Exploring Tourism Destination Path Plasticity 39 Zeitschrift Für Wirtschaftsgeographie Jg

Henrik Halkier / Anette Therkelsen: Exploring tourism destination path plasticity 39 Zeitschrift für Wirtschaftsgeographie Jg. 57 (2013) Heft 1-2, S. 39–51

Henrik Halkier / Anette Therkelsen, Aalborg Exploring tourism destination path plasticity The case of coastal tourism in North Jutland, Denmark Henrik Halkier / Anette Therkelsen: Exploring tourism destination path plasticity

Abstract. Path dependency is an acknowledged characteristic of tourism due to a majority of small and micro-sized firms and with that limited resourceful actors who can engage actively in path creation through development of new services and experiences. The aim of this paper is to analyse the socio-economic institutions that have facilitated the rise of coastal tourism, and on the basis of this to gauge the scope for incremental change, or plasticity, within the prevailing development path. The paper can be seen as an explorative study of the micro-dynamics of path plasticity, adopting a case- study-based approach, exploring two coastal-rural destinations in North Jutland, Denmark. First a review of the literature on destination development and innovation is undertaken in order to identify key issues concerning continuity and change in tourism as a spatially embedded socio-economic activity. Then a conceptual framework for the analysis is outlined, inspired by traditions within institutionalism. Thirdly, the empirical analysis begins by identifying the key institutions supporting the rise of North Jutland as a successful international tourist destination in the 1980s and 1990s, and finally we discuss the extent to which scope for path plasticity can be found within this framework in the current climate of crisis, focusing especially on the role of combinatorial knowledge and policy agency. It is concluded that coastal tourism despite resemblances of an institutional ‘iron triangle’ actually is a more flexible structure which allows for a considerable degree of incremental change, provided that the actors involved are willing to engage in innovative development activities within the existing institutional framework.

Keywords: Coastal tourism, destination development, path dependency, path plasticity, destination governance

Introduction In recent decades the competitive pressure on destinations across Europe has greatly increased Tourism has traditionally been perceived as due to the growth of internet-based services and characterised by a combination of labour-inten- deregulation of the European airspace by the sive hands-on services, a preponderance of small European Union (EU) which has led to a rapid or micro firms, and limited innovation (Halkier spread of a new budget-airline business model 2010b; Hall/Williams 2008; Malerba 2004b; and the opening up of new long-haul mass desti- Weiermair 2006). Such characteristics would nations in the Far East (Bieger/Wittmer 2006; seem to make tourism a sector in which path de- Halkier 2010a; Hall/Page 2002). Especially pendency would be particularly pronounced due coastal destinations in rural regions in north- to shortage of actors with sufficient resources western Europe which are not served by Ryanair to engage actively in path creation through de- and others have suddenly had to cope with the velopment of new services and experiences. fact that large parts of their traditional visitor- Indeed, even when tourist destinations are inter- base were now tempted away by new and excit- preted from a development-oriented “life-cycle” ing tourist destinations that had become visible, perspective (Butler 1980/2006), a contrast is accessible and affordable. North Jutland, Den- assumed between long periods of stable path mark’s primary coastal holiday destination, is a dependent evolution and shorter conjunctures of good example of a previously successful desti- possible path creation where new development nation having to face stagnating visitor numbers, directions are defined by actors capable of modi- and hence creation of a new development path fying key features of the destination in order to could mean the difference between decline and renew its appeal to potential visitors. future prosperity. Given the considerable invest- 40 Zeitschrift für Wirtschaftsgeographie Heft 1-2 / 2013 ments already undertaken in tourist infrastruc- The text proceeds in four main steps. First a ture within the region, not least in terms of self- review of the literature on destination devel- catering holiday homes (Larsen et al. 2012), the opment and innovation is undertaken in order attraction of exploring the scope for variation to identify key issues concerning continuity within the existing institutional set-up is, how- and change in tourism as a spatially embed- ever, considerable. This makes the notion of ded socio-economic activity. Then a conceptual path plasticity (Strambach 2010; Strambach/ framework for the analysis is outlined, inspired Halkier 2013) interesting as an alternative by traditions within institutionalism. Thirdly, framing of change processes in the destination, the empirical analysis begins by identifying focusing on incremental rather than sudden and the key institutions supporting the rise of North comprehensive forms of change. Jutland as a successful international tourist destination in the 1980s and 1990s. Finally we The aim of this paper is to analyse the socio-eco- discuss the extent to which scope for path plas- nomic institutions that have facilitated the rise of ticity can be found within this framework in the coastal tourism, and on the basis of this to gauge current climate of crisis, focusing especially on the scope for path plasticity, focusing especially the role of combinatorial knowledge and policy on the role of access to knowledge from outside agency. the region and/or sector and policy agency. This focus reflects two assumptions that will be ex- panded on below: Firstly, that extra-regional Continuity and change in tourism and extra-sectoral sources of knowledge are particularly important for innovation in inter In the literature on regional economic develop- nationally oriented destinations; secondly, that ment the issue of path dependency and lock-in the well-established complexity of tourist desti- has received extensive attention (see e. g. Has nations makes public coordination and proactiv- sink 2005; Martin/Sunley 2006; Strambach/ ity important in utilising opportunities offered Halkier 2013), but in research on the develop- by path plasticity. As the paper can be seen as an ment of tourist destinations an explicit adop- explorative study of the micro-dynamics of path tion of such concepts and perspectives is still plasticity, it adopts a case-study-based approach, relative rare. The notion of path dependency has exploring two coastal-rural destinations, Toppen been employed in studies of the development af Danmark and Mariagerfjord in North Jutland, of particularly aspects of destination develop- Denmark (Fig. 1). ment as a way to conceptualise the impact of the wider context. This is exemplified by a study Fig. 1: The two Danish coastal tourism destina- of the socio-political context for the framing of tions used as case studies the development of a world heritage site (Cas sel/Pashkevich 2008), or a study of partnership 50 km between public and private actors within desti- Toppen ramwell ox af Danmark nations (B /C 2009). But, perhaps unsurprisingly, the most important contributions have been made by researchers with a back- ground in geography, such as Allan Williams (Hall/Williams 2008), and Alison Gill (Gill/ Mariagerfjord Williams 2011). A common feature of their work is the emphasis on the systemic features of tourism development that, all other things being equal, make destination development proceed along a path, often involving growth or, occasionally, stasis. Like in the literature focusing on the development of industrial districts, emphasis is given to the importance of property rights and patterns of ownership, political governance structures and regulation, and knowledge processes and workforce competences. This, taken together, result in strategic lock-in that makes it difficult to change the direction of development Cartography: Harald Krähe within a destination because prevailing institu- Henrik Halkier / Anette Therkelsen: Exploring tourism destination path plasticity 41 tions, organisational interests, dominant world Additional inspiration for such an endeavour can views, and modes of operation all point towards be found in a much smaller body of work that the reassuring continuity entailed in more of the attempts to analyse tourism activities from an same. It is, however, important also to notice a innovations system perspective. This perspec- common feature in the studies of path depend- tive has been applied to nations (e. g. Lundvall encies in tourism destination development, 1992), sectors (e. g. Malbera 2004a), and re- namely the importance attached to changing gions (e. g. Braczyk et al. 1998; Cooke et al. markets and demand patterns (Williams/Balaz 2004), and despite the focus on innovation and 2002), often positioned in the role as external development, the emphasis would still seem to and uncontrollable factors that fuel the need for have been on systemic features and hence the change, either in terms of managing extensive path dependent nature of development (Hjala growth or dealing with decreasing visitor num- ger et al. 2008, 23 ff.; Olsen 2012). Although bers. the notion of spatial patterns in the interplay between public and private actors in innova- Despite the rather limited headway made by tion processes would seem to lend itself well evolutionary geography concepts in the study of to a socio-economic activity where space in the destination development, it is interesting to note form of destinations is important, few attempts that notions that are in many ways similar to have been made to interpret tourism develop- those of path dependency and path creation can ment from an innovation systems perspective. be found in the literature spawned by the semi- The two most prominent examples are provided nal article by Butler (1980/2006) on the “tour- by Hall/Williams (2008, ch. 6) who discuss ism area life cycle”. Here individual destinations tourism as part of the wider regional innovation are supposed to move through a series of growth system, and the work of Hjalager and colleagues stages – from exploration via involvement and (cf. Hjalager 2010; Hjalager et al. 2008) development to consolidation – before eventu- where the innovation system concept is applied ally stagnating as they reach a level where criti- to both territorial units (destinations) and to e. g. cal resources have been depleted and the tourist events. In both cases the theoretical inspiration destinations’ carrying capacity exhausted. This of the innovation systems approach would ap- interpretative scheme would seem to suggest a pear to be of a rather general nature, and conse- high degree of linearity in destination develop- quently the main lesson that can be drawn from ment where more and more actors, starting with these writings would seem to be, much like in local and eventually becoming multinational, the case of Butler’s tourist area life cycle, iden- exploit the same set of natural and cultural re- tification of actors and institutions which need sources in order to target particular markets with to be taken into account in empirical analyses of certain forms of tourist experiences. The origi- processes of innovation and economic change in nal scheme does, however, also involve impor- tourist destinations. tant points of path creation, first when “local actors will … begin to provide facilities primar- The general predominance of path dependency ily or even exclusively for visitors” (Butler in the systemically-oriented macro-level litera- 1980/2006, 6), and later in the response of key ture would also seem to be reflected in micro- actors to the challenge of stagnation which will level studies of innovation within tourism, a determine whether the next stage will be desti- small but rapidly growing literature (see e. g. nation redevelopment, decline or something in Hall/Williams 2008; Hjalager 2002, 2010; between. Despite the rather deterministic choice OECD 2006). Existing research generally points of the term ‘cycle’ for the approach, social actors towards limited financial and human resources clearly play crucial roles in expanding tourism as factors that make small tourist firms rela- activities both as producers and consumers of tively less innovative than firms in other sectors tourist experiences during the long stretch from (Henriksen 2012; Novelli et al. 2006). Conse- exploration to stagnation (Lagiewski 2006; quently, in a situation characterised by increas- Weaver/Lawton 2002), and thus a scope for ing competitive pressures, a prominent part of development along different trajectories would the answer to the challenge of furthering innova- still seem to exist. The work of e. g. Butler tion in tourist destinations has been to promote can therefore still be used as a means to assist development of networks between small firms in in identifying the key social institutions from order to increase both coordination and know which path plasticity within tourist institutions ledge sharing between actors so that it becomes may be derived. easier for individual firms to contribute to the 42 Zeitschrift für Wirtschaftsgeographie Heft 1-2 / 2013 greater good that is renewal of the tourist experi- Towards a conceptual framework ences offered by the locality. While the need for coordination measures is widely agreed upon, The conceptual framework for the subsequent their actual impact is less certain, with networks empirical analysis is inspired by traditions clearly making a positive difference in some within institutionalism, especially the work of cases, but as “the issues of innovation policy has Douglas North ( cf. Halkier 2006, ch. 3; North not been given the priority they deserve in tour- 1990) and Kathleen Thelen (Mahoney/Thelen ism research” (Hjalager 2010, 9), many of the 2010; Thelen 2009). The key assumption is that case studies of network initiatives for destination institutions are as sets of rules on the basis of renewal remain of a rather descriptive nature. which individual or collective actors operate. Although institutions are by definition stabilis- It is, however, also interesting to notice that stud- ing elements in social intercourse, the same rules ies of tourism policy have identified a co-exist- may be interpreted and enforced in different ence of different kinds of measures. Promotion ways, and in most societies at any point in time of existing tourist experiences through market- several institutions coexist. Taken together this ing initiatives remains the most widespread and ensures that a scope for change always exists, prominent form of public intervention (Halkier not just at critical junctures such as a crisis of a 2010b; Hall 2008), and destination marketing dominant institution, or profound changes in the is of course an excellent way of strengthening external environment, but also in incremental path-dependent development because it primar- ways where new ways of going about particu- ily involves alerting potential customers to the lar tasks gradually shifts the balance of activities touristic experiences that are currently on offer. in new directions, through strategic conversion In contrast to this, in some tourism destinations of or externally induced drift, or introduction of public governance would also seem to have new institutions to co-exist with or replace exist- taken on a supplementary role in making firms ing ones (Mahoney/Thelen 2010; Strambach/ and destinations more competitive (Hall/Wil Halkier 2013). liams 2008; Hjalager 2010), but the recurring introduction of new innovation policies suggests Translated into the context of tourist destination a persistent perception of the need to try to cre- development, the starting point of the analysis ate new development paths. On balance, while will be to identify the key institutions that gov- public policy may potentially play a crucial role ern the relationship between the three groups in bringing about more or less radical forms of of actors which are central to tourism as a so- innovation in individual tourist destinations, the cial activity (Butler 1980 (2006); Hall 2008; extent to which this strategy has been employed Weaver/Lawton 2002), namely the visitors, the and, indeed, has been successful in bringing tourist industry, and government. Although all about renewal of the experience offer remains an three groups generally consist of a multiplicity empirical question where the outcome in individ- of actors with different resources and preferenc- ual tourist destinations depends on political pri- es (see e. g. Ioannides/Debbage 1998; Weaver/ orities and the response of private actors to these. Lawton 2002) – e. g. leisure and business travellers, local attractions and multinational airlines, All in all the existing literature on the develop- tourist offices and planning authorities – it is ment of tourist destinations would clearly seem still possible to identify a number of key institu- to prioritise the identification of systemic fea- tions on the basis of which their interactions take tures that may account for continuity and path place (see Fig. 2). dependency, presenting a continuous development occasionally intercepted by points of path Both in leisure and business tourism the relation- creation in which a crisis is being confronted ship between visitors and service providers is or new opportunities are being pursued. But conducted primarily on the basis of market rela- embedded in this traditional path dependency/ tions. Visitors, either individually or collective- creation dichotomy we have also identified ele- ly, generally have a range of options in terms of ments of actor choice and intervention that sug- where to go, how to travel, where to stay, and/or gest that the development of tourist destinations what to do at the destination, and their choice of could also be meaningfully reinterpreted from a particular providers does not preclude different path plasticity perspective, and consequently the decisions being taken for future travel (Halkier following section will try to outline a conceptual 2010b; Weaver/Lawton 2002).The interactions framework for such an undertaking. between tourist and providers of experiences/ Henrik Halkier / Anette Therkelsen: Exploring tourism destination path plasticity 43

Fig. 2: Actor groups and institutions in destina- The relationships between the three key groups tion development of actors may be institutionalised in a variety of ways, and from an institutionalist perspective the point is that these specific rules form the basis for the perceptions and agency of individual actors – and hence make it more or less difficult to bring about change within the destination, whether incremental or otherwise. Important preconditions for change and innovation in tourist destinations is knowledge that will allow the use of existing institutions to be modi- fied, and capacity to guide actors in a concerted manner towards new ways of interacting. From a path plasticity perspective on change and innovation, three points are therefore important to note: Firstly, that destinations are of course not self-contained entities but extensively connected with actors and institutions outside the locality in which touristic activities take place – via in- Source: own draft coming travellers, external ownership of local service providers, national policy regimes – and hence access to knowledge from outside the des- services are in other words short-term market tination itself becomes important (Crevoisier/ exchanges that do not involve hierarchical rela- Jennerat 2009; Halkier 2010b), both in terms tions or long-term commitments (Halkier 2006, of what is known about visitors and competitors ch. 3; Thorelli 1986), thereby making sure that and how this knowledge is procured. Secondly, individual providers and collective destinations being able to combine knowledge across e. g. perceive themselves as being subjected to com- traditional sectoral boundaries (Strambach/ petition from other providers/destinations offer- Halkier 2013; Strambach/Klement 2012) is ing similar experiences and services. Moreover, important in order to create experiences that set the interactions between the various providers at the destination apart from similar places else- individual destination will also involve a combi- where. In other words, the competitiveness of nation of market and network relations: On the tourist destinations not only rest on what goes on one hand they depend on the same visitors and internally among tourism actors within their im- hence cater for or compete in similar markets, mediate area of operation but also on how they while on the other hand this shared reliance on engage, through knowledge exchange or other- the same clients may also further more or less wise, with actors external to the industry and/or extensive forms of cooperation within the des- the locality. Thirdly, especially in organisation- tination, both formally and informally (Hall/ ally fragmented destinations characterised by a Williams 2008; Hjalager 2010; Shaw/Wil large number of small actors, policy agency by liams 1998). In contrast to this, the relationship public bodies is likely to be necessary in order to between regulators and both visitors and provid- coordinate activities and bring about a concerted ers has a pronounced hierarchical element, be- momentum (Dredge 2006; Halkier 2010b; cause government has the ability to define spe- Hall 2008). cific rules about the behaviour of other actors, e. g. through instituting visa requirements for visitors or regulation of the right to build physi- Coastal tourism in North Jutland: cal structures along the coast (Halkier 2006; actors and institutions Hall 2008). At the same time the relationship between government and other actors also in- The empirical analysis focuses on coastal leisure volve non-hierarchical relations, such as provi- tourism in North Jutland, Denmark. In the fol- sion of advice, promotion and training, or estab- lowing we will attempt to identify the key insti- lishing on-going collaborative arrangements in tutions, actors and processes that have dominat- the form of e. g. networks or public-private part- ed the development path of this socio-economic nerships in order to further innovation (Dredge activity within the region. In the ensuing section 2006; Hall 2008; Hjalager 2010). the scope for path plasticity within the existing 44 Zeitschrift für Wirtschaftsgeographie Heft 1-2 / 2013 institutional framework will be explored, focus- Fig. 3: Overnight stays in rented holiday homes ing both on the region as a whole and on two in North Jutland by origin typical coastal destinations within it in parti cular. Overnight stays (millions) The two case studies were undertaken as part of 3.0 the EURODITE FP6 project sponsored by the EU, researching knowledge dynamics in regions 2.5 International across Europe on the basis of knowledge bio 2.0 graphies for territories and innovative economic activities (Butzin et al. 2007; Butzin/Widmaier 1.5 2012). For each of the two destinations the development of all-year tourism activities was il- 1.0 luminated through a series of qualitative inter- 0.5 views with policy-makers and other public and Domestic 0 private stakeholders, supplemented by analysis 1995 2000 2005 2010 of documentary resources (Halkier et al. 2009; Henriksen/Halkier 2009; Therkelsen 2010). Source: Statistics Denmark 2012 Note: Due to the absence of regional breakdowns holiday Tourism is relatively important in North Jutland home figures before 2007 are estimates calculated on the in the sense that tourism-related expenditure ac- basis of the average North Jutland share of Danish holiday count for around 25 % more of total expenditure home bed nights in the period 2007–2011. than the national average, and along the north- western coastline the share of tourism expenditure reaches between 75 % and 200 % above the (calculated on the basis of Statistics Denmark national average (2010 figures, calculated on the 2012). The institutions that constitute the rules basis of VisitDenmark 2012, 4). The total num- according to which the key components of the ber of tourist overnight stays in rented holiday coastal leisure tourism product in North Jutland homes along the coast in North Jutland has re- are being produced and consumed can in other mained relatively stable from 1992 to 2008 (see words be summed up as follows. Fig. 3), but clearly in recent years the financial crisis has had an impact on visitation. Underly- With most visitors arriving by car from domestic ing these aggregate figures an important change locations or neighbouring countries (VisitDen- has taken place, namely a gradual shift from mark 2010b), transport is organised by the trav- mainly international towards domestic visitors, el groups themselves and essentially a spin-off with neighbouring countries (especially Germa- from car ownership driven by everyday mobility ny but also Norway and Sweden) contributing needs (Hall et al. 2009, ch. 8) and hence some- by far the largest share of international visitors thing that is outside the immediate reach of poli- (VisitDenmark 2012). cy-makers within North Jutland. The main form of accommodation for incoming tourists, the Families travelling with children constitute the holiday homes, are owned by private individuals most important type of travel group, and the and predominantly rented through commercial major attractors are nature-based experiences letting agencies that organise marketing, book- with a strong social component like going to ing systems, and associated services for visitors the beach, coupled with access to shopping and and owners (Hjalager 2009; Therkelsen et al. cultural attractions to cater for changing weather 2012). In practice this means that foreigners and conditions (Hjalager/Jensen 2001; Larsen companies are barred from owning accommoda- 2012; VisitDenmark 2005). Unsurprisingly, this tion facilities classified as holiday homes, own- results in a high degree of seasonality in coastal ership is spread among a large number of indi- tourism with most activity taking place from vidual (often non-local) Danish owners and own- June through to August (Hansen 2006; Larsen/ ers tend to use facilities outside the main rental Therkelsen 2011). Visitors are primarily stay- season in the summer, and only 18 % of a total ing in self-catering accommodation, with inter- of nearly 200 000 holiday homes in Denmark are national (and indeed German) visitors consti- let out on a commercial basis (Hjalager 2009; tuting no less than 72 % of overnight stays in Therkelsen et al. 2012). The institutional set- rented holiday homes in the period 2006–2011 up in other words involves part-time commercial Henrik Halkier / Anette Therkelsen: Exploring tourism destination path plasticity 45 use of what are essentially private homes owned ly, seem to suggest that the policies institution- and used by Danish families for reasons that are alised by government, and indeed adhered to for not necessarily concerned with maximising their several decades, would primarily tend to support contribution to the regional visitor economy. existing leisure tourism activities in coastal des- The attractions that make leisure tourists travel tinations by encouraging more visitors to make to North Jutland – primarily natural amenities – use of existing experience offers. However, at are predominantly public goods owned by pub- the same time government regulation would also lic bodies, and their management is therefore seem to conserve the existing industry structure determined by a wide range of concerns, includ- by making it difficult for e. g. new providers ing preservation of e. g. the coastal landscape for of accommodation such as corporate holiday future generations (Hall et al. 2009; Nyberg homes or seaside hotels to establish a presence. 1995). On-site services – e. g. food, entertain- Consequently, the market for accommodation ment, arts, crafts – are provided primarily by remains dominated by loosely coupled networks small private firms, and hence subject to a high of individual actors for whom tourism is not a degree of seasonality e. g. in terms of opening or matter of survival in a competitive market place employment, because the availability of services but rather a way of generating additional income will depends on the perception of the owners of through letting out the family holiday home. the varying intensity of market demand (Getz/ Nilsson 2004; Hansen 2006). The analysis of actors and institutions in North Jutland coastal tourism has in other words found The role of government in relation to coastal a good fit between visitor profiles and experi- tourism in North Jutland is multi-faceted and un- ence offers – families travelling with children in derlines the fact that tourism is just one among search of primarily nature-based activities and many concerns of public bodies operating within relaxation – and a case of long-standing govern- the region. The direct relationship of government ment intervention that supports existing actors to visitors combines direct access control on the and activities. A situation that could readily be basis of e. g. visa regulations – something that described as a case of path-dependent develop- makes the region very accessible to neighbour- ment where more of the same is the likely pros- ing countries but less so for e. g. Russian visi- pect. tors in search of seaside dacha-style leisure holi- days – with a more visible role as promoter of Danish destinations in foreign markets through Danish coastal tourism: from crisis VisitDenmark and the regional destination man- towards all-year tourism? agement organization (DMO) VisitNordjylland, with local tourist offices providing on-site visi- Despite the fact that coastal tourism in North tor information services (Halkier 2011; Kvist Jutland has remained at the same level of visita- gaard 2006). Also in relation to private firms tion for nearly two decades, from the late 1990s and other providers, the role of government is onwards it has increasingly become enveloped a dual one. On the one hand regulating owner- in a discourse of crises that postulates the need ship by barring foreigners to own properties de for urgent remedial action. The timing would signated as holiday homes and prohibiting con- seem to suggest that the perception of crisis is struction of tourist and other facilities close to linked to the declining number of international the coast. On the other hand attempting to bring visitors, first in absolute numbers and later also about development and innovation among lo- relative to other Northern European countries cal firms and destinations by e. g. strengthening in terms growth rates in key tourism indicators quality through targeted training programmes or (VisitDenmark 2007b, 2010a). The gradual de- creation of inter-firm networks (Halkier 2011; crease in international visitor numbers would Henriksen 2012; Kernel 2004). Although some seem to reflect a combination of, on the one regional bodies and inter-local destinations have hand, changing demographic trends that eroded increasingly come to view development of pro the traditional visitor base (fewer families with ducts, services and competences as important kids in the northern German federal states (Øko- parts of their policy activities (Halkier 2011; nomi- og Erhvervsministeriet 2006), and, on the Henriksen/Halkier 2009), it is worth noting other hand, increased international competition that marketing and visitor services still account fuelled by innovation in technology (internet for more than half of direct expenditure on tour- booking) and business models (budget airlines) ism. All in all this would, perhaps unsurprising- (Halkier 2010b). Despite the systemic nature 46 Zeitschrift für Wirtschaftsgeographie Heft 1-2 / 2013 of increased market transparency and decreas- periences seen as being central to bringing inter- ing mobility cost, the responses to this chal- national visitors to coastal destinations outside lenge have not been of a radical, path-creating the (family holiday dominated) summer season nature. In the following the initiatives of key ac- (VisitDenmark 2007a, c). The all-year tourism tors aimed at addressing the stagnating demand initiative operated through transfer of financial for coastal leisure tourism experiences in North resources to destinations who share knowledge Jutland will be analysed in order to establish and experience about building innovative activi- how they modify or support the prevailing in- ties and networks at the local destination level, stitutions on basis of which this socio-economic in some areas such as North Jutland with further activity operate. support from the regional tourism development body (VisitNordjylland 2009). This strategy tried to exploit the temporal flexibility of the prevail- National responses ing institutions by encouraging private producers of experiences and services to make their Two major initiatives have emanated from the offerings available during a greater part of the national level which, potentially, could have im- year in a coordinated manner and thereby coun- portant bearings on the direction of development tering a classical dilemma of seasonality (see of coastal leisure tourism in Denmark. First, ad- e. g. Getz/Nilsson 2004) through the creation justments were made to planning regulations so of network-based trust between small private that as of 2004 new areas were designated for tourist firms within the destination. A second additional holiday homes in peripheral areas important element in destination-level all-year close to, but not immediately adjacent to the tourism strategies was to create further momen- coastline, including 14 localities in North Jut- tum by drawing on knowledge from outside the land (Skov- og Naturstyrelsen 2007). This lim- individual destination and by changing the sta- ited relaxation of existing planning regulations tus of actors such as restaurateurs from provid- did not free up space for holiday homes that was ers of standardised services to central attractions radically different from the existing stock of within the destination, thereby adding new value houses, if anything it was less attractive due to to the destination by profiling it through new a greater distance to the beach. The initiative in types of experiences. Compared to extending the other words primarily addressed the issue of lim- number of holiday homes, this initiative could ited capacity in the short summer season – only readily be interpreted as an attempt to make use a minority of holiday homes are made available of the path plasticity inherent in the institutions for commercial letting cf. above – but did so in governing Danish coastal tourism, and perhaps a way that strengthened the institutions govern- even the timing of the all-year initiative was ing the accommodation of coastal leisure tour- also slightly better: its target groups were rela- ists, namely individual ownership of properties tively well-off visitors potentially less affected for mixed personal/commercial use. In practice by the financial crisis, and it was able to draw this made the initiative depend on private ac- on the general interest, nationally and interna- tors whose inclination to invest in new accom- tionally, in “new Nordic cooking” that had burst modation capacity was of course influenced by onto unsuspecting diners earlier in the decade the general uncertainties of global markets in the (see Larsen 2011; Meyer 2012). But of course wake of the financial crises, and thus the effect it still required both a positive response within of the, in terms of development path conserva- the selected destinations and, in turn, from the tive, initiative is likely to have been limited. potential out-of-season visitors targeted. In the following we will therefore focus on two typical The second major national-level initiative aimed Danish coastal destinations in order to get a bet- to extend the coastal leisure tourism season ter understanding of the challenges involved in significantly under the slogan “all-year- tour extending the season for coastal leisure tourism ism”. Following an extensive scoping exercise in Denmark. (Hansen 2006; Niras Konsulenterne 2006a, b), seven development destinations and 13 second- tier learning destinations were designated as the Local responses spatial focus. Here the aim was to develop new products and services that could make Denmark Two destinations in North Jutland were designat- an attractive coastal leisure destination through- ed as part of VisitDenmark’s national initiative: out the year, with adult couples and culinary ex- destination Top of Denmark as a fully-fledged Henrik Halkier / Anette Therkelsen: Exploring tourism destination path plasticity 47 development destination, and Mariagerfjord as the destination under the umbrella of what was a second-tier learning destination operating on a termed Nature+. Activities included the setting limited budget and mainly benefitting from na- up of eight thematic networks, bringing together tional support through access to knowledge and tourism and other actors together around im- experience from other destinations within the proving the communication of existing natural project (Halkier et al. 2009; Henriksen/Hal and cultural attractions with off-season rel- kier 2009; Therkelsen 2010). The contrasting evance, and generating additional events in the experience of the two destinations should be quiet months (Toppen af Danmark 2009). These able to throw further light on the scope for ex- activities were designed on the basis not only of ploring and exploiting path plasticity in tourism knowledge about products and demand patterns destination development. within the local tourism industry, but also drew on other forms of knowledge: in the strategy The Top of Denmark destination originated as a development phase knowledge of visitor trends joint venture between public and private tourism from external sources played an important role actors in the northernmost part of North Jutland. (Halkier et al. 2009), and the ensuing develop- This area is dominated by a relatively uniform ment projects were characterised by reaching coastal tourism offer with long sandy beaches, stakeholders outside the tourism industry itself holiday homes as the primary form of accommo- (e. g. anglers, arts and crafts entrepreneurs, a dation, and a string of more or less picturesque local manufacturer of stage lights to the inter- coastal towns (Henriksen/Halkier 2009). national music business) (Toppen af Danmark While the experience offers and visitors in the 2009). In short, in the case of the Top of Den- Top of Denmark destination thus epitomises the mark destination the attempt to further all-year coastal tourism business model in North Jutland, tourism would seem to rely on the use and devel- the organisation of public tourism governance opment of path plasticity: the basic institutions has clearly evolved from the fragmented lo- are still in place, but attempts are being made to calised model that used to characterise Danish reposition the use of existing facilities. This is tourism promotion at the local level. Tradition- primarily done by extending their use to a greater ally each little town having its own independ- part of the year and by at the same time drawing ent Tourism Information Office, often supported on actors from outside the traditional accommo- through membership-based local tourist associa- dation-oriented core of the coastal tourism scene tions which tended to see neighbouring towns as in order to add new cultural and nature-oriented their main competitors (Andersen et al. 2000; experience offers to the existing portfolio. At Halkier 2011). But in the Top of Denmark area the point of writing, no evaluation of the project a gradual process has taken place since the early has been undertaken, and therefore the response 1990s that has brought formerly independent in terms of activities and visitation outside the tourist offices together in a network organisa- main summer season is still unknown. tion, designed so that local offices are involved in and perform functions for the network as a The experience of the Mariagerfjord destination whole. This innovative organisational model has is in many respects rather different. The desti- not only given the inter-local destination effi- nation is more heterogeneous in that traditional ciency in terms of mobilising local financial and coastal tourism dominates the east coast, the knowledge resources that can be employed in picturesque small town of Mariager is predomi- joined marketing and development projects, and nantly visited by one-day tourists, extensive the Top of Denmark activities gradually moved woodlands exist in the north, and the towns of from joint marketing and services towards pro- Hadsund and Hobro primarily provide commer- jects aiming to develop services and experiences cial services (Therkelsen 2010). As a coastal through projects part-financed by external (Eu- tourist destination Mariagerfjord in other words ropean and/or national) sources (Henriksen/ constitutes a smaller version of Top of Denmark, Halkier 2009). This pattern was repeated in re- with a strong beach product and added natural, lation to VisitDenmark’s all-year tourism initia- cultural and commercial activities in the imme- tive where national funding was supplemented diate hinterland. In terms of governance destina- by European funding channelled through the tion Mariagerfjord had been brought together in North Jutland Regional Growth Forum, some- a rather loose manner in a new Tourism Council thing which increased the potential impact of the in 2007 as part of the preparation for the origi- national initiative because it made it possible to nal bid to become part of the all-year tourism instigate a range of development projects across project, covering an area that merged into a 48 Zeitschrift für Wirtschaftsgeographie Heft 1-2 / 2013 single political unit in 2007 as part of a major over, the provision of experiences and services reform of subnational government (Halkier relies on a large number of small actors, many 2008; Therkelsen 2010). When the destination of whom (including individual owners of holi- was designated a learning destination by Visit- day homes) do not have tourism as their main Denmark with access to information rather than source of income, and they are therefore inclined funding, VisitNordjylland provided financial to operate on the basis of motives that are neither support to address what had been identified as commercial nor driven by concerns for the de- a major weakness of Mariagerfjord, namely a velopment of tourism. In practice this has meant fragmented governance structure. Accordingly, that activities promoting the development of e. g. the main activity associated with all-year tour- a local coastal destination require extensive co- ism in Mariagerfjord was organisation building, ordination activities, and in the absence of eco- with an extensive process facilitated by external nomically dominant private actors such as e. g. private consultants with a long track-record in major hotels or tour operators, this function has tourism-related matters that aimed to bring about been performed by public bodies. The dominant a more integrated form of governance within the strategy pursued by actors in the Danish tourism destination. Conversely, less time was spent on policy network has been to use their coordinat- developing new experiences and services that ing clout to bolster existing activities, primarily might appeal to potential visitors outside the through pre-travel promotion of Denmark and main summer season (Therkelsen 2010). How- its destinations to potential visitors and on-site ever, despite considerable efforts had been spent information services for visitors at individual by local actors and external consultants, little tourist destinations. But at the same time another progress had been made in terms of creating a factor has helped to keep developments of coast- destination-wide tourism development organisa- al tourism on the same path, namely the regulation accepted by key public and private stake- tion through planning measures of access to and holders, and well-publicised inter-local wran- construction of buildings and infrastructure in gling continued. The outcome of the process has coastal areas, because this privileged existing been that while all-year tourism remains part of structures – e. g. areas designated for holiday the official strategy of the Mariagerfjord des- homes in the 1960s – and made it more difficult tination (VisitMariagerfjord 2010), in practice for potential competitors to enter e. g. the market little progress would seem to have been made for accommodation services aimed at coastal lei- in terms of coordinated development efforts in sure tourists. From this perspective Fig. 2 could this respect. In short, in the Mariagerfjord case be interpreted as a destination development iron policy efforts were initially concentrated on ad- triangle, bound to deliver more of the same in a dressing the fragmented governance structure, process characterised by a high degree of path drawing on external knowledge about both the dependency. general importance of and specific practices entailed in bringing stakeholders together around However, at the same time the analysis has a destination-wide tourism development body. also identified a general scope for incremental However, while this was an obvious weakness change, either through the use of existing institu- in the institutional set-up, it also meant that few tions in innovative ways, or by making hitherto possibilities were created for local public and relatively marginal actors central to a renewed private stakeholders to engage in joint and co- experience offer aimed to attract new types of ordinated development of new services and ex- tourists. The response of Danish policy-makers perience that could prolong the coastal tourism to the long-term stagnation in coastal leisure season in the destination. tourism is an interesting case in point: while the designation of new holiday home areas in the coastal hinterland was a conservative measure Conclusion designed to make the more beds available in the high season, the attempt to further all-year tour- The analysis of the institutions governing the ism could readily be interpreted as an attempt to evolution of coastal leisure tourism in Den- exploit the path plasticity of individual institu- mark has demonstrated that strong elements of tions and, indeed, by modifying the actor con- path dependency exist. The fit between visitor figuration. On the one hand the attempt to use profiles and experience offers – families travel- holiday homes outside the main summer season ling with children and focusing on nature-based makes use of the possibility that also-for-pri- activities and relaxation – is obvious. More vate-use accommodation can be made available Henrik Halkier / Anette Therkelsen: Exploring tourism destination path plasticity 49 also when days become shorter and temperatures are not permanent structures. They are subject to lower. On the other hand developing the expe- change and reinvention, often of a small-scale rience offer by highlighting cultural attractions incremental nature that it is difficult to detect such as local food brought traditionally rather by means of research designs that tend to back- marginal actors in the catering business – qual- ground the temporal dimension and therefore ity-oriented restaurateurs – and their associated operate in a binary now-or-never mode which forms of knowledge to the fore in an attempt to juxtaposes current misery with future prosperity persuade visitors that coastal locations in North – and hence runs the risk of contributing to the Jutland could be worth-while places to visit in perpetuation of the former. November.

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