policy. Potential risks to this activity include shortage of cash flow, closure of branches, and impaired services on the part of the financial service provider, and security concerns on the part of the recipients. Lengthy queues, currently requiring long hours and sometimes days, are a particular challenge for rural populations as well, and particularly women.

Gulomekeda and Hawzen woreda experts report experience with cash-based interventions and are generally positive about the idea. There is experience in implementing cash-based interventions in the woredas. Key informants reported that the PSNP 4 livelihood transfer had contributed to inflation in the local market as it was done during a period of short supply, and recommended providing transfers on different days so as to minimize the risk of inflation.

Access to services, humanitarian needs, and coping mechanisms

Households are employing a variety of coping mechanisms keep themselves and their families safe. These coping mechanisms include internal displacement to other areas (including hiding in the mountains and bushes), staying close to home for fear of killings, reduction of meal frequency and consumption of food reserves, remittances, and sharing of food reserves. Neighbors also stay in groups in houses that are further away from active war, hiding behind furniture or other household items that have not been looted. They report carrying people with disabilities on their backs when they escape to other houses or to a mountain with bushes. For food, women report that relatives in the cities and less affected areas support them with money, and those nearby with food items and clothing.

Women have developed a number of coping mechanisms of their own. Women in the relatively safer areas have started small businesses with the money they took from relatives or borrowed from others to feed themselves and the family, but even these activities are “We are not ready to mention what precarious. Participant women report that these small happened to us.” businesses are only helping them get a daily meal instead - Ganta Afeshum focus group of profit. A female youth from Ganta Afeshum woreda

10 explained how she manages her small business while constantly being ready to flee active fighting: “I started a petty trading business by borrowing 2,000 birr from a relative, after losing my poultry business of 200 chickens and all my savings. Now I make sure that I have everything I sell on a plastic mat so that I can run with it whenever I see soldiers coming.” Women also reported that they sent their children to a relatively safe area to protect them. They are trying to make some money to send to their children from selling tea, coffee, water, sefed, beso, and other products to soldiers and displaced populations. For safety, women do not inform people where they are spending the night. A woman who was selling tea, coffee and water in Gulomekeda woreda explained: “I tell everyone that I spend the night with family but in fact I am sleeping in my own broken house. I hide everything, including my clothes, during the day. I do not want people, especially the men, to know I will be there at night. Since I tell them I do not spend the night there, I have a reason to ask customers to leave, very politely, when it is time for me to close.”

Neighbors share what they can—but sometimes it is not much. As a result of looting and burning, very few families have a full set of household items. As a result, they are sharing whatever is left of their household items and resources, together with support they’ve received from family and relatives in relatively less affected areas and cities like Adigrat, Mekelle and Addis Ababa. The situation is worse for focus group participants from Gulomekeda woreda, as their houses are on the roadside and were heavily targeted by looting. Even at the time of this assessment, they reported that it was difficult to share whatever was left, as nothing was stable and the looting and escaping did not stop.

The humanitarian situation is most dire in Gulomekeda Woreda, which is occupied by Eritrean forces and where the local populations has no access to basic public services such as health, education, finance, administration, justice and security. During the team’s visit, they observed the distribution of Joint Emergency Operations Program (JEOP) food (wheat and oil) by REST in Fatsi Town—the first “We don’t know where to go, all places are like such disbursement since the outbreak of conflict in fire. It is better to die than live like this.” November 2020. To date, however, humanitarian - Gulomekeda focus group participant (F) assistance was still not reaching rural areas such as Kokebe Tsebah kebele.

Access to services is nearly non-existent. Participants reported that they have not had any access to PSNP support for the last eight months. Female focus group participants also reported that they had not received any other aid from any organization. In talking about services, they said there are no offices, banks, MFIs, health facilities or legal aid facilities that are providing services in their areas, as all these facilities were looted and the workers have not been around since the start of the war. The lack of access to service and resources is the same for all groups, but it is felt particularly acutely by those who are most at risk of gender-based violence, physical abuse, and other attacks.

Key findings – gender

Where relevant, findings from gender focus group discussions are incorporated in relevant sections above. Additional gender-specific findings from the study are summarized below, together with findings on nutrition and water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH).

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Gender roles and responsibilities

Prior to the conflict, there had been some shifts in gender role sharing amongst household members as a result of social norm discussions and women’s empowerment interventions, but common gender-based role divisions remained the norm in many project households. Today, because of the crisis and concerns about the safety of men, young men and young girls, nearly every household role is covered by women or very old men. For instance, focus group participants reported that it is older women and in some cases very old men who fetch water for the family, because it is not safe for young women, young men and men to be seen by soldiers and others. Young women fear rape and sexual assault, while young men fear being accused of being Tigray Special Forces.

Water, sanitation and hygiene

Water supply has resumed but is of poor quality, and fetching water is a daunting “I saw my daughter very troubled one day and tried to task for older family members. Most understand her problem and she told me she has nothing households obtain clean water from to use for her menstruation and I told her to tear a part of community boreholes, although some the bed sheet we have and use it.” project households in Gulomekeda (who - Gulomekeda focus group participant (F) live on the roadside) have family water pipes in their homes. Households did not have water or electricity for a lengthy period at the start of the war, but these services came back when the situation stabilized and the fighting became less severe. In Hawzen, focus group participants reported that water points needed rehabilitation. Focus group participants reported that the water they fetch is not enough for a family, so they save what they have and use it wisely. They also reported that the quality of the water they fetch is not good: “It has some smell, and the color also looks dirty.” They explained that there is no water committee anymore, and therefore there is no-one to clean the pipes. Participants also said they do not think that the water has “medicine” [possibly a reference to water treatment chemicals, most likely chlorine] in it like it used to. There is often a queue at the water point; as a result, it takes an hour to an hour and half to fetch water—a heavy burden for the older women and men to whom the task now falls.

In Freweyni Town (where one turns from the main Mekelle-Agrat road to Hawzen), community members were observed standing by the roadside with barrels, waiting for water delivery by the Red Cross.

Women and female youth can no longer afford sanitary pads for menstrual hygiene. Before the war, women and girls used disposable sanitary pads, but with the conflict, women report that they were unable to buy sanitary pads for a long time. They use pieces of whatever cloth they have left, as one woman from Gulomekeda explained: “I saw my daughter very troubled one day and tried to understand her problem, and she told me she has nothing to use for her menstruation. I told her to tear a part of the bed sheet we have and use it.” Participants said that both disposable and washable sanitary pads are now available in the market, but they are very expensive—and that even if the prices hadn’t increased, women and female youth do not have enough money to purchase sanitary pads at this time.

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Nutrition

Malnutrition was high before the conflict, and is likely getting higher. Women from all woredas reported that pregnant women and children used to take food supplements like PlumpyNut (a ready-to-use therapeutic food used for treatment of severe acute malnutrition) even before the war, because malnutrition was prevalent in their woredas. Now these households have lost their productive assets, vegetables in their home gardens, and savings, but they have not received any aid so far; also, there is no health or nutrition service. As a result, the malnutrition situation is worsening.

Participants reported that although they do not have much, children eat first from whatever they do have, and then pregnant and lactating women share whatever the family has with the rest of the members. Households are eating kita (pita), kolo, and injera made from the aid grain they buy, together with shiro on better days.

Community support for pregnant and lactating women is limited. Women reported that before the war, the community supported a woman who had given birth by bringing her different gifts. These gifts were supposed to help her take care of her newborn and herself until she was strong enough to work again. Today, since no-one has more than they could eat, no-one is supporting breastfeeding mothers or pregnant women anymore.

Non-food items

Participants reported that many houses had been broken into and looted, and in some cases burned, and that families and neighbors are sharing basic household items when they can. Households used to have beds, mattresses, blankets, bed sheets, pillows, Figure 4. The burned-out house of a Livelihoods jerrycans, plates, bowls, etc. Now, some families sleep on for Resilience project participant, Hawzen Woreda the floor with a gabi only; others have small mattresses that looters did not take because the mattresses were in such poor shape. Women reported that they borrow cooking utensils from each other since no household has all the materials anymore. They also reported that their jerrycans were looted and they do not have anything to store water. Some of the houses do not have roofs over them and some have big holes in their walls; where others have no doors or windows because they are either looted or broken. Although households have stopped or minimized food sharing since no one has enough, they are sharing houses and non-food items, both for safety and survival.

A woman approached the assessment team in Hawzen as they were visiting the local health center at the request of the community. She explained that she was a project participant and village economic and social association member, and that she had participated in numerous

13 project trainings, but that she now had nothing. She explained that she had taken her four children and fled to the mountains when the soldiers had arrived in town, but that her husband had stayed behind to protect the family home. Her husband was killed, her home was burned, and she had nothing left. The assessment team visited her home (see Figure 4 above) and observed the damage caused by the conflict.

Protection and gender-based violence

The threat of looting and abuse comes both from soldiers and from local youth. Participants reported that in addition to looting by soldiers, youth who had previously been in prison—but had been released as a result of the war—were also robbing and threatening people, especially women and girls. These youth are now stealing, beating and even threatening to kill whoever they are stealing from. Women reported that they are now scared of even their own sons and neighbors’ sons who had been in prison.

Physical abuse and execution are a constant threat. Focus “Soldiers are checking the muscles of group participants reported that men and young men were men, saying ‘you are Special Forces’.” either fighting or are hiding in the mountain bushes. If soldiers - Gulomekeda focus group find them, they are searched, beaten, and/or maimed if not participants killed. Participants described this time as being “a very difficult time for mothers”, because it is a difficult time for youth. Youth lost everything they had worked for—the businesses and assets they built. Mothers beg their sons not to go out, but these youth are sometimes on the road saying “we have seen worse than death and it doesn’t matter if we die.” Mothers report that youth have also started smoking and drinking tella, and every day, mothers worry that they will lose their sons.

Women and girls are also threatened, physically abused, or killed if they are found. A woman from Ganta Afeshum woreda reported that “men with guns asked us to walk on our knees with our hands on the air. One of the women had given birth and was holding her infant. They asked her to raise both hands, she couldn’t so she had to plead and shout to tell them she is holding a baby. We all walked that way until they told us to stop, but since then, this woman with a child cannot walk properly anymore.”

Sexual abuse is rampant, and women and girls live in constant fear of rape. All participants reported rape of women and girls in all the assessment woredas. Women reported that women and girls of all ages had been raped. They gave examples of girls aged 10, 12, and 15 years old, and older women one who was 5 months pregnant and older women “who have taken communion”.

Girls have allegedly been abducted by soldiers to cook for them, and some have been abused. Participants reported that some girls and female youth from their communities had disappeared. They do not know where these girls are, but they believe that they are being raped daily while serving as cooks for soldiers. A female youth participant reported that she knows of another young woman who disappeared and came back raped and bruised. Several female focus group participants also reported that they themselves had narrowly escaped rape. A female project participant from Gulomekeda said: “I came back from where I escaped, thinking it is more stable, but two soldiers found me and one of them was going to rape me, but I was not alone and had other people with me, so I was spared.” Women reported that no one comes to help them if they shout, since everyone is vulnerable now, especially if it is after 6pm when the curfew starts. Therefore, women and girls, and especially girls, are living in near-constant fear of rape.

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Entire communities are living in fear, facing psychological trauma and abuse. For women and girls, the fear of being “We have seen worse than death and beaten or killed is compounded by the fear of rape and sexual it doesn’t matter if we die.” abuse. As one woman from Gulomekeda Woreda explained: - Youth from Eastern Tigray “Soldiers found me after I came back from where I escaped. One of them was saying ‘shoot her’ while another one saying ‘don’t’. I did not die that day but there are many who did not survive.” Families are also afraid of youth from prison who are threatening people including their neighbors and family members. Another woman from Gulomekeda said: “We do not feel safe whether we are hiding in the bushes, or on the road or in church or wherever we are. We don’t know where to go, all places are like fire. It is better to die than live like this.”

Participants living on the roadside reported that they do not sleep at night since they need to consciously follow up what is going on, so that they know when they need to run to escape danger. They said they only sleep half-conscious during the day. They also reported that whatever sound they hear makes them jump with fear. This is worse especially for the children. A participant from Hawzen said: “We don’t know what to do with the children. They are always in fear and any sound they hear makes them panic.”

Many of the participants described “I came back from where I escaped, thinking it is more witnessing and experiencing abusive and stable. But two soldiers found me and one of them was traumatic events. A woman from Ganta going to rape me, but I was not alone and had other people Afeshum Woreda narrated her with me, so I was spared.” experience as follows: “Two soldiers with - Gulomekeda focus group participant (F) guns came and asked me to direct them to where the militia are. I said I don’t know. They searched my house and when they could not find anything, one of them pointed a gun at me and was saying ‘I don’t want to be called a woman killer, tell me what you know.’ They left when I did not say anything, but after that, I am always in fear and I don’t think my mind is right.” A woman from Gulomekeda also reported because of what she had witnessed and experienced, she is always in fear and anxious. She described her current day-to-day life: “Even as I run my small business for survival, selling tea, coffee and water, all I can think is ‘will this man leave or decide to stay and do something?’ instead of the service or profit that I will be making.”

Another woman from Ganta Afeshum woreda reported witnessing another traumatic and psychologically abusive incident: “Soldiers had a gun pointed at a man and told him to kill his wife. They were saved because everyone was shouting and crying when they saw what was happening, but the woman is mentally ill now.” What the focus group participant witnessed created fear and hopelessness in her and other community members. Another woman from Gulomekeda described the feeling of helplessness she and her neighbors feel: “We move with our lives in our hands. A person’s life is like a plastic bag worth 10 cents, like “Even as I run my small business for survival, selling tea, something you don’t try to catch when coffee and water, all I can think is ‘will this man leave or decide to stay and do something?’ instead of the service or the wind is taking it.” profit that I will be making.” An older woman from Ganta Afeshum - Gulomekeda focus group participant (F) woreda described her experience: “We

15 were coming from church on a Sunday after taking communion. Soldiers asked us to sing and dance. We begged them, saying we can’t and telling them that we took communion. Then they played some music from 20 years ago and forced us to dance with guns pointed at us. So, we danced. I hope God forgives us with His kindness.” The woman was very disturbed and kept repeating “I hope God forgives us, may Jesus forgive us, I hope he sees that we did not want to.”

Participants from all woredas are emotional and traumatized. Some focus group participants began crying as soon as they reached the safe place where the focus group discussion was to be conducted, before the first question was even asked. Some participants were quite frank and straightforward about the impact of their experiences on their mental health. When asked why she does not live with a sister who is supporting her, a woman from Gulomekeda said: “Even though I have a chance to live with my sister, who relatively has better living condition and is in more stable area, I don’t want to because I am too emotional. I don’t want to lose my sister because of my current mental condition.”

Community members who have experienced trauma have nowhere to “Even when your child dies, you are told not to cry. So, a turn. All participants said that they have mother puts cloth in her mouth when she can’t control her nowhere to go for support because all crying, so that no one hears. It is so painful that you can’t offices providing gender-based violence even cry properly.” services had been looted and were not - Gulomekeda focus group participant providing services. They also reported that women do not talk about what happened to them with each other, including with their close family members. They do not even cry about their pains. A participant from Gulomekeda described how they cannot even cry for the pain they are feeling: “Even when your child dies, you are told not to cry. So, a mother puts cloth in her mouth when she can’t control her crying, so that no one hears. It is so painful that you can’t even cry properly.”

Health/sexual and reproductive health (SRH)

Participants reported that there is no health or other services in Figure 5. Hawzen Health Center, March 10, 2021 any of the areas assessed. The assessment team also observed that health facilities in Hawzen (Hawzen Town and Megab, 7 km outside Hawzen Town) and Gulomekeda had been looted, their windows and doors broken, medicines and equipment taken, and files and materials ransacked and strewn about the ground. A medical team from MCDO was at the Megab Health Center outside of Hawzen on the day of the assessment, but community members reported that this was the first time they had come, although the International Committee of the Red Cross/Red Crescent (ICRC) also came from time to time. Nevertheless, the vast majority of women do not have any gender-based violence or sexual and reproductive health related services.

Participants also reported that there has not been any vaccination for children or nutrition support for children, pregnant and

16 lactating women in four or five months. They reported that there were babies born in the bushes when their mothers fled to escape. They said some of these babies died, while others are alive but might die soon. Women also reported that a lot of physical injuries and complications happen, especially with pregnant women and women who have newborns when they run. However, there is no treatment because there is no health service in these areas.

Sick people, HIV positive people, and others who need medical support are also reported to be dying from lack of medical support.

Conclusions

Priority needs

Priority needs identified by focus group participants are food, non-food items, health services, and agricultural inputs.

Hawzen Ganta Afeshum Gulomekeda Priority • Food • Food aid • Food (wheat, salt, needs listed • Nutrition support (milk, • Nutrition support for soil) by focus vegetables, eggs) pregnant and lactating • Household items group • Non-food items such as women and children (blankets, soap, participants mattresses, blankets, bed • Non-food items cooking utensils, sheets, cooking utensils, • Vaccinations mattresses, food trays, jerry cans, etc. • Fertilizer and seed bathing soap, (“we have nothing left”) sanitary pads) • Health services • Medicines • Livestock (“animals were • Seeds looted”) • Pullets and poultry • Animal health services feed • Farm oxen • Solar lamps • Vegetable seeds Livelihood • Poultry • Petty trade • Ready to do investments • Small ruminants • Fattening business (in livestock rearing, planned by • Petty trade the future) but not trading or focus group • Want to resume previous • Poultry selling due to participants livelihood activities, but movement need support to access restrictions seed and fertilizer, animal • Pullets health services, farm oxen, • Sheep and vegetable seeds

From the table above, the top priority is clearly food and nutrition support, both of which are critical and are being prioritized by many NGOs, including REST and CARE through its emergency unit and to a letter extent through Livelihoods for Resilience Activity cost share funding.

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Following food needs, households listed non-food items, agricultural inputs, and a variety of other livelihood-related asset needs. Facilitating agricultural input supply is squarely in the wheelhouse of the Livelihoods for Resilience Activity, and requires three interrelated actions: (1) critical inputs such as improved seeds, fertilizer, and animal feed must be brought into the region, (2) distribution channels must be set up and functional, reaching into PSNP communities, and (3) PSNP households need money to purchase the necessary inputs.

The other priority need not listed above but clearly evident in the focus group discussions is the need for psychosocial support for conflict-affected households.

Input supply

The government is currently in the process of procuring inputs for the region, and other NGOs plan to procure specific inputs such as seeds, fertilizer, animal feed, and others. What is unclear in the various input distribution plans to date is the input delivery mechanism to farmers, and specifically payment mechanisms—are farmers going to be required to pay for these inputs in a year when they have lost everything? If they don’t pay, how can government and NGOs ensure that input support is targeted to the neediest households? A more thorough assessment of the status of cooperatives and unions is needed to understand their capacity to operate in their usual role of distributing seed and fertilizer. In addition, the Livelihoods for Resilience Activity has begun discussing with the Value Chain Activity, the Agricultural Transformation Agency, and various input supply and wheat value chain actors in Tigray about the potential for agro-dealers to play a larger role in distribution of key crop inputs than they typically do.

Cash programming

The needs of conflict-affected households in Eastern Tigray are so vast and varied—household utensils, agricultural inputs, ploughing oxen and other livestock, shelter, etc.—that cash transfers are undoubtedly the most efficient response tool after immediate food aid needs are met. With the exception of in-kind food provision and nutritional support, the provision of all required items and inputs in kind or via a voucher would be a procurement nightmare.

Cash programming would admittedly be difficult to undertake in the current context. Prior to the conflict and the blocking of DECSI, the MFI would have been the most obvious partner for cash programming: DECSI previously had dozens of branches in the Livelihoods for Resilience target woredas of Eastern and Southern Tigray. None of these are now operational, and the entire population of the zone is served by two CBE branches, one of which is outside the target woredas, and both of which have long queues and limited service hours (8am to 3pm). Moreover, according to branch staff in Adigrat, opening a CBE account requires two photos and a renewed ID card—reasonable requirements in times of peace, but difficult in the current context where there is no office to issue new IDs, nor a Justice Office to formalize delegation for household members without IDs. Instability and displacement have led many households to lose their ID cards, and others’ ID cards are no longer valid due to splitting of woredas. ID requirements make it difficult for the families of former regional military staff to access bank services. And last but not least, the current security situation would make it extremely difficult for households to safely collect cash and travel home on a scheduled cash disbursement day.

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With flexible, creative, and longer-term approaches, cash programming may be possible. Providing households flexibility on when to collect their transfer is key to maximizing their safety and security. Depositing funds into a CBE account in a client’s name, transferring funds in their name in a process similar to remittances, or communicating to clients that an agent is available to disburse cash transfers on market days or other times, may provide households with the flexibility they need to choose to come at the safest, most secure time. More exploration is needed on this idea before it can be implemented, but there is time to sort out the details as most households are not immediately ready to begin livelihoods investments.

Initial recommendations and next steps

Protection and social services (government): The return of peace and stability are beyond the capacity of any NGO, but are critical to the success of any humanitarian or recovery response. Households need protection from soldiers as well as opportunistic youth, and need access to basic social and health services.

Humanitarian assistance (non-L4R but with L4R coordination and support): Assist conflict-affected households through the provision of food and nutrition support for pregnant and lactating women and children under five. This assistance should also include the provision of non-food items and facilitation of basic services such as health (primary health care and family planning service) in consultation with interim local authorities for access and protection.

Cash transfer and delivery mechanism (L4R): The Livelihoods for Resilience Activity will explore the possibility of providing cash transfers to the conflict affected population in the target woredas, to address needs such as livelihood recovery but also health, shelter, non-food items, and food. The design of the intervention will aim to enable the flexible withdrawal of the cash amount transfer. Target clients may require support in obtaining means of identification to access financial service.

Agricultural input supply (L4R and partners): The Livelihoods for Resilience Activity proposes to support conflict-affected agro-dealers in getting their shops up and running again through the provision of additional Innovation Fund support. REST and SNV will coordinate with other REST programming and with the regional agriculture sector to flag up the need for agricultural input support (seeds, fertilizer and tools) in the targeted woredas, to ensure that they are included in the regional plan. CARE will coordinate with the Value Chain Activity to track planned distribution of inputs in Southern Tigray in particular. REST and SNV will work with project stakeholders to map the demand for inputs in the target woredas.

Psychosocial support (L4R): The Livelihoods for Resilience Activity has facilitated the provision of psychosocial support to project staff based in Tigray through group trauma counseling. In the coming months, the project plans to facilitate training to community facilitators in basic psychosocial support skills (active listening, paracounseling, etc.) to help support communities affected by psychological trauma.

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Annexes

Study participants – FGD, KII and Trader/Supply chain

Ganta Category Hawzen Gulomekeda Total Remarks Afeshum 9 (3 11 (5 4 (2 FGD 24 VESA members females) females) females) Woreda food security and KII 3 3 3 9 cooperative offices staff and FSPs 2-3 traders interviewed per Trader 3 2 3 8 woreda Market price 1 1 1 3 One per woreda Market 1 1 1 3 One per woreda observation

Price survey

Table 1 Food and NFIs current market price in Gulomekeda woreda (ETB) Items Unit Fatsi town Kokeb Tsebah kebele Average Pasta/spaghetti Kg 60 NA 60 Macaroni Kg 50 40 45 Oil (5 liters) liter 480 NA 480 Oil (3 liters) Liter 320 300 310 Oil (1 liter) liter 110 90 100 Onion Kg 20 NA 20 Tomato Kg 30 NA 30 Potato Kg 22 NA 22 Lentil/Pulses Kg 90 NA 90 Salt Kg 15 15 15 Sugar Kg 50 50 50 Laundry Soap PCs 18 15 16.5

Table 2. Summary of seasonality of Hawzen market price for food and NFIs (Low (L), Normal (N), High (H)). Commodity name Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Food items Wheat N H H H H H H H H H N N Barley N H H H H H H H H H N N Tomato N N N N N N H H H N N N Onion H N N H N H H H H H N N Oil H H H H H H H H N N N N Potato H H H H H H N N H H N N Pepper H H H H H H H N N N N N

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Nonfood items Mattress N N N N N N N N N N N N Pillow N N N N N N N N N N N N Jerry cans H H H H H H H H H H H H Blanket N N N N N N N N N N N N Bed mat N N N N N N N N N N N N Bedsheet H H H H N L H N L L L L Kitchen set N N N N N N N N N N N N Soap N N N N N N N N N N N N Clothing/footwear H H N N N N H L N N N N Gas H H L H N N L H N H L L Sanitary kits H H H H H H H H H H H H

Table 3. Number of traders by marketplace, Gulomekeda Woreda (as reported by government key informants from Food Security, Livestock, and Cooperative sectors) Principal Market/source supplying the Number of Number of traders markets market wholesalers Large Medium Small Fatsi Adigrat all kebeles 50 50 30 220 Sebeya Erob, Fatsi, Hayelom kebeles 30 5 50 195 Zalambessa Fatsi and Eritrean kebeles 70 20 130 250 Total 150 75 210 665

Table 5. Type of shops by marketplace Shop type Hawzen Adigrat Wholesalers (indicate types of goods, ie staples, non-food items, ag inputs etc.) 50 10 Retail traders non-food (provide details on types and goods if possible) 70 500 Retail traders food 5 150 Fresh vegetable small traders 15 80 Fresh vegetables larger traders 0 8 Livestock traders 0 0 Butchers 1 15 Services (i.e. mechanics, tailors, bicycle repairs, barber shops, etc.) 12 50 Hospitality (restaurants, tea shops, etc.) 20 100

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