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The Relationship of Margaret Sanger and the Pre-War Japanese Birth Control Movement

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The Relationship of Margaret Sanger and the Pre-War Japanese Birth Control Movement The Sanger Brand: The Relationship of Margaret Sanger and the Pre-War Japanese Birth Control Movement. Carolyn Eberts A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts March 2010 Committee Walter Grunden Tiffany Trimmer © 2010 Carolyn Eberts All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT Walter Grunden, Tiffany Trimmer Margaret Sanger, one of the best known promoters of birth control in the first half of the twentieth century, only visited Japan twice in the pre-war era. However, riding on the heels of a tradition of foreign visitors and receiving a vast amount of media coverage, the first trip in particular generated a great deal of interest not only in birth control but also in Sanger. In subsequent years, until the beginning of World War II, Sanger’s name took on a life of its own. Frequently mentioned in newspapers to catch the audience’s attention and strengthen the author’s credibility, Sanger’s name also was used to sell contraceptives. In addition, she was called on for her opinion and endorsement, including for a brand of pessaries that would have great importance for the birth control movement in the United States vs. One Package case. Still, though feted after the war and given great honors, including medals and the right to address the Japanese Diet, Sanger’s fame ultimately overshadowed her ultimate importance to the Japanese birth control movement. Due to traditional and developing attitudes towards family, abortion, and the nation, many Japanese eschewed Sanger’s general message in the pre-war era. As a result, Sanger’s real significance to the birth control movement in Japan in this era was not to be located in the terrain of the substance or influence of her message, but rather in the crass reduction of her name and image to a “brand” that could be exploited by journalists, doctors, and merchants for their own arguments and personal gain. iv In memory of Dr. Kawashima, an inspiring instructor and a truly great man. v Acknowledgement First and foremost, I desire to extend my gratitude to Dr. Grunden and Dr. Trimmer for standing with me through my graduate and undergraduate years. Indeed, I owe a lot of my interest in Asian history to one of the first classes I had at BGSU, Dr. Grunden’s History 180. Likewise, my understanding of current and past events has been expanded greatly by Dr. Trimmer’s class concerning Human Rights and history. The simple, straightforward way in which these individuals disseminate information is clear and refreshing. Moreover, one would be hardpressed to find more inspiring and friendly advisors. I also would like to thank Dr. Jessamyn Abel for assisting me early on in my graduate career and on this project, and for introducing me to many aspects of early modern Japanese history. The freedom she granted me in exploring a range of subject matter and her guidance in my readings are greatly appreciated. Likewise, I am thankful for the aid of Dr. Johnathan Abel in learning more about the literature and literary women of 20th century Japan, the study of which fueld my interest in related women’s movements, including birth control. I am greatful to the Margaret Sanger Papers Project for giving me the opportunity to assist with their program, and utilize their archives. The weeks spent in New York were not only enlightening but enjoyable as well, largely due to the wonderful people at the Project. Throughout my undergraduate and graduate years, I have also been most fortunate to learn the Japanese language with Akiko Kawano-Jones. The enthusiasm she has for imparting information on the nation and culture, as well as the many kindnesses she has shown me, are some of the primary reasons that I have selected this field of study. Last but certainly not least, I thank my parents for their patience and support. And now for something completely different indeed. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION .... ........................................................................................................... 1 CHAPTER I: BIRTH CONTROL BY 1922........................................................................ 19 CHAPTER II: THE FIRST VISIT....................................................................................... 59 CHAPTER III: LONG TERM RESULTS........................................................................... 78 AFTERMATH AND CONCLUSIONS................................................................................ 105 WORKS CITED ........................................................................................................... 112 LIST OF FIGURES/TABLES Figure/Table Page 1 Advertisement for “Sanga-“ brand contraceptives.................................................... 89 2 Advertisement for Koyama pessary.......................................................................... 89 vii Glossary of Abbreviations ABCL – American Birth Control League AMA – American Medical Association LCM – Library of Congress Microfilm Collection MSM – Margaret Sanger Papers Microfilm Edition NBCL – National Birth Control League NEL – National Eugenics Law NYBCL – New York Birth Control League MSPP – Margaret Sanger Papers Project 1 The Sanger Brand: The Relationship of Margaret Sanger and the Pre-War Japanese Birth Control Movement. Introduction For most Americans, December 7, 1936, was a day like any other. Still roiling in the depths of the Great Depression, concerned about the growing strength and enmity of Germany and Japan, the results of a New York court appeal concerning a single package of contraceptives hardly seemed of great importance. For those involved in the United States birth control movement, however, the day marked a turning point. That afternoon, Judge Augustus N. Hand and his court handed down their decision in what is usually called the United States v. One Package case. The case started in 1932 with the seizure of a box of experimental diaphragms by U.S. customs officials under the Smoot- Hawley Tariff Act, a remnant of the oppressive Comstock laws of the late Victorian period. The laws were in place to prevent the spread of obscenity through the U.S. mail and thus the deterioration of American morality. This particular package, however, had been en route to the office of a physician, Dr. Hannah Stone, who was a friend and colleague of Margaret Sanger, the foremost advocate of birth control in the U.S.1 With the aid of lawyer Morris Ernst, Stone challenged this seizure, arguing that the law blocked the progress of scientific study, hindering the advancement of medicine and women’s health. The original decision by Judge Grover M. Moscowitz in favor of Stone was quickly 1 Ellen Chesler, Woman of Valor: Margaret Sanger and the Birth Control Movement in America (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992), 372-3; Madeline Grey, Margaret Sanger: A Biography of the Champion of Birth Control (New York: Richard Marek Publishers, 1979), 231-4; James Reed, The Birth Control Movement and American Society: From Private Vice to Public Virtue (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), 120-1. 2 challenged by the State, but upheld that December day, four years after the initial seizure, by Hand.2 Through the decision of these men, one of the last major restrictions on the proliferation of birth control was removed; as long as doctors were involved, there were no further de jure restrictions on the use of the mail to spread information or contraceptive devices within the United States or internationally. More importantly perhaps, with this final restriction gone, the American Medical Association (AMA), long antagonistic to contraceptive use and discussion, finally recognized the utility of contraceptives for preventive medicine. Thus, birth control, once seen as obscene and radical, became respectable and common place in the U.S. It was the sort of acceptance that Sanger and her colleagues had sought since they first became involved with the issue in the 1910s. However, what is often forgotten in this tale of U.S. victory is the international aspect. This is not surprising as the major drama itself, after all, took place solely in New York. Yet, this case, fully known as United States v. One Package of Japanese Pessaries, is part of larger story of transnational interactions focusing around Margaret Sanger. Of course, it could be said that the pessaries being of Japanese origin was a coincidence. After all, by 1932, Sanger was the recipient of a variety of inventions and marketed contraceptive devices from friends around the world.3 But why a Japanese box of pessaries? How had Sanger made such an impact that an inventive physician in Osaka would go out of his way to contact and send her and Dr. Stone samples of his wares for testing? And how was it that following World War II, she became the second foreigner to receive a medal from the emperor in recognition of her work, was the first permitted to speak before the Diet, 2 United States v. One Package of Japanese Pessaries, 86 F.2d 737 (2nd Cir. 1936). 3 Grey, Margaret Sanger, 63, 231; David M. Kennedy, Birth Control in America: The Career of Margaret Sanger (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1970), 183. 3 and was generally greeted as a heroine upon her post-war visits?4 The answer lies in the lasting popularity Sanger gained from two trips to Japan in the pre-war years, especially her first in 1922. Much has been written about Margaret Sanger, probably the most familiar advocate of birth control in the United
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