Smart’ Morgan Mouton

Worlding infrastructure in the global South: Philippine experiments and the art of being ‘smart’ Morgan Mouton

To cite this version:

Morgan Mouton. Worlding infrastructure in the global South: Philippine experiments and the art of being ‘smart’. Urban Studies, SAGE Publications, 2021, 58 (3), pp.621-638. 10.1177/0042098019891011. hal-02977298

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HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Special issue article: Smart cities between worlding and provincializing

Urban Studies 2021, Vol. 58(3) 621–638 Ó Urban Studies Journal Limited 2020 Worlding infrastructure in the global Article reuse guidelines: sagepub.com/journals-permissions South: Philippine experiments and DOI: 10.1177/0042098019891011 the art of being ‘smart’ journals.sagepub.com/home/usj

Morgan Mouton University of Calgary, Canada

Abstract This article explores the material dimensions of ‘smart city’ initiatives in the context of postcolonial cities where urban utilities are qualified as deficient. It argues that while such projects may very well be another manifestation of urban entrepreneurialism, they should not be dismissed as an already-outdated research object. Rather, they can be analysed in light of postcolonial cities’ development agenda. Here, I document and analyse the ongoing construction of New Clark City, a smart city project that is envisioned by the current Philippine state administration as a solution to the crisis that Metro Manila’s urban infrastructure is going through. In doing so, I seek to integrate Science and Technology Studies’ insights on infrastructure provision with the literature on worlding efforts in cities of the global South.

Keywords infrastructure provision, Mega-Manila, provincialising, smart city, splintering urbanism, worlding

᪈㾱 ⭘ޜᵜ᮷᧒䇘ਾ⇆≁෾ᐲ㛼ᲟлĀᲪភ෾ᐲāّ䇞Ⲵ⢙䍘ቲ䶒ˈ൘ਾ⇆≁෾ᐲѝˈ෾ᐲ һъ㻛ᇊᙗѪн䏣Ǆᵜ᮷䇔Ѫˈቭ㇑䘉Ӌ亩ⴞᖸਟ㜭ᱟ෾ᐲࡋъ㋮⾎Ⲵਖа⿽㺘⧠ᖒᔿˈ նᆳԜнᓄ㻛㿶Ѫᐢ㓿䗷ᰦⲴ⹄ウሩ䊑Ǆ⴨৽ˈᡁԜਟԕṩᦞਾ⇆≁෾ᐲⲴਁኅ䇞〻ᶕ ࠶᷀ᆳԜǄ൘ᵜ᮷ѝˈᡁ᧿䘠ᒦ࠶᷀Ҷ↓൘䘋㹼ѝⲴᯠݻ᣹ݻᐲ (New Clark City) Ⲵᔪ䇮Ǆ 䘉ᱟањᲪភ෾ᐲ亩ⴞˈ㻛⧠ԫ㨢ᖻᇮ᭯ᓌ䇮ᜣѪ䀓ߣབྷ傜ቬ᣹෾ᐲส⹰䇮ᯭ↓൘㓿শ ⲴডᵪⲴᯩṸǄ㯹↔ˈᡁራ≲ሶ、ᆖᢰᵟ⹄ウሩส⹰䇮ᯭᔪ䇮Ⲵ㿱䀓оޘ⨳ইᯩ෾ᐲⲴ ц⭼ॆ (worlding) ࣚ࣋ᯩ䶒Ⲵ᮷⥞䘋㹼ᮤਸǄ

ޣ䭞䇽 ส⹰䇮ᯭ׋ᓄǃབྷ傜ቬ᣹ǃ㹼ⴱॆǃᲪភ෾ᐲǃ࠶㻲Ⲵ෾ᐲॆǃц⭼ॆ

Received January 2019; accepted November 2019 Corresponding author: Morgan Mouton, Department of Community Health Introduction Sciences, Cumming School of Medicine, University of ‘Manila, I think will be, in about 25 years, Calgary, Teaching, Research and Wellness Building (3rd floor), 3280 Hospital Drive NW, Calgary, AB, T2N 4Z6, will be a dead city. It will start to decay’, Canada. proclaimed Rodrigo Duterte in a speech Email: [email protected] 622 Urban Studies 58(3) aimed at supporting the development of a potential to destabilise dominant forms of ‘smart city’ on a 9450-hectare tract of land organisation in urban areas; and (2) studies in the north-east of the Philippine capital that critically analyse how smart initiatives city (Rappler, 2017a). In this speech, the have become a way for cities to gain sub- president of the Republic of the Philippines stantial national and international visibility, argues that Metro Manila’s infrastructure is and therefore attract investors. hopeless and beyond repair or improvement, In this article, I argue that considering calling instead for a decentralisation of its what Harris (2013) calls concrete geogra- activities. ‘You cannot rehabilitate the place, phies, and placing the focus on the material you have to baklasin mo ang Maynila [break dimension of smart cities, can help advance Manila apart] to do that’, he adds1 (Rappler, such a research agenda. I am proposing to 2017a). The assertive tone is characteristic of unpack the project of New Clark City Duterte, who does not expand on how he (NCC), a development located north of the envisions moving the 13 million inhabitants Philippine capital region, by examining its currently living in the Philippines’ largest provision of urban services. Following scho- metropolis into a presently empty tract of lars who have expressed similar calls for land. While some would quickly discard this more attention to networked infrastructure statement, on account of the President of provision in urban studies (Gandy, 2005; the Philippines routinely resorting to similar Graham and Marvin, 2001; Lorrain, 2014; angry outbursts and shocking announce- McFarlane and Rutherford, 2008), not least ments, I suggest that this speech is worthy of using a Science and Technology Studies per- consideration. It reveals how critical the sit- spective (Coutard and Guy, 2007), I argue uation of Metro Manila’s infrastructure is that this lens is especially relevant for the perceived to be, and how new, preferably study of smart city initiatives in the global ‘smart’, developments such as Clark are pre- South. I show how infrastructure provision sented as a comprehensive solution to the is a critical aspect of NCC, in that it is problem. Strikingly, it is the newness of the simultaneously presented by its proponents smart city that seems to be appealing for as a condition for, and also a marker of, Duterte: the project is not about improving economic development. With this in mind, I an already-existing built environment and contend that unpacking infrastructure provi- enhancing it with new technologies, but sion can be a heuristic for studying smart rather planning and constructing something city projects. The circulation of technologies entirely novel, integrated and devoid of past and expertise behind networked infrastruc- mistakes. ture highlights the regional and global The present special issue seeks to adopt a dimension of NCC. Consequently, looking global, non-Western-centric approach for at infrastructure provision also contributes the study of the myriad of projects branding to scholarship on worlding cities (Roy, 2011; themselves as smart cities. Acknowledging Roy and Ong, 2011). Meanwhile, unpacking the diversity of smart city initiatives around the practicalities of infrastructure provision the world, it follows a narrow ridge that in NCC is also a way to ground the study, overlooks two strands of smart city scholar- and explore the Philippine political economy ship: (1) studies that point to the need to of urban production. Unfolding the stories provincialise the literature and place more behind the pipes and cables that are being focus on projects that are not initiated by laid under NCC prompts encounters with major state or corporate actors, but rather the local actors involved in the financing, emerge from the periphery, and hold the planning and construction of the project. Mouton 623

This approach also leaves room for local third sections will use NCC as a case in contingencies to be examined and analysed – point. In the second section, I will show in a word, it also echoes the injunctions to how studying planned infrastructure for provincialise our understanding of the pro- NCC helps shed light on the social, eco- duction of smart urbanism. nomic and political objectives of this smart Methodologically, such an approach city initiative. More specifically, I will show relies on a careful documentation of the proj- how, and the extent to which, NCC can be ect, through a monitoring of public-domain characterised as a utopian project – and publications (press releases concerning the with which consequences for the Mega- project, calls for public biddings and notices Manila region. In the third section, I will of awards detailing the planned infrastruc- consider the political economy of infra- ture) and media coverage around the project. structure production, and will discuss the In obtaining the lay of the land for the proj- relevance of the worlding cities grid of anal- ect, one can start to identify the actors ysis for the case of NCC, thus questioning involved in its development. The next step is and characterising the global – and regional therefore to accumulate more data on these – dimensions of the project. actors – in this case, the public agency spearheading the project, the Bases Conversion and Development Authority (BCDA), but Smart cities as infrastructure also the myriad of technology companies, Projects that are branded as smart city initia- utilities and real-estate developers involved. tives can be very diverse in nature and in Again, a monitoring of the economic press scale, but they usually share the common was valuable for this endeavour, but key trait of being heavily publicised and aggres- information was also found in these compa- sively promoted by their instigators. It assu- nies’ annual reports and filings. Lastly, these redly has to do with the considerable levels data were also complemented by in-depth of investment that public authorities and interviews carried out with six executives corporate interests pour into such projects, from the BCDA, the agency in charge of but beyond that, Wiig (2015) summarises the developing NCC. More generally, this situation well when he posits that ‘smart city research built upon extensive fieldwork efforts are best understood as examples of (approximately 12 months over three stays) outward-looking policy promotion for the carried out in Metro Manila between 2014 globalised economy’. He makes a strong case and 2017, during which I was able to gain for considering smart city projects as part of insight on some of the underpinnings of the the toolbox that urban elites use to world political economy of urban production in the their cities. In this section, I would like to Philippines. refine this idea by stressing that part of the The first section of this article will make appeal that such initiatives have in cities of a case for highlighting infrastructure provi- the global South derives from their infra- sion when it comes to understanding smart structural nature and the role they play in city initiatives. More specifically, it will branding and entrepreneurialism. replace such projects in the context of cities When working on smart cities, setting the that are faced with major challenges with contours of the object of analysis is challen- regards to service provision, but also where ging because of the polysemy of the term, urban elites seek to demonstrate their mod- and its abundant use by a very wide variety ernity through a showcasing of technologi- of scholars and practitioners (Hollands, cal know-how. From there, the second and 2008). Before going further, it is sensible, 624 Urban Studies 58(3) then, to clarify the posture adopted in this consequence, the digitisation of cities cannot article, and defend the idea that such proj- merely be reduced to the installation of sen- ects can usefully be defined by their focus on sors and to the production of data. Smart infrastructure for the purpose of this analy- urbanism also implies the development of sis. Kitchin (2014) distinguishes two broad new practices, new standards and norms, as understandings of smart cities. The first one well as the conjuration of new ideals and refers to the increasing ubiquity of sensors urban models. This conceptualisation of and computing devices within the urban fab- infrastructure can be helpful in navigating ric – what Picon (2015: 28) more lyrically through the complexities of urbanism. describes as cities becoming able to ‘learn, Following pipes and cables can shed a new understand and reason’. Ultimately, the light on smart city initiatives. It calls for our assumption is that the proliferation of such attention to move beyond flagship projects, devices will allow for unprecedented knowl- and towards an examination of the more edge of the city, and therefore increase its mundane aspects of city-building. One only controllability while enhancing the efficiency needs to witness a power cut, an interruption of service delivery, and, hopefully, improve in water distribution or a halt in rubbish col- its sustainability. The second view on smart lection in order to realise its essential charac- cities adopts a broader perspective that ter. Studying service delivery, its priorities – refers to an economic policy rather than to how it may favour certain areas over others, an evolution in technologies. Hollands for instance – but also how it is planned and (2008) underlines that practitioners’ under- managed, gives precious insights into the standing of smart cities cannot be reduced governance of a city. The financing of infra- to a digitisation of urban infrastructure. structure – for example, directly, or through Here, Information and Communication various forms of public–private partnerships Technologies (ICTs) are rather seen as a tool (PPPs) – the diverse modalities of delegation for attracting and connecting smart people in to utilities and the oversight exercised by pub- order to foster the development of a knowl- lic authorities are many elements that can edge economy characterised by innovation, inform us of the constraints faced by cities, creativity and entrepreneurship – in a sense, and of the objectives pursued by their elites to attract the creative class that Florida (Le Gale` s and Lorrain, 2003; Lorrain, 2014). (2004) depicted before the smart city became Vanolo (2014: 883) appositely argues that in vogue. ‘the smart city discourse distances urban For the purpose of this article, I would government from politics and represents the like to call for a conceptualisation of smart urban question in terms of the environment cities as infrastructure. To be clear, such a and technology, broadening the field of stance does not imply that only the material action of technicians, consultants and pri- dimension of smart cities be taken into vate companies’. Focusing on the infrastruc- account. Rather, I borrow Picon’s (2017, tural dimension of smart cities is precisely a 2018) understanding of infrastructure as a way to avoid falling into this trap, provided set of three, mutually interacting compo- that one acknowledges, and brings out, the nents: a material basis, a set of stabilised intrinsically political nature of infrastruc- socio-technical practices and what he terms ture. A contribution from Science and imagination (i.e. a set of representations and Technology Studies (STS) is to show how values shared by a multiplicity of stake- infrastructure projects reflect the balance of holders: engineers, maintenance technicians, power of the organisations involved in their political leaders, as well as end-users). As a development (e.g. Pritchard, 2011). They are Mouton 625 a product of different political agendas, related policies. As noted in the context of which are integrated into their very material- sub-Saharan Africa (Watson, 2014) or of ity – it is what Gabrielle Hecht (2014) termed India (Datta, 2015), the ‘smart city rhetoric’ technopolitics (see also Edwards and Hecht, is closely intertwined with an agenda of 2010; Jaglin and Dubresson, 2016). Take for development. And infrastructure tends to be instance the well-known example of how associated with a ‘sense of shaping modern Robert Moses built low-clearance tunnels society and realising the future’ (Larkin, that could not accommodate buses, in order 2013: 332) – they arguably constitute the to restrict access to Long Island beaches for very underpinning of modernity. In fact, a less-affluent New Yorkers (Rowland and dual dynamic is at play. On the one hand, Passoth, 2015). Accordingly, placing the infrastructure is envisioned as a demonstra- focus on the infrastructure of smart cities tion, or an indicator, of development. On the can be viewed as a methodological stance. It other hand, infrastructure is also conceived forces us to consider the less visible, yet cru- as a medium for development and competi- cial aspects of urban production. In this tiveness – a belief that Marshall (2012) desig- sense, this approach also represents an nates by infrastructuralism. answer to the call for the study of ‘actually The same is true for the Philippines, espe- existing smart cities’ (Shelton et al., 2015). cially as the context of Metro Manila is indeed one of infrastructural crisis. The Focusing on infrastructure to megacity’s demography is impressive: from a city of 623,000 inhabitants in 1939, accord- characterise smart cities’ ing to that year’s census (Caoili, 1989: 52), it raison d’eˆtre became a metropolis of 13 million inhabi- I have argued that focusing on infrastructure tants today, with projections estimating that provision is a helpful way to better under- the population could reach 19 million in the stand smart city projects. In this section, I coming years (Porio, 2014: 80). Urban ser- would like to operationalise this idea by pre- vices did not catch up, however, and service senting the case study of NCC. First, I will delivery is now perceived as a major obstacle show that studying the infrastructural com- towards higher economic growth (ADB, ponents of NCC can help shed light on its 2013; World Bank, 2005). An obvious exam- objectives – namely, to showcase develop- ple is the traffic congestion that cripples the ment in the context of an urbanisation often city (Boquet, 2013): in 2015, the secretary depicted as haphazard and suboptimal for economic planning estimated that road (Navarro, 2016). Second, I will highlight congestion engenders a loss of 3 billion how these objectives entail a territorial and pesos (US$64 million) every day in Metro infrastructural rupture with the surrounding Manila (Philippine Star, 2015). Other ser- Mega-Manila region. vices are, however, equally important: electricity provision is vulnerable and has failed in the past (Mouton, 2015), and while the Showcasing Philippine ‘development’ two water utilities that cover the metropoli- If infrastructure constitutes a relevant point tan territory have significantly improved of entry for the study of smart cities gener- their coverage in terms of water distribution ally, it is especially so in countries of the glo- over the past three decades, a pressing issue bal South. I would indeed like to argue that is the treatment of wastewater, which cur- their infrastructural dimension constitutes a rently infiltrates groundwater (World Bank, powerful driver for smart city initiatives and 2010). 626 Urban Studies 58(3)

In this context, it is striking to note that Manila (see Figure 1), NCC is a massive proj- NCC is part of a huge infrastructural push ect with regards to its size (9450 hectares) and initiated in the beginning of the 2010s, and the level of investments involved, which amplified further by president Duterte’s amount to over US$14 billion (Business ‘build-build-build’ programme. Duterte is Insider, 2018). By the time of its completion, best known, abroad, for his derogatory lan- in 25–30 years, it is envisioned to host 1.2 mil- guage and his alleged violations of human lion inhabitants. rights (Human Rights Watch, 2018), but The project took off under the presidency another important topic in his communica- of Benigno Aquino III, who carried out an tion strategy is the modernisation of the official ground-breaking ceremony in April country’s infrastructure (Forbes, 2018). The 2016. It was, however, fast-tracked by his programme is massive in scale: 75 projects2 successor, Rodrigo Duterte, who changed its ranging from highways to new airports and name along the way from Clark Green City energy plants, and representing a projected to New Clark City. It sits on a former US spending of US$180 billion by 2022 military base that the Philippines recovered (Alegado, 2018). The pace is also note- in 1991, and as such it is managed by the worthy: the projects are fast-tracked, consis- BCDA. It is comprised of a mixed-use core tently with Datta’s (2016) observation that of 288 hectares that includes office buildings, speed is an important dimension of projects residential units and an industrial estate, but envisioned as a solution to the ‘urban crisis’. also a National Government Administrative Building a new city in the north of Center modelled after Putrajaya (Malaysia) Manila therefore has to be understood as that will host several national administra- fulfilling two objectives. First, as reflected in tions, as well as a sports complex that will the statement presented at the beginning of host the Southeast Asian Games in the article, the idea is to alleviate the pres- December 2019. In addition, procurement is sure on the national capital region by relo- under way for the construction of an agro- cating government and business activities. industrial hub, the Food Processing Second, and perhaps more importantly, the Terminal and International Food Market. new city has to be ‘smart’ in order to show The project is ambitious, and framed as a the world that the urban Philippines is not new frontier in terms of urbanism: ‘New characterised by the infrastructure break- Clark City is being conceptualised to be the downs and haphazard service provision that country’s largest and first, smart, green and cities of the global South tend to be associ- disaster-resilient city’, reads a report by the ated with (McFarlane, 2010; Silver, 2016). main real-estate developer, Filinvest (Filinvest As Datta (2018: 407) puts it: ‘Smart cities Development Corporation, 2017: 10). can no longer be cast solely as the mobility Features include the creation of a centralised of global visions of urban futures, rather as and integrated system for utilities (energy, the extension of state aspirations of govern- water and sewerage, telecommunications), mentality, modernity and the control of controlled from an ‘operations centre’. Also ‘‘disorder’’ into a digital urban age.’ in line with the imaginaries of the control NCC is indeed expected to boast new – and room, NCC will have a ‘Disaster Risk and supposedly environmentally friendly – tech- Recovery Centre’ aiming at increasing the nologies that can demonstrate the Philippines’ resilience of this region of high seismic activ- improving situation, from the ‘sick man of ity, which also suffered direly from the 1991 Asia’ (Kind, 2000) to an emerging regional eruption of Mount Pinatubo – the second economy. Located 100 km north of Metro largest volcanic eruption of the 20th century. Mouton 627

Figure 1. New Clark City and the decongestion of Metro Manila. Connecting the Philippine national capital region to its ‘smart city’. Source: Base map obtained from OpenStreetMap; cartographic work by the author.

Environmentally, the city is also envisioned to already available to the public.3 The question include several advanced features, such as a of mobility within the city is also heavily dis- district cooling system and an energy manage- cussed, with the objective of promoting walk- ment and storage system. The idea of sour- ing and cycling – in sharp contrast with most cing its electricity from sustainable sources Philippine cities, where walking can be a frus- (geothermal, wind and photovoltaic) is also trating, sometimes dangerous, experience and being discussed, although the realisation of cycling is marginal, to say the least, given the this objective is not detailed in the plans lack of adequate infrastructure. 628 Urban Studies 58(3)

There is an already well-established cri- A state of infrastructural exception tique of the elitist and exclusionary nature While we cannot assess the social diversity of that characterises most of the projects that a city that has yet to be fully built, we can advertise themselves as ‘smart’ (Hollands, analyse the unfolding of infrastructure devel- 2008, 2015; Marvin et al., 2015). More spe- opment and draw a few conclusions. The cifically, smart city initiatives typically adopt reflex here is to invoke the now widely a corporate vision of what it means to be known concept of splintering urbanism ‘smart’ (So¨derstro¨m et al., 2014): consistent (Graham and Marvin, 2001), which precisely with an entrepreneurial form of urban gov- describes a process of widening socio-spatial ernance (Harvey, 1989), they prioritise the inequalities resulting from increasing dispari- attraction of investment and the fostering of ties in infrastructure provision. Graham and economic development over an agenda of Marvin argue that the liberalisation of ser- social development and democratic enliven- vice provision in numerous countries – comment. When citizens are at all taken into bined with inter-city competition – has led to consideration, they are required to be com- the collapse of a modern ideal of universal pliant and to act along the lines that have and homogenous service provision. Instead, been designed for them rather than actively profit-driven service providers are now participate in the shaping of their city increasingly differentiating their offers, (Gabrys, 2014). It raises the following ques- bypassing poorer, less financially appealing tion: who are the ‘smart people’ that will areas while focusing their resources towards inhabit NCC? ‘Decongesting Manila’ can premium spaces where more affluent urba- indeed be interpreted as an opportunity for nites can afford to pay more for better qual- a select few to opt out from the national ity. The narrative is appealing in the context capital region in order to join a city that of the Philippines and its adoption of policies enjoys premium urban space. If smart cities that led to the privatisation of large technical are often qualified as utopias (Datta, 2015; networks (water, telecommunications, elec- Townsend, 2013), it is perhaps useful to tricity) in the 1990s (Bello, 2005). The story remember here that utopias tend to be selec- is, however, not so straightforward. tive. By their very nature, they are experi- In terms of infrastructure provision, mentations (Marvin et al., 2018), and as such NCC’s story is indeed one of secession from they involve a group that is dissociated from the surrounding territory. It is true of the the rest of the population. features that make it smart and environmen- Preliminary – and ongoing – work on the tally friendly (e.g. district cooling, smart evaluation of NCC’s socio-spatial impact is grids) and that, by definition, do not exist certainly worrisome (Ortega et al., 2019), with elsewhere – the rationale for such projects is the displacement of communities that had precisely to explore these new technologies. been cultivating the land in Clark for genera- But it is also true of more traditional urban tions, notably the Aeta Hungey tribe services: electricity provision, water distribu- (Philippine Inquirer, 2019). Given the unfin- tion and wastewater treatment. However, ished state of NCC, one can only offer cau- even if the conclusion corroborates Graham tionary statements. The focus on service and Marvin’s work, this process of fragmen- provision adopted in this article can, however, tation has less to do with the global trend of inform on the question of territorial inequal- liberalisation, and more to do with the parti- ities and social inclusion/exclusion, as the fol- cularities of NCC. While the area would nor- lowing subsection will demonstrate. mally be within the franchise of a utility, it Mouton 629 qualifies as a special economic zone – as do ‘Worlding infrastructure’: NCC all projects undertaken by the BCDA. As between regional influences and such, NCC is withdrawn from utilities’ fran- local balance of power chise, and service provision is put on tender: the quality of service as well as its cost for In the previous section, I made a case for the end-user are therefore renegotiated, and considering smart cities as infrastructure in distinct from what prevails in the surround- order to better understand the actors behind ing areas.4 A consortium composed of the their production, the objectives they set, as Philippines’ largest power utility, Meralco, well as their socio-spatial consequences, and several Japanese firms (Marubeni Corp., intended or not. With this section, I seek to The Kansai Electric Power Co. Inc. and come back to the initial research question Chubu Electric Power Co. Inc.) was selected and investigate the heuristic value of such an out of four bidders for electricity distribution approach with regards to the literature on (Philippine Daily Inquirer, 2019). For water worlding cities. More specifically, this article distribution and wastewater management, represents an attempt to follow the STS tra- the BCDA selected a consortium led by the dition, and integrate it with the literature on Philippine company PrimeWater and Israel’s worlding efforts in cities of the global South. Tahal Group, out of three bidders (Business While this concept has enjoyed considerable World, 2018). Once again, such elements attention in the field of urban studies, few point to the need to situate the analysis, and attempts have been made to explore its rele- consider the interplay between local contin- vance for the study of infrastructure provi- gencies and global macroeconomic forces. sion. The term ‘worlding’ has recently been The case of NCC therefore adds to previous mobilised by Furlong and Kooy (2017), but critiques of splintering urbanism’s main idea the focus here was placed on provincialising (Coutard, 2002, 2008) – not least critiques the question of water provision, and less that emerged from the study of cities in the attention was placed on actors’ strategies to global South (Jaglin, 2008; Ze´rah, 2008), produce or adopt ‘urban norms that count where the existence of a modern ideal needs as ‘‘global’’’ (Roy and Ong, 2011: 2). to be questioned more critically, as does the The concept of worlding ‘serves as a assumption of a convergence with a Western counterpoint to the framework of global/ model of service provision. world cities that has become commonplace Regardless of the process, the smart city’s in urban theory’, and represents an attempt infrastructure is practically disconnected to ‘recover and restore the vast array of glo- from the surrounding territories. This raises bal strategies that are being staged at the questions in terms of socio-spatial solidari- urban scale around the world’ (Roy, 2011: ties, given that a now well-established scho- 9–10). Through new practices of modelling, inter-referencing and association, the concept larly tradition has envisioned large technical points to new geographies in the production networks as a factor of cohesion – materi- of urban imaginaries – geographies that ally, socially and economically (Coutard and extend well beyond the handful of Western Rutherford, 2015; Tarr and Dupuy, 1988). cities that scholars have traditionally used as If the more prosperous areas are isolated a template in order to gauge and character- from the rest of Luzon – the Philippines’ ise urban change elsewhere. Roy and Ong largest island – it calls the techno-economic (2011) convincingly show how regional mod- model of urban services into question. els have emerged in Asia (e.g. Singapore, 630 Urban Studies 58(3)

Table 1. List of companies with which the BCDA signed a memorandum of understanding for the construction of NCC.

Company Headquarters Role in NCC

AECOM United States Master plan for NCC Surbana Jurong Singapore Support for the master plan: development management Nippon Koei Japan framework, standards guidelines and environmental guidelines; integration of infrastructure and utilities (power, water, sewerage, ICTs, security and traffic management) Hitachi Asia Ltd Japan Energy management and storage system, district The Power Grid Japan cooling system, power distribution Solution Ltd KEPCO Philippines South Korea Energy management system in New Clark City Corporation (KEPHILCO) MTD Capital Malaysia Sports facilities for the Southeast Asian Games, National government complex, integrated Operations Center and Disaster Risk and Recovery Center

Source: BCDA http://www.bcda.gov.ph/ (last accessed 1 September 2018).

Hong Kong, Shanghai) and replaced more structured and built, how the utilities are built. traditionally established, Western cities, as a So what we do when we go out of the country, point in reference. I would like to argue here we go to the museums where you can see their that this trend is reflected in this Philippine plans, and we even jog or walk around the city, project for a smart city, but that a second looking at all the details: the pavement, if it’s value of this grid of analysis is to emphasise made of concrete, or with pebbles, or blocks. The trees, what kind of trees . We interact that worlding strategies are situated. with the community, with the environment. You do not learn these things just looking at Aiming for a ‘world-class’ city PowerPoint slides.6 ‘We are building a city that’s like Singapore. This approach translates into the training of They [Singapore] are a city in a garden. We BCDA employees: over 100 of them had say that we are a city in a farm.’ This refer- recently been sent to Singapore for a field ence to Singapore came out quite unexpect- study and training, at the time of this inter- edly in the course of an interview with an view. It also translates into the management executive from the BCDA, as he was pre- of its development projects: the organisation senting the then-embryonic project of a multiplies partnerships with foreign compa- 5 smart city in Clark. In fact, this interview nies, and conducts active outreach for exper- underlined that the organisation spearhead- tise outside of the Philippines. In NCC, this ing the development of NCC was resolutely is particularly striking given its goal of suf- looking at a number of other cities in order fusing the urban fabric with highly advanced to set its own standards for urban develop- technologies. Therefore, while the core of ment in the Philippines. The same person NCC is to be developed by a Philippine com- later went on and insisted: pany, Filinvest (see next subsection), a wide We go out of the country to understand how array of foreign partners is involved as well, things are done, to understand how roads are in different capacities (see Table 1). The Mouton 631 master plan is designed by the Los Angeles- China, Yokohama in Japan, and this is why – based engineering firm AECOM, with input to get the best we have to work with the best – from a Japanese firm (Nippon Koei, as and this is why we partnered with Japan over- well as its Philippine subsidiary Philkoei seas network for infrastructure development, International Inc.) and a Singaporean con- and with other premier master planners like Aecon. sulting firm (Suburbana Jurong). Energy questions in the area will also benefit from Their role is to provide evidence that NCC the expertise of Japanese and Korean com- benefits from the latest technologies and panies: Hitachi Asia Ltd and its subsidiary innovations in service provision and other The Power Grid Solution Ltd, plus KEPCO smart infrastructure. The fact that most of Philippines Corp. Other components of the foreign companies involved in the part- NCC are handled by firms belonging to the nerships are headquartered in the Asian con- Malaysian conglomerate MTD Capital tinent echoes Roy and Ong’s (2011) Berhad. argument on the rise of a South–South cir- These elements echo the core ideas devel- culation of models and expertise. In fact, the oped in Worlding Cities. The NCC project observation can be extended if one considers makes heavy use of the rhetoric used glob- the financing of the project: the China ally for the branding of cities: it is envisioned Development Bank recently signed a mem- to be ‘smart’, ‘green’ and ‘sustainable’, but orandum of understanding with the BCDA also ‘liveable’, and more generally ‘world to explore ‘the most cost effective and effi- class’. The city of Singapore appears to be 7 cient financing option for BCDA’s projects an inspiring model for the BCDA. The in Clark and Metro Manila’, and to involve agency’s previous project, Bonifacio Global Chinese companies in the ‘investments, feasi- City (the development of 214 hectares in bility studies, independent consultancies, Metro Manila), was also extensively mar- detailed engineering design, equipment pro- keted as a ‘Philippine Singapore’ (Shatkin, curement and construction’ of the project 2011) and driven by a desire to showcase (BCDA, 2018). Of note, the plethora of Manila as a modern city (Garrido, 2013). actors involved, however, raises questions The quote reproduced earlier in this article with regards to the integrated nature of the underlines that executives in charge of devel- different systems involved in the manage- oping NCC seek to replicate the experience ment of the city. This Frankenstein urbanism, and urban feel that emanate from the cities as Cugurullo (2018) describes it, constitutes they take as exemplars. Meanwhile, the mul- a point of tension between the hubris of con- tiplicity of partnerships with foreign compa- trolling a centralised system that encom- nies can be understood as a form of inter- passes all aspects of urban life on the one referencing. These partnerships benefited hand, and the diversity of technologies, data from heavy advertisement through press formats and management tools that are releases and government channels (official expected to ensue from this multiplicity of websites and social media accounts). They stakeholders. are in fact highlighted by the BCDA’s CEO Vince Dizon (CNN Philippines, 2017): A situated political economy This could be the benchmark for cities in the As argued, NCC is a largely decontextua- country. We’re benchmarking this city with lised urban product. It is a smart city that cities like Incheon in South Korea, Songdo in borrows features from a number of projects South Korea, Suzhou in China, Tianjin in in Asia and in the world, and seeks to 632 Urban Studies 58(3) replicate successes achieved in a number of they are in overcoming obstacles to urban ‘model’ cities in terms of liveability, environ- redevelopment, and what implications the mental and business friendliness, as well as resulting models of urban governance and legibility and governability through ICTs. design have for social and political change. Visually, the digital renderings created by the developers involved do not show a Looking more closely, the unfolding of Philippine specificity. It looks as if smart city NCC’s development tells a story that is initiatives are invariant with respect to trans- deeply rooted in the Philippine context. Its lational motion: the same urban landscape location, first, is noteworthy. Finding such a could very well find its place in Singapore or large tract of land – nearly 10,000 hectares – in Toronto. Does it mean that all of these is not an easy endeavour in the vicinity of projects are more or less the same, and that Metro Manila. Its existence is intertwined they are therefore hardly worth studying? with the national history: it was a former Here, I would like to argue that attention US military base that was only recovered by should be paid not only to the project itself, the country in 1991, when the Philippines but also to how it is developed – by whom, decided not to renew its agreement with the using whose funds, for the benefit of whom, USA. The organisation spearheading the etc. In other words, while the end-product is development of the city is therefore quite standardised, the process of its production is unique: the BCDA was created a year after, highly dependent on local contingencies, and in 1992 (Republic Act 7227), in order to has a lot to tell us about the Philippine polit- manage the sizeable land-bank recovered by ical economy. the state (of which the Clark military base is Here, the notion of worlding cities is still only a portion), and transform it into indus- relevant, because it emphasises the situated trial and real-estate developments. The nature of worlding practices. As Shatkin BCDA answers directly to the office of the (2011: 93) argues, this strand of literature is president, and has extensive powers over its not so much focused on evaluating the repli- land-bank (including the power of eminent cation of urban models as it is interested in domain) but also beyond, since it is able to how these references are mobilised in local own, lease, operate and maintain public contexts: infrastructures and utility facilities. It is currently a central actor in the efforts of the the inter-referencing of Asian models, rather Philippine state to reassert control over the than reflecting a naive belief that cities can urbanisation of the Mega-Manila region simply follow along the path beaten by other (Mouton and Shatkin, 2019). globalizing cities, instead reflects the shrewd Second, the way the BCDA operates is employment of certain images and ideals to distinctive and reflects the landscape of promote a very specific development agenda. actors involved in urban production in the . [ ] The referencing of Singapore, Shanghai, Philippines. It defines the specification for and other models provides design and govern- the land development project, and puts it on ance templates that indicate the possibility of tender. It then selects a partner among the success, and therefore soften political and social opposition to these changes. The rele- applicants, with which it forms a joint ven- vant question is therefore not whether this ture: the private partner holds 55% of the inter-referencing will ‘work’ (e.g., lead to the shares, while the BCDA keeps the other replication of urban outcomes), but rather 45%. This peculiar form of PPP gives the how the models that result respond to local state agency better control over its project, opportunities and constraints, how effective and is well-aligned with the government’s Mouton 633 current ambition to harness the activity of den Muijzenberg and Van Naerssen, 2005). developers and become more directive in the Filinvest is one of them. The conglomerate planning of the wider metropolitan region of is diversified into banking (42% of 2017 rev- Manila: enues), real estate (40%), power generation and retail (15%) and sugar (3%) (Filinvest [PPPs] have been the most successful model Development Corporation, 2017: 8). Its real- for us. [.] [The corporation we form] has estate presence includes residences, office become a private entity, but at the same time, buildings as well as shopping centres, leisure with our 45% equity, we get to see how the and tourism-oriented buildings – these activ- development unfolds, and how the decision- ities generating 26.8 billion pesos (over making process is done. So we have a vetting process, we have a vetting authority on this US$510 million) of revenues in 2017 corporation.8 (Filinvest Development Corporation, 2017: 9). In Metro Manila, it is best known for its Partnering with private companies was a Filinvest City, a 244-hectare, mixed-use, necessity for the public agency, which had integrated complex in the southern part of land but virtually no budget at its incep- the national capital region. Of note, the tion.9 Clark therefore operates on a for- group also won the bid for the privatisation profit basis: the BCDA provides the land, of a 202-hectare tourism complex, the and developers finance the construction and Mimosa Leisure Estate, located in the Clark recover their investment by leasing the prop- Special Economic Zone – managed by the erties. The formula holds for the public com- Clark Development Corp., an arm of the ponents of the project: the government BCDA. The property is located next to agencies seeking to relocate to the National Clark International Airport, and comprises Government Administrative Centre are a hotel (with three more being planned), 100 encouraged to obtain financing options from villas and two golf courses (Philippine Star, a local bank for the leasing or acquisition of 2016). The developer has been awarded a office buildings, under the umbrella of an provisional licence for the construction of a agreement negotiated by the BCDA, MTD casino, around which the estate will be Clark Inc. (the developer of the administra- integrated. tive centre) and the Land Bank of the This operation considerably consolidates Philippines Leasing and Finance Filinvest’s presence in Clark. The story, Corporation (Sunstar, 2019). however, also involves newer actors. While The successful candidate for the develop- Filinvest is an established player in this ment of NCC’s core element is well-known: country-wide game of Monopoly, the devel- it is Filinvest Land Inc., a subsidiary of opment of Clark also opened opportunities Filinvest Development Corp. The country is for new contenders. Udenna Corporation is characterised by the prominence of a small one of them. Its CEO, Dennis Uy, is close to number of family-owned conglomerates that President Duterte. A fellow Davaoen˜o, Uy dominate the national economy in general, supported Rodrigo Duterte in the presiden- and real estate in particular (Hutchcroft, tial race, with a 30-million pesos contribu- 1991). There is, consequently, a small num- tion to his campaign (Rappler, 2018a). In ber of powerful land developers who have turn, Rodrigo Duterte has shown support to the capacity to design and build entire por- the rising tycoon, frequently inviting him as tions of the city, largely in autonomy from a private-sector delegate during foreign visits public authorities’ own plans (Lorrain and and attending the 10th listing anniversary of Mouton, 2017; Shatkin, 2008, 2017; Van Phoenix Petroleum, a subsidiary of Udenna 634 Urban Studies 58(3)

(Rappler, 2017b). Udenna acquired 177 hec- for its urbanites is therefore rewarding. It also tares of land within the Clark Freeport Zone contributes to urban elites’ efforts to create – land adjacent to the Clark Special ‘world-class’ spaces. Here, the strategy of Economic Zone. Its plans involve office inter-referencing evinced by Roy and Ong space, retail (with a mall occupying a 10-hec- (2011) is of particular relevance. By making tare plot of land, developed by leader in the references to other cities and multiplying part- sector SM Corp.; Rappler, 2018b), luxury nerships with foreign companies, the BCDA hotels, residential space and, finally, the is effectively marketing NCC as a ‘global’ promise of an ‘iconic tower’ envisioned to space that benefits from the latest and most ‘rival the Macau tower and Paris’ Eiffel advanced technologies available worldwide. Tower’ (Rappler, 2018a). Udenna’s invest- However, this strategy is embedded within ment totals US$5 million over 10 years local forms and practices of urban produc- (Business Mirror, 2018). tion, which are negotiated by local actors. NCC can therefore be understood as the By examining this smart city initiative’s result of an alignment between the agenda infrastructure plans, this article sought to of a state willing to decongest Metro Manila complement a Worlding Cities literature that and ‘show off’ with top-notch infrastructure, mostly focuses on the visible part of the built and that of private corporations seeking to environment. The last section shows, in this extend their presence in the north of the cap- regard, that such an approach can fuel the ital region in order to constitute an entire debate over the social inclusion – or lack territory where they can create synergies thereof – of worlding projects. It indeed between different urban functions. shows that public authorities have privileged the creation of an independent, disconnected system of service provision. The logic here is Conclusion not to improve the quality and reliability of In line with the framing of this special issue urban services throughout the country, but on smart cities, this article pursued the rather to create a zone of exception, which objective of analysing NCC through the lens will cater for the needs of a lucky few. of the literature around worlding practices in cities of the global South. In order to do Acknowledgements so, I first argued for the recognition of the I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers, materiality of smart city initiatives: they may as well as the special issue’s guest editors, for their very well be compared to other types of comments and insights. I also learned a lot in the entrepreneurial and profit-driven real-estate course of my discussions with Gavin Shatkin, projects, but they retain a specificity in that Dominique Lorrain, Alvaro Artigas and Sylvy they involve complex and sophisticated Jaglin. infrastructure. This feature is not without significance when one considers the place of Declaration of conflicting interests service delivery in the Philippine political debate. Urbanites’ lives are routinely The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of affected by defective or inadequate infra- interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article. structure, and development agencies and consultancy firms lament the inefficiencies this causes. Politically, bringing forward a Funding smart city initiative that promises a smooth The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following and efficient experience of the urban setting financial support for the research, authorship, Mouton 635 and/or publication of this article: Fieldwork for be-expats-ticket-home (accessed 4 December this work was funded by Universite´Paris-Est. 2019). When writing the article, I also benefited from BCDA (2018) DBP Grants Php9.5 Billion Loan the support of University of Calgary’s O’Brien To AlloyMTD for Construction of Government Institute for Public Health and Cumming School Center in New Clark City. Taguig: BCDA. of Medicine, as well as Canada’s Social Sciences Bello W (2005) The Anti-Development State: The and Humanities Research Council. Political Economy of Permanent Crisis in the Philippines. London: Zed Books. Boquet Y (2013) Battling congestion in Manila: ORCID iD The EDSA problem. 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