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The Political Economy of Support for Early Childhood Education

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The Political Economy of Support for Early Childhood Education Access for All? The Political Economy of Support for Early Childhood Education Auden Laurence June 2016 M-RCBG Associate Working Paper Series | No. 61 The views expressed in the M-RCBG Associate Working Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the Mossavar-Rahmani Center for Business & Government or of Harvard University. The papers in this series have not undergone formal review and approval; they are presented to elicit feedback and to encourage debate on important public policy challenges. Copyright belongs to the author(s). Papers may be downloaded for personal use only. Mossavar-Rahmani Center for Business & Government Weil Hall | Harvard Kennedy School | www.hks.harvard.edu/mrcbg Access for All? The Political Economy of Support for Early Childhood Education Auden Laurence Presented to the Department of Economics in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a Bachelor of Arts degree with Honors Harvard College Cambridge, Massachusetts March 10, 2016 Abstract Early childhood education (ECE) programming offers one of the most promising strategies for reducing achievement gaps. However, access to state-funded pre-K varies widely by state. I develop a theory to explain the political economy of voter and legislator support for universal ECE. I evaluate my theoretical model using data on votes cast by voters and legislators for ECE-related policies in California. I also study the determinants of ECE policy outcomes across states using state-level panel data over 12 years. I find that there is an inverse relationship between median income in a community and support for public pre-K. Racially homogeneous communities are also more likely to support such programs. For legislators, political party matters above all else. Democrats are over 30 percentage points more likely to support the ECE policy considered. Proponents of public pre-K can expect to garner the greatest levels of support for ECE expansion from: racially homogeneous communities, low- and middle-income individuals, and Democrats. Acknowledgments This thesis would not have been possible without the guidance and support from my thesis advisor, Jeff Frieden. I am forever indebted to him for his mentorship and advice, both with this project and throughout my time in college. I am grateful for the insight and help of Claudia Goldin and Larry Katz, whose seminar sparked my work on this thesis. I am thankful for the ceaseless support of Greg Bruich. His willingness to provide assistance was unparalleled. To Jim Alt, Stephen Ansolabehere, Carl Klarner, Julianna Pacheco, and Jim Snyder, thank you for your data suggestions. To Jessica Laird and Melissa Sands, thank you for your assistance with my empirical analysis. I am grateful for the insight of Jim Heckman at the start of my thesis. His work in the field of early childhood education is an inspiration to me. I would like to thank Katherine Merseth, Scott Moore, Vickie Ramos Harris, S. Paul Reville, and Sara Watson for their help and suggestions. I thank Senator Kay Hagan, Jeff Liebman, and Karen Mills for their encouragement of this project. I am thankful for the help provided by Michelle Horowitz and Kirsty Brown at the NIEER. I would also like to thank the Harvard reference librarians Diane Sredl, Kathleen Donovan, and Valerie Weis for their assistance compiling initial sources. To the many others at the U.S. Census Bureau, the California Secretary of State’s Office, and the Statewide Database Office at Berkeley who helped me find the data I needed, thank you. To my family, thank you for your undying love and encouragement. To my mom, thank you for inspiring my belief in the power of early childhood education. Your mission to make the world a safe and nurturing place for children motivates me to approach all that I do with passion and purpose. Table of Contents SECTION I: Introduction…..…………………………………………………………..…1 SECTION II: Policy Characteristics of Propositions 30, 38, and 82 and SB 1381……….6 Policy Characteristics of Proposition 82…………………………………………..6 Policy Characteristics of Propositions 30 and 38…………………………………8 Policy Characteristics of SB 1381………………………………………………...9 SECTION III: A Review of the Relevant Literature on the Political Economy of ECE...11 Literature on the Achievement Gap and the Success of ECE Programs………...11 Literature on Voter Preferences for Public Goods Provision……………………12 Literature on Legislator Decision-Making……………………………………….15 Literature on the Political Economy of ECE…………………………………….17 SECTION IV: A Theory of Voter and Legislator Support for ECE……………………..17 A Theory of Public Goods Provision Related to Proposition 82………………...18 A Theory of Legislator Preferences Related to SB 1381………………………...22 The Relationship between My Theory of Voter and Legislator Support for ECE and State Funding for, Access to, and Quality of ECE Programs………...……..24 Additional Theoretical Expectations Related to Support for ECE………………26 SECTION V: Methodology……………………………………………………………...27 An Empirical Model of Voter Support for Proposition 82………………………27 An Empirical Model of Voter Support for Propositions 30 and 38……………...30 An Empirical Model of Legislator Support for SB 1381………………………...31 An Empirical Model of State Funding for, Access to, and Quality of ECE……..35 SECTION VI: Data………………………………………………………………………38 Data for the Empirical Model of Voter Support for Proposition 82……………..38 Data for the Empirical Model of Voter Support for Propositions 30 and 38…….42 Data for the Empirical Model of Legislator Support for SB 1381………………44 Data for the Empirical Model of State Funding for, Access to, and Quality of ECE………………………………………………………………………………48 SECTION VII: Results for the Basic Models…………………………………………....52 Results for the Empirical Models of Voter Support for Proposition 82…………52 Results for the Empirical Models of Voter Support for Propositions 30 and 38...57 Results for the Empirical Models of Legislator Support for SB 1381…………...60 Results for the Empirical Models of State Funding for, Access to, and Quality of ECE………………………………………………………………………………64 SECTION VIII: Conclusions…………………………………………………………….69 TABLES…………………………………...…………………………………………….75 FIGURES………………………………...……………………………………………..100 REFERENCES………………………………...……………………………………….101 Index of Tables and Figures Table 1: Descriptive Statistics for Voter Support Models: Full Sample by Precinct……75 Table 2: Descriptive Statistics for Legislator Support Models: Full Sample by District..79 Table 3: Descriptive Statistics for State Models: Full Sample by State…………………82 Table 4: Relationship between Precinct Income Shares and Proportion of Votes for Proposition 82……………………………………………………………………………85 Table 5: Relationship between Precinct Income Inequality and Proportion of Votes for Proposition 82……………………………………………………………………………87 Table 6: Relationship between Precinct Ethnic/Racial Diversity and Proportion of Votes for Proposition 82………………………………………………………………………..88 Table 7: Relationship between Precinct Income Shares and Proportion of Votes for Propositions 30 and 38…………………………………………………………………...89 Table 8: Relationship between Precinct Income Inequality and Proportion of Votes for Proposition 30……………………………………………………………………………90 Table 9: Relationship between Precinct Income Inequality and Proportion of Votes for Proposition 38……………………………………………………………………………91 Table 10: Relationship between Precinct Ethnic/Racial Diversity and Proportion of Votes for Propositions 30 and 38……………………………….………………………………92 Table 11: Marginal Effects of District Income Shares on the Probability that a Legislator Votes in Favor of SB 1381……………………………………………………………....93 Table 12: Marginal Effects of District Income Inequality on the Probability that a Legislator Votes in Favor of SB 1381…………………………………………………...94 Table 13: Marginal Effects of District Ethnic/Racial Diversity on the Probability that a Legislator Votes in Favor of SB 1381…………………………………………………...95 Table 14: Relationship between State Income Shares and Funding for, Access to, and Quality of ECE……………………………………………...............................................96 Table 15: Relationship between State Income Inequality and Funding for, Access to, and Quality of ECE……………………………………………...............................................98 Table 16: Relationship between State Ethnic/Racial Diversity and Funding for, Access to, and Quality of ECE……………………………………………........................................99 Figure 1: Binscatter Plots of the Natural Log of Median Household Income in a Precinct and the Shares of Support for Propositions 30, 38, and 82…………………..…………100 1 I. Introduction The opportunity gap in America based on socioeconomic status (SES) is wide and achievement gaps continue to grow (Reardon 2011; Putnam 2015). States have begun to develop and implement policies targeted at narrowing these gaps (CA Secretary of State 2006a; Cascio and Schanzenbach 2013; Barnett et al. 2015). Based on an extensive and compelling research literature, early childhood education (ECE) programming offers one of the most promising strategies for reducing achievement gaps. These programs have demonstrated powerful, positive impacts on student outcomes and are economically efficient (Currie 2001; Heckman et al. 2010). In light of this research, a few states, such as Oklahoma and Georgia, have implemented universal public pre-K for four-year-olds (Cascio and Schanzenbach 2013). However, access to state-funded pre-K varies widely by state (Barnett et al. 2015). The purpose of this paper is to explore and explain why some states have universal public pre-K while
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