The journal of the Conservative History Group | Summer 2003 | £7.50 Conservative History Journal

DAVID WILLETTS THE CONSERVATIVES IN OPPOSITION: LESSONS FROM HISTORY

JOHN CHARMLEY THE CONSERVATIVE TRADITION IN FOREIGN POLICY NICHOLAS HILLMAN ’S PHILIP COWLEY AND VITAL STATISTICS MATTHEW BAILEY CHOOSING THE LADY: ANDREW LOWNIE ANOTHER LOOK ON THE JOHN BUCHAN: 1975 LEADERSHIP CONSERVATIVE CONTEST POLITICIAN BALDWIN Ian Pendlington on the original quiet man

Plus: Mark Garnett on the art of political biography, Leslie Mutch on Lord MacKay of Ardbrechnish, Sheila Moore on Rab Butler and the suicide act, Memories of Alan Clark, how the Tory party got that name, book reviews, future events and research in progress Contents

Conservative History Journal The Conservative History Journal is published twice Contents yearly by the Conservative History Group

ISSN 14798026 Welcome to the Conservative History Journal 1 Joint Editors: John Barnes and Iain Dale John Barnes and Iain Dale

Advertisements About the Conservative History Group 2 To advertise in the next issue call Iain Dale on 07768 254690 Research in Progress 3

Editorial/Correspondence Enoch Powell’s Vital Statistics 4 Contributions to the Journal – letters, articles and Nicholas Hillman book reviews are invited. The Journal is a refereed publication; all articles submitted will be reviewed The Conservative Tradition in Foreign Policy 6 and publication is not guaranteed. Contributions John Charmley should be emailed or posted to the addresses below. All articles remain copyright © their authors John Buchan, Conservative Politician 8 Andrew Lownie Subscriptions/Membership An annual subscription to the Conservative History A Farewell to Biography 10 Group costs £15. Copies of the Journal are included Mark Garnett in the membership fee. Choosing the Lady, Another Look at the 1975 Leadership Contest 12 The Conservative History Group Matthew Bailey and Philip Cowley Chairman Keith Simpson MP Vice Chairman John Charmley John Jackson MacKay, The Rt Hon Lord MacKay of Ardbrecknish 16 Director Iain Dale Leslie Mutch Treasurer John Strafford Secretary Martin Ball How Rab Butler Decriminalised Suicide 18 Membership Peter Just Sheila Moore Journal John Barnes Memories of Alan Clark 21 Committee Martin Ball Lord Norton of Louth Lord Brooke of Sutton Mandeville The Conservatives in Opposition, Lessons from History 22 Simon Burns MP Michael Trend MP Julie Kirkbride MP Baldwin, The Original Quiet Man 26 Mark Garnett Ian Pendlington Daniel Finkelstein Christina Dykes How the Tory Party Got That Name 29 Simon Gordon John Barnes Mark Garnett Deborah KenyonRoberts William Rhind Book Reviews Jonathan Collett An Act of Treachery by Ann Widdecombe 30 Ian Pendlington reviewed by Iain Dale

Conservative History Group A Page at a Time by Jack Page 31 PO Box 42119 In the Long Run by Giles Shaw Lend Me Your Ears by Sir David Trippier SW8 1WJ reviewed by Patrick Thompson Telephone: 07768 254690 Email: [email protected] Eden by D. R. Thorpe 32 Website: www.conservativehistory.org.uk reviewed by Keith Simpson Welcome to the Conservative History Journal from the editors, John Barnes and Iain Dale

t seems extraordinary that of the three parties which have domi- who graced the ranks of the party, nated British political life in the last century and a half, the some of them major figures, others Conservatives should be so slow to form a History Group. of lesser import, remain unstudied Traditionalism has been a key part of the Party’s creed and its other than by the obituarists. appeal, while in the judgement of its major 20th century philoso- Amongst its other tasks, this journal, pher,I Michael Oakeshott, the task of those who guide our affairs is to conscious of the fascinating inter- explore and pursue what is intimated in a tradition of behaviour. play between personality and poli- This journal is a major part of the Group’s contribution to the study tics, will seek to rescue the forgot- of Conservative history. When I first began to research Baldwin in ten. 1961, there were major accounts of party history in the long 19th There will always be space for century, but only biographies (and few enough of those) to illuminate major research-based articles like the major part played by Conservatism in the last century. Studies of those written by Matthew Bailey the Labour Party dominated the historiography of the interwar and and Philip Cowley and by Sheila postwar periods and the bibliography included in Lord Blake’s Ford Moore in this issue, but there will also be a great many shorter Lectures, The Conservative Party from Peel to Churchill (1970). pieces. This will be a magazine primarily for the general reader- demonstrated how little work had been done. It was almost as if his- ship, although, hopefully, the academic and the teacher will also torians of the party had come to accept that the onward march of benefit from its pages. Nor will it simply be a journal for card- Labour was irresistible. It was not until Longmans, at the instance of carrying Conservatives. The part the party has played in the last Michael Fraser, commissioned a multi-volume history of the party three and a half centuries is too important for that. that the tide turned and since then many gaps have been filled. Stuart The lessons of history are rarely simple, but the wisest of our Ball’s bibliography in Seldon and Ball’s Conservative Century (1994) politicians have always read widely in biography and history as an is testimony to that progress. essential part of their apprenticeship. It is our hope that this journal Nevertheless many myths about the party’s history remain unchal- will stimulate others to follow their example. lenged and much territory is relatively unexplored. Many of those J OHN BARNES

elcome to the very first issue of the Now more than ever, the Conservative History Journal. In only nine Conservative Party needs to draw months the Conservative History Group has a upon the lessons of its past. I hope number of achievements under its belt. We you will join us in developing the have held three superb discussion evenings in Group in its aim to be one of the lead- WLondon and have organised a varied programme for the rest of the ing forums for discussion in the party. year. In January we enjoyed an evening of Memories of Alan Clark, You don't have to be a Conservative to with David Davis MP, Keith Simpson MP, Jane Clark, Ion Trewin join. We're all inclusive now! We're (who edited the Clark diaries) and historian Graham Stewart. In delighted that there is now a new April we were treated to marvellous talks by Anthony Eden’s biog- Labour History Group, and of course rapher D R Thorpe, Sir Peter Tapsell MP and Professor John the Liberal Democrat History Group Charmley reevaluating Eden as a Prime Minister. It was a delight to has been thriving for several years. welcome Eden's wife Clarissa to the event. And in May David Over the next twelve months we'll be Willetts delivered the inaugural CHG lecture on "Conservatives in organising some joint events with them. You can join any of the Opposition: Learning the Lessons from History". He was joined History Groups on the Politico's website at www.politicos.co.uk. afterwards for a panel discussion by Tom King, Peter Walker and Do get in touch with either John Barnes or myself if you would like John Hoskyns. What an evening! to write for future issues of the Journal, or have ideas for speaker We have already attracted several hundred members, including events. more than 80 parliamentarians. I AIN D ALE

Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Summer 2003 | 1 The Conservative History Group

Future Events January/February 2004 Visit to the Party's Archives at the Bodleian Library, Oxford

July 14th, 6pm Easter 2004 The Fall of the Lloyd George Coalition Conservative Foreign Policy: Learning from History Joint meeting with the Liberal Democrat History Group Two day residential conference at Knowsley Hall at the May 2004 October 7th, 9.30am–11am Annual Lecture The 1963 Leadership Contest: Blackpool 40 Years On Speakers to be confirmed. Spanish Hall, Winter Gardens, Blackpool June/July 2004 Conservative Party Conference Fringe Event Only accredited con- Visit to the Churchill and Thatcher archives, Cambridge ference representatives are able to attend. October 2004 Party Conference Fringe November on Pitt the Younger Annual Dinner, London (venue tba) Speakers to be confirmed. All members of the Conservative History Group are entitled to attend each event free of charge (with the exception of the Annual Dinner).

Membership

As the Conservative Party regroups after two general election defeats, learning from history is perhaps more vital than ever, We formed the Conservative History Group in the Autumn of 2002 to promote the discussion and debate of all aspects of Conservative history. We have organised a wide-ranging programme of speaker meetings in our first year and with the bi-annual publication of the Conservative History Journal, we hope to provide a forum for serious and indepth articles on Conservative history, biographies of leading and more obscure Conservative figures, as well as book reviews and profiles.

In only nine months we have attracted several hundred paid up members, including more than 80 MPs and Peers. For an annual subscription of only £15 you will receive invites to all our events as well as complimentary copies of the Conservative History Journal twice a year. We very much hope you will want to join us and become part of one of the Conservative Party's most vibrant discussion groups.

K EITH S IMPSON MP (Chairman) I AIN DALE (Director)

Please fill in and return the form below if you would like to join the Conservative History Group

Name ______

Address ______

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Send your details with your subscription of £15 to Conservative History Group, PO Box 42119, London SW8 1WJ Or you can join online at www.politicos.co.uk

2| Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Summer 2003 Research in Progress

If you can help any of the individuals listed below with sources, contacts, or any other information – or if you know anyone who can – please pass on details to them. Details of other research projects in progress for inclusion in the next issue of the Conservative History Journal should be send to the editors at [email protected]

Henry Kissinger election agent in managing election campaigns during this period, I am writing a biography of Dr Henry Kissinger with his co-opera- and the changing nature of elections, as increased use was made of tion and consent, and would very much appreciate to hear from any- the press and the platform. one who has correspondence from or about Dr Kissinger at any Kathryn Rix stage of his career. [email protected] Andrew Roberts [email protected] Thatcher Songs I am researching songs written about Mrs Thatcher in preparation Conservative Research Department under Rab Butler for a magazine article. Any suggestions for songs that I might Particularly in the aftermath of the 1945 election defeat and after include would be gratefully received. the arrival of Powell, Macleod, and co. I'd be grateful if any other Nick Hillman CHG members could point me in the direction of diaries, papers, [email protected] etc. relating to the CRD and its major figures at that time, or to the Earl of Woolton, the Party Chairman. Conservatives in Opposition Stephen Parkinson As the ‘natural party of government’ how do the Conservatives [email protected] come to terms with being in opposition? As the ‘national party’ how do the Conservatives react when they can no longer rely on Dictionary of Conservative Biography using the concepts of the nation and national identity, which have Having published the Dictionaries of Liberal and Labour Biography been at the heart of the party since at least 1867, to create a suc- Politico's Publishing are aiming to publish the Dictionary of cessful electoral strategy? This PhD thesis focuses on the use of Conservative Biography in 2004/5. It will include 500–1000 word nation and national identity as part of William Hague’s electoral pen portraits of more than 300 figures in Conservative history. strategy. How did the issues of immigration, European integration Potential contributors should contact: and devolution force the party to assess its conception of both Iain Dale nation and national identity? [email protected] C. E. Harris [email protected] Recruitment of Liberals into the Conservative Party 190635 Aims to suggest reasons for defections of individuals and devel- One Nation Conservatism: an ethos apart? op an understanding of changes in electoral alignment. Sources I have recently begun a study on One Nation Conservatism and it is include personal papers and newspapers; suggestions about hoped to establish the relative policy proximity of such One Nation how to get hold of the papers of more obscure Liberal defectors ideas to actual Conservative policy proposals throughout the post welcome. war years and up to the present day. If anyone can supply me with Cllr Nick Cott an original copy of One Nation, 1950 and The Responsible Society, [email protected] 1959, that would be of great help as I need t he original documents, on loan or for sale, either would be of great value to me. The Party agent & English Culture 18801906 D Seawright The development of political agency as a profession, the role fo the [email protected]

Conservative History Online Resources Institute of Contemporary British History www.ihrinfo.ac.uk Churchill Archives www.chu.cam.ac.uk/archives/home.shtml Liberal Democrat History Group www.libdems.org.uk Churchill Society www.churchillsociety.org/ MargaretThatcher.com www.margaretthatcher.com Conservative Party Archive www.bodley.ox.ac.uk/dept/scwmss/cpa Thatcher Foundation www.margaretthatcher.org David Boothroyd's Electoral History Site www.election.demon.co.uk www.winstonchurchill.org Edmund Burke Society www.edmundburke.org Young Conservative History www.ychistory.co.uk

Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Summer 2003 | 3 Enoch Powell’s vital statistics Nicholas Hillman

t is a good time to reappraise Opinions about Powell’s speeches back to the fact that this is a matter of Enoch Powell’s comments on on immigration are especially divid- numbers.’4 immigration because this year ed. There is no consensus of opinion Powell’s belief that numbers were marks the 35th anniversary of the on Powell’s tactics, on the impact of paramount explains why he went to Iinfamous ‘Rivers of Blood’ his comments, or even on whether his such great lengths to estimate the size speech, delivered at Birmingham in remarks kept within Conservative April 1968. Even more importantly, Party policy. Similarly, the predic- the new 2001 Census results permit the the new 2001 Census results permit tions Powell offered on the number of “ the first full assessment of Powell’s immigrants and their descendants first full assessment of Powell’s forecasts forecasts on the future size of the have been either wholly rejected or on the future size of the minority ethnic minority ethnic population. completely accepted according to the Although he held high office for general outlook of the person making population ” only a short period, Enoch Powell the judgment. In general, contempo- has been the subject of numerous rary newspaper coverage was critical of the immigrant and immigrant- biographies and other studies. There whilst recent biographies have been descended population at the turn of the are four books solely on his views more sympathetic. The release of the century. In the Rivers of Blood speech on immigration1 and he almost cer- 2001 Census figures now calls for a he claimed that by 2000 the number tainly remains the only politician to more sophisticated assessment than ‘must be in the region of five to seven be the subject of a mass market has so far occurred. million, approximately one-tenth of ‘whodunnit’ – Who Killed Enoch The future size of the minority eth- the whole population, and approaching Powell? was published in 1970.2 He nic population was crucial to Powell’s that of Greater London.’5 At a speech has come in for heavy criticism from concern about immigration. If the fig- in in November 1968, he left and right alike, but he has also ures were low, Powell argued, integra- claimed low assumptions produced a enjoyed considerable support, for tion would be possible and repatria- figure of ‘four and a half million’ or ‘a example from Patrick Cosgrave and tion irrelevant. On Any Questions in little over 6 per cent’ for 2002.6 And in Simon Heffer, two of his biogra- November 1968, for example, he said, January 1971, he told a group of phers.3 ‘again and again and again I come Young Conservatives in Surrey that he expected a figure of ‘four millions’ by 1985 and that his earlier figures were ‘underestimates, understatements, estimates which were misleading not through exaggeration but only through falling short of the mark.’7 People questioned the accuracy of Powell’s figures from the beginning. On the day after the Birmingham speech, the Sunday Times claimed Powell’s ‘arithmetic has been over- come by his rhetoric … Mr Powell has his facts wrong’8 and on the following day noted ‘the deficiencies of his statistics’.9 Later in the same year, Peter Utley complained ‘Powell undoubtedly chose the highest estimate available. It was almost cer-

4| Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Summer 2003 Enoch Powell’s vital statistics tainly a false estimate.’10 And in 1970 slightly lower at 5.5 per cent.16 become a sterile one which serves Andrew Roth accused Powell of ‘sub- In the same newspaper article, merely to obscure the fact that Powell’s ordinating accuracy to impact.’11 Powell claimed that ‘the only certainty main argument – that mass immigra- Others defended Powell’s use of sta- for the future is the relative increase of tion must invariably lead to large-scale tistics. Powell himself claimed in 1988 the ethnic minority [sic] due to the age violence or civil war – has been com- that Quintin Hogg once admitted, structure of that population which has prehensively disproved. ‘Enoch’s figures are right; we know been established.’17 Now that the 2001 that’.12 In 1976, Patrick Cosgrave Census figures have been released, it is 1 Samuel Bonhomme, Enoch Powell and the West Indian Immigrants (Harrow Weald, 1971); Paul retracted some earlier criticisms he possible to judge this and Powell’s ear- Foot, The Rise of Enoch Powell: An Examination of had made on behalf of the lier predictions more accurately than Enoch Powell’s Attitude to Immigration and Race Conservative Research Department: ever before. (Harmondsworth, 1969); Bill Smithies and Peter The 2001 Census shows the propor- Fiddick, Enoch Powell on Immigration (London, The brutal fact of the matter is that tion of people from non-white ethnic 1969); T. Stacey, Immigration and Enoch Powell (London, 1970). over the whole period of this contro- groups at 9.1 per cent (4.46 million) in 2 Arthur Wise, Who Killed Enoch Powell? (London, versy (which has lasted since 1968) England, 2.1 per cent (0.06 million) in 1970). Mr Powell has been vastly more right Wales and 2.0 per cent (0.10 million) 3 Patrick Cosgrave, The Lives of Enoch Powell than the rest of us. … Virtually every in Scotland, a total of 8.1 per cent or (London, 1989); Simon Heffer, Like the Roman: The 4.62 million people in Great Britain as Life of Enoch Powell (London, 1998). 4 ‘Any Questions BBC Radio, 29 November 1968’, in a whole.18 The people who complained at the time Enoch Powell, Reflections of a Statesman: The “ These figures are lower than Enoch Writings and Speeches of Enoch Powell (London, that Powell’s forecasts were large Powell’s prediction in Birmingham of 1991), 394. overestimates were no closer to the truth ‘approximately one-tenth of the whole 5 ‘Speech at Birmingham, 20 April, 1968’, in Powell, population’ or between five and seven Freedom and Reality (Kingswood, 1969), 282. than Powell himself. million people by the year 2000, but 6 ‘Speech to London Rotary Club, Eastbourne, 16th ” November, 1968’, in Powell, Freedom, 308309. they are higher than his prediction at 7 ‘To the Carshalton and Banstead Young single critical response to Mr Powell’s Eastbourne of ‘a little over 6 per cent’ Conservatives, Carshalton Hall, Surrey, 15 February immigration speeches of 1968 and by 2002 and very close to his other 1971’, in Powell, Still to Decide (Kingswood, 1972), 1969 has been discredited; and almost prediction at Eastbourne of ‘four and a 200201. everybody who has commented on half million’ people. The figures 8 Sunday Times, 21 April 1968. 9 Daily Telegraph, 22 April 1968. these matters with any degree of Powell provided in later speeches, 10 T.E. Utley, Enoch Powell: The Man and his Thinking responsibility (a category from which however, were significantly above the (London, 1968), 2122. Home Office civil servants must be true numbers. 11 Andrew Roth, Enoch Powell: Tory Tribune (London, excluded) has to confess that fact.13 The arguments of both Powell’s crit- 1970), 347. ics and his defenders can now be seen 12 , 19 April 1988. 13 Cosgrave, ‘…and statistics’, , In his lengthy biography of Powell, to be overly simplistic. The people who no.7698, 1976, 5. Simon Heffer accepts at face value an complained at the time that Powell’s 14 The Times, 20 April 1993; Heffer, Like the Roman, article in The Times that Powell wrote forecasts were large overestimates 939940. for the twenty-fifth anniversary of the were no closer to the truth than Powell 15 ‘A review of 1991’, Population Trends, no.71, Rivers of Blood speech. This stated: himself. They were right to suggest the 1993, 16 Andy Teague, ‘Ethnic group: first results from the actual figures would be lower than 1991 Census’, Population Trends, no.72, 1993, So far as crude numbers are con- Powell claimed at Birmingham, but 13. The Labour Force Survey suggested an even cerned, the census of 1991 verified my they were wrong to suggest their own lower proportion (4.9 per cent) of the population own “minimum figures” of a New assumptions would be more accurate. were from ethnic minorities, although once the Commonwealth population by the end Moreover, those who have offered uneven response rate between the white and eth of the century “working out at a little support to Powell’s figures have made nic minority populations had been accounted for, the figure reached 5.9 per cent, the same as that over 6 per cent” (Eastbourne, only selective use of his various pre- used by Powell (Charlie Owen, ‘Using the Labour November 16, 1968), with a figure on dictions. The truth is that Powell could Force Survey to estimate Britain’s ethnic minority census day 1991 which showed the never be proved wholly correct populations’, Population Trends, no.72, 1993, 21). proportion of the “ethnic minority” in because, even within the space of a few 17 The Times, 20 April 1993. the population of Great Britain to be months, he offered estimates that were 18 Office of National Statistics, Census 2001: Key Statistics for local authorities in England and Wales, 5.9 per cent already.14 wildly different from one another. 2003, 6578; General Register Office for Scotland, The argument over Powell’s statisti- Scotland’s Census 2001: Key Statistics for Council In fact, the 5.9 per cent figure repre- cal forecasts is likely to continue. It Areas and Health Board Areas Scotland, 2003, 26. sents only the proportion of people in would be a pity if it does, however, Around 1.3 per cent (0.64 million) of people in non-white ethnic groups who were res- because now that we have more robust England, 0.6 per cent (0.02 million) in Wales and less than 0.3 per cent (0.01 million) in Scotland ident in England and Wales15 and the figures than ever before by which to are in ‘mixed’ categories and are included in the figure for Great Britain as a whole was judge his claims, the dispute will total for people in nonwhite ethnic groups.

Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Summer 2003 | 5 The Conservative Tradition in foreign policy

John Charmley

he dictum that have also been the subjects of upon his death there was no fifteenth earl was even harder, ‘history is writ- two of the best biographies of Victorian ‘life and times’ to in that he fell into the neglect ten by the vic- recent times: Lord Blake’s provide later biographers with that has been the fate of so tors’ is true of the Disraeli (1966) and Andrew either a ‘classic’ or a ‘quarry’. many nineteenth century picture we have Roberts’ Salisbury: Victorian The same was true for the fif- Conservatives, particularly Tof the Conservative Party in the Titan (2001) update their sub- teenth earl, who had no chil- those who were members of last half of the nineteenth centu- jects for the modern age in a dren and who left the title to Disraeli’s last Cabinet; of that ry: Disraeli and Salisbury domi- way that establishes both books his brother Frederick, with group of Ministers, only nate the story; the first ‘educat- as classics. whom he had been on bad Disraeli has been the subject of ing’ his party; the second help- For every historical victor, terms. There was no ‘life’, no modern biographers. ing slow the march of democra- there is a loser: in this case it is ‘times’ and only a collection of Historical fashion has also cy. When we turn from domes- the loss of the perspective from speeches, since his widow and taken its toll. From the late tic policy to the main subject of one of the great Conservative executor imposed terms no 1960s the trend in history was this essay, diplomatic history, Houses of the nineteenth and biographer would meet. The increasingly towards the social the same thing applies: Disraeli early twentieth centuries - seventeenth earl did nothing to and, latterly, the cultural; was the architect of the new Knowsley in Lancashire, seat of memorialise his grandfather or although political history has imperialism who made the the earls of Derby. The Stanleys his great-uncle, and their kept going, diplomatic history Tories ‘the patriotic party’; played at least as prominent a papers were reported to be has all but died. In such a cold Salisbury was the master diplo- role as Disraeli and the Cecils, either lost or not available: climate, the careers of foreign matist whose ‘splendid isola- and in producing the longest either way, there were not even secretaries such as Malmesbury tion’ marked the apogee of serving leader of the potboiling biographies after the and Derby have attracted, until British power. If it seems that Conservative Party, a Foreign start of the twentieth century. recently, little attention. Modern Conservative history can be Secretary, a Governor-General Does this matter? Surely if historians interested in foreign written in terms of Hughenden of Canada, and an ambassador the Stanleys were that impor- relations find themselves doing and Hatfield House, this is not to Paris in succession, it might tant, someone would have ‘international’, not ‘diplomatic’ altogether surprising since most be argued they played a greater noticed by now? Some histori- history, and their centre of grav- of it was actually written from part in Conservative history. ans have noticed. Robert ity is the mid twentieth century, those two houses. Indeed, one could go further Stewart’s opening volume in the not a hundred years before. Disraeli was the subject of and assert that Disraeli would excellent ‘History of the This is a pity, because the one of the great biographies of have amounted to little without Conservative Party’ series, pub- view from Hughenden and the British tradition by the fourteenth earl of Derby, lished in 1979, builds on his Hatfield is a partial one. It has Moneypenny and Buckle, whilst and that Salisbury’s career was, earlier work on the left us, it is true, with a very Salisbury was equally well in part, built on the ruins of that Protectionists and convincingly clear picture which has served served by his daughter, Lady of the fifteenth earl; yet neither shows that the fourteenth earl the Conservatives Party well Gwendolen Cecil. Moneypenny they, nor their two successors, was a vitally important figure in until Mr Blair found them and Buckle’s six volumes and bulk large in Conservative his- the party’s history; but to make squabbling and ran off with Lady Gwendolen’s four are tory. a real public impact, a biogra- some of their clothing. Disraeli classics of the genre: replete In part this illustrates the phy is vital. And during the is, correctly, seen as the initiator with copious extracts from pri- importance of accident in his- 1960s and 70s Lord Blake was of a trend which identified the mary sources, they also offer tory. The fourteenth earl, one writing a biography of the four- Conservatives as the patriotic insights unavailable elsewhere. of the most attractive and tal- teenth earl; although this was party, one which Salisbury con- If this were not enough to ented of nineteenth century never finished, it did prevent tinued into the age of the new secure the dominance of the politicians, did not get on par- other biographers from trying to imperialism. Quite how this fits two Conservative giants, they ticularly well with his heir, and deal with him. The fate of the with the Conservative Party of

6| Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Summer 2003 The Conservative Tradition in Foreign Policy

Wellington, Peel, Aberdeen and historians who assume that what are his ‘unspoken assump- policy favoured by Derby, but Derby is unclear, and the neg- Disraeli was at the centre of the tions’? it did not entirely replace it. lect of diplomatic history since foreign policy picture in the If we apply this method to For all his association with the great days of Charles 1850s and 1869s find two the fourteenth earl of Derby, we new imperialism, Salisbury Webster and Harold Temperley things: evidence of Disraeli see nothing special. His views favoured quiet diplomacy and has not illuminated the sur- holding these ideas; Derby and might be called normative - in working with the Concert to rounding darkness; the view Malmesbury odd for not hold- the sense that he doesn’t seem avoid war, eschewing, at least from Knowsley, however, ing them. However, if we shift to have thought them out for until his powers began to fail, throws a great deal of light on to the view from Knowsley, it is himself, but rather picked them the jingoism favoured by Joe the matter. Disraeli who is the oddball - up from the common stock of Chamberlain. Nor were the Twentieth century which argues a need to appreci- available options. If that is cor- results of the latter, as evi- Conservative foreign policy has ate the perspective from which rect, then their origin may be denced by the Boer War and been dominated by the figure of that was the case. simpler than it looks at first the Great War, conclusive evi- Churchill, whose version of the The central question becomes sight: he took the Vienna settle- dence in its favour. It is not appeasement years has canoni- the origin and description of ment of 1815 for granted and it entirely fanciful to see in the cal status. Churchill’s taste for a Derby’s distinctive views on set the parameters of his differences between Winston jingoistic foreign policy was foreign policy; the second is assumptions. He favoured the Churchill and Neville certainly in line with Disraelian easier (just) than the first. What balance of power, the Concert Chamberlain echoes of the tradition, but the view that was Derby’s perspective on of Europe, and stability over divisions of 1898 and 1878. Chamberlain’s policy of power and foreign policy? He ideology. In so far as Canning The fact that this alternative appeasement was an aberration seems to have equated power deviated from these views, and tradition came to be identified from the Conservative tradition with financial strength and Palmerston was his disciple, with appeasement damned it is only possible if you neglect political and economic stability; and both were exemplars for after 1940, when the the existence of another, now wars, or even the threat of them, Disraeli, we have here one ori- Conservative Party, in a fit of submerged, Conservative tradi- could damage these things and gin for the division between one collective amnesia, trumpeted tion. Rab Butler once wrote that should be avoided if at all pos- Derby and Palmerston, and its devotion to Churchill’s there was no ‘one single tradi- sible. Derby seems to have had another Derby and Disraeli. world-view. The Conservative tional foreign policy’, and his no problem cooperating with For Canning, Palmerston and Party has had neither the need own thinking, like that of his Austria, Naples or anyone else - Disraeli, prestige was a key nor the wish to exhume this mentor, Baldwin, owed much to if it meant avoiding war. Some component of diplomatic suc- alternative tradition, and from a tradition that was alive in historians have suggested that cess, and as the fifteenth earl Hughenden and Hatfield it Disraeli’s day. the fourteenth earl of Derby’s of Derby put it, the latter seems an aberration from the In the first place a study of views owed much to his would ‘think it (quite sincere- real Tory tradition. One result mid-nineteenth century Whiggish background, but since ly) in the interests of the coun- of this is that historians have Conservative foreign policy Whigs tended to be more ideo- try to spend 200 millions on a felt little need to dwell on the shows how marginal Disraeli logical, especially about Austria war if the result of it was to views of men like the Derbys was to things. The driving force and Naples, such suggestions make foreign States think more and Malmesbury who seem in the 1850s was the fourteenth are unhelpful; so where did highly of us as a military peripheral to the mainstream. earl of Derby, and the central Derby’s views come from? power’: these ideas, Derby Only when the perspective axis was that between him and An accurate perspective on wrote to Salisbury, were ‘intel- from Knowsley is added can his foreign secretary, the third the formulation of foreign poli- ligible, but they are not mine we see the complexity of the earl of Malmesbury. They both cy requires us to operate simul- nor yours’. In this last assump- streams flowing into the great found Disraeli’s neo-palmersto- taneously at a number of levels: tion Derby was wrong. river of Conservatism. nianism tiresome and odd. at one of them is the need to Although Disraeli’s neo- A reminder of the pragma- Disraeli’s ideas came from his react to events; those events are, palmerstonianism was foreign tism of the House of Stanley different perspective on power however, filtered through the to most Conservatives in 1874, might be a salutary corrective to and foreign policy. Like mentalité of the individual. If it was clear by 1877 that it the clamant voices represented Palmerston, he seems to have we are to understand how politi- offered electoral advantages, by Heath and Redwood on equated the first with military cians react to events we need to and Salisbury was not the only Europe, and by Thatcher on and naval strength and with know something about their Conservative who was tempted Atlanticism; the recovery of an how much pink there was on mental maps - how they make by it; its ‘jingoism’ appealed to alternative Conservative tradi- the global map; ‘prestige’ was sense of the world. This the post-1867 electorate in a tion may, after all, be more than an integral part of power, and it involves knowing something way Derby’s more measured a purely academic exercise. could be obtained by an aggres- about the individual politician, approach never could. sive, or at least an assertive, for- but it also requires knowledge ‘Beaconsfieldism’, as Professor John Charmley is eign policy Because these ideas of the context within which he Gladstone called it, may over Dean of the School of History become the Conservative norm, conceives himself as working; overlain the more traditional at the University of East Anglia

Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Summer 2003 | 7 John Buchan Conservative politician

Andrew Lownie

John Buchan’s name is invari- the spy Donald Maclean - for life. There were twelve universi- Morrison and Harold Macmillan ably associated with the Richard the Liberals from the Unionists ty seats in total and their mem- to many of whom he had acted Hannay novels and, in particular, by 201 votes in December 1910 bers were elected in a postal as mentor as Senior Treasurer of The Thirty-Nine Steps but what and Buchan had hopes of win- ballot by graduates of their the Oxford University is less well-known is his impor- ning it back. In the event the respective universities with what Conservative Association. tant role as a politician and in First World War intervened and was in effect a second vote. In Parliament Buchan chose the shaping of Conservative he never fought the election. University Members tended to to concentrate on a number of Party institutions. The success of The Thirty- sit loose to party affiliation and specific areas, principally At Oxford Buchan had been Nine Steps , which was pub- take an interest in educational Scotland, education, defence President of the Union and was lished in 1915, and his experi- matters. It was the ideal seat for and the empire but he also tipped as a future Prime ence of various government jobs Buchan in that it allowed him to spoke on such diverse subjects Minister. After reading for the during the war, most notably as represent a Scottish constituen- as the role of the press, protec- Bar, he served as a Private head of the Department of cy, to take a more independent tion of birds and rural amenities Secretary to Lord Milner, the Information meant that he could line than his parliamentary col- and introduced a Private High Commissioner for South easily have picked up a parlia- leagues and, given there was lit- Member’s Bill for the local Africa, helping to rebuild the mentary seat in the Coupon tle electioneering and few con- licensing of dog tracks. It country after the Boer War and Election of 1918. By now, how- stituency engagements, was less enjoyed all party support but ran then became assistant editor of ever, he had a family of four to physically demanding than a into procedural problems in the Spectator. He took a particu- support and as a result of the more conventional seat. Committee. The Government lar interest in foreign affairs, war his health was poor. He Standing on a programme of claimed it could not give it any was active in several political knew he could not manage to a common Imperial economic more time and the bill was lost, dining clubs, such as the represent a constituency and policy and support for the new though it did find time almost Compatriots and Chatham continue his writing and other Trade Union Bill, Buchan won a concurrently to introduce meas- Dining Club, and contributed activities. In 1920 he refused to majority in all four Scottish uni- ures legalising the Totalisator on chapters to books such The stand again for Peebleshire and versities and beat his Labour race-courses. Empire and the Century. two years later declined an offer opponent by 16,903 votes to Re-elected in the May 1929 As a young man he was from Central Glasgow to suc- 2,378. A contemporary parlia- General Election, Buchan offered several parliamentary ceed as their candi- mentary commentator, James realised that dealing with the seats but realised that without a date. Johnston, said of Buchan’s growing unemployment problem private income - MPs were not By 1927, however, his writing maiden speech criticising plans was the major task facing all paid until 1911 - that politics had given him some financial for reform of the House of politicians and championed the was not an option. However, in security and he found his other Lords ‘not only that it was the idea of encouraging emigration March 1911, aged thirty five, he interests did not take up suffi- best maiden speech I had heard, to Canada and training camps was adopted as the Prospective cient of his energies. He had but that it was the best speech I where the unemployed could be Unionist Candidate for always said ‘Publishing is my had heard in this properly fed, learn a trade and Peebleshire and Selkirk, a large business, writing my amusement Parliament...’.Almost immedi- be given hope that society had seat that stretched from the out- and politics my duty’. The sud- ately Buchan was seen as a not abandoned them. He also skirts of Edinburgh almost to den death of Sir Henry Craik, coming man and associated with continued his campaign to raise the English Border and one with who held one of the three the younger, abler and more the school leaving age to fifteen which he had strong local con- Scottish university seats, in ambitious Conservative MPs (which was eventually achieved nections. It had been won by March 1927 gave Buchan his such as Robert Boothby, Oliver in 1936 after Buchan had Donald Maclean - the father of opportunity to re-enter public Stanley, Walter Elliot, W.S. become Chairman of the School

8| Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Summer 2003 John Buchan: Conservative politician

Age Council), was one of only War and his writing, Buchan schools and universities, to Unionist Associations, which three Conservatives to support had always taken a close interest revive the Conservative Party’s consisted of a dozen university the recognition of the Bolshevik in the film industry and when educational efforts. The conservative associations. The Government and in the 1930 the Sunday Entertainment’s Bill Education Department at Federation’s initial conference Rural Amenities Bill argued that was debated in May 1932 he Central Office was replaced by was held in Birmingham in National Parks be set up ‘partly suggested that 5% of the cinema a semi-independent body to be January 1931 and further con- for the public enjoyment, for takings on Sundays should be called The Conservative and ferences under his patronage holiday camps and such things, put aside for ‘the creation of a Unionist Educational Institute, followed over the next four and partly also as sanctuaries for film institute, not a Government also known as Bonar Law years in Liverpool, Oxford, wild life.’ Department but a private body College at Ashridge, and Manchester and Edinburgh. He became the first member with a charter under the aegis Buchan was made chairman of Buchan’s appointment to one elected in support of the and support of the Government.’ the executive committee. The of the great offices of Empire as National Government in 1931 The result was the formation of college was a great success, Governor-General of Canada in when he was returned unop- the British Film Institute in substantially improving the 1935 brought his party political posed. After almost five years in October 1933. Buchan was political knowledge of genera- career to an end but in the space the Commons he was keen for appointed one of its nine tions of Conservative activists. of his seven years as a back- government office but, in spite Governors and Chairman of its Buchan was also asked to bencher he had achieved much. of lobbying by friends for the Advisory Council. draw up plans for a Students Few politicians have also been post of President of the Board of One area where the Unionist Federation along the novelists and Buchan is proba- Education, no Cabinet appoint- Conservative Party did make same lines as the Liberal and bly unique in modern British ment was forthcoming. He did, use of his talents was in the area Socialist Federations. This was political history in having left however, exercise considerable of political education. Shortly an attempt to strengthen links such a substantial political and influence as an adviser and after his election as an MP, with younger Conservatives, literary legacy. speech writer to first Stanley Buchan was asked by the Party particularly in the newer univer- Baldwin and then Ramsay Chairman, John Davidson, sities, and help party recruit- Andrew Lownie’s biography of MacDonald. impressed by his associations ment. Buchan became the first John Buchan ‘The Presbyterian As a result of his propaganda with the adult education move- President of this Federation of Cavalier’ has just been pub- activities during the First World ment and his close links with University Conservative and lished in paperback.

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Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Summer 2003 | 9 A Farewell to Biography? Mark Garnett

Political biographers can ply their reason is sad and simple. British pol- with book-signings, followed per- trade in a variety of ways. My own itics are no longer at all interesting; haps by a recording contract so that first attempt was as part of a team of even worse, they are positively a turn- people could be lulled to sleep by ghost-writers for a memoir. Then I off’. Since the book in question was the voices of the authors rather than wrote an authorised biography, on my one in which I took a hand, I should their printed words. In recent times own. My last two attempts were both add that Sir Peregrine was kind some Conservative politicians have written with other people; but the enough to say that the subject had published books which have been first was unauthorised, while the sec- been ‘very well served’ by the biogra- rewarded in this way. But our ond was researched with full cooper- phy, and that ‘it is not he but [the reviewer apparently excluded the ation from my subject’s family. authors] who we need to be sorry possibility that some biographers for’. have more modest intentions. In fact For my own part I took this as a my co-author on the book in ques- According to one distinguished “ backhanded recommendation of the tion, Ian Aitken, was most reluctant commentator, the plight of political book to those who suffer from insom- to take on the project and only did so biography could scarcely be worse nia. I remember Sir after some rigorous cajoling by the ” once expressing his determination subject, Willie Whitelaw. He agreed that his own memoir should be suffi- in the end because he liked Willie so This doesn’t quite cover the full ciently bulky to revive any reader much, not because he wanted the range of working methods. I suppose I who might start dozing after prop- book to be ‘something of a publish- could have a go at a single-authored ping it up for reading in bed. I would ing event’. book without the subject’s cooperation, wish no such unquiet slumbers on My own view when Ian asked me or ghost-write someone else’s memoir anyone who is interested enough to to join him in the work was that this without being part of a team. But if this buy a political book of any kind. I can book deserved to be written. If poli- is time to bid farewell to biography, at only hope that the biography in ques- tics is ‘a positive turn-off’ today, that least I can claim to have tried to prac- tion eased Sir Peregrine into an is at least in part because we lack tice the art without conforming to just agreeable dream of a time when poli- characters like Willie Whitelaw. But one of its many models. At any rate, tics might be interesting once again. the other incentive for biographers is this seems a convenient vantage-point But the review did raise some the chance their work offers them to from which to say a few things about interesting points. Do we really need see history as it really happens, the current state of this particular form political biography any more? I have through the eyes of an individual of political writing. a personal interest in making the rather than in some thematic process, question more specific, since I have which is ticketed and labelled so only ever written about the members admirably by historians with a differ- “ The fact is that the daily life of a politician of one party, and have no inclination ent approach. The fact is that the – not least that of a Secretary of State for to defect at this stage. Do we still daily life of a politician – not least need biographies of Conservatives? that of a Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, and a Home Secretary Actually I think the question Northern Ireland, and a Home cannot be compartmentalised should be rephrased, in line with a Secretary - cannot be compartmen- ” remark by Sir Peregrine which sug- talised. An issue which they were gested that he might have been at hoping to neutralise can spring back According to one distinguished cross-purposes with the book he was and hit them just when they hoped to commentator, the plight of political addressing. He said in his review that give their attention to something else. biography could scarcely be worse. at one time this particular biography In short, real history is extremely Reviewing a recent effort in the field, ‘could have been expected to be messy and only biography can tell it Sir Pergerine Worsthorne informed something of a publishing event’. as it is. So long as anyone is interest- the readers of the Spectator in I suppose that Sir Peregrine had in ed in political history, they should September of last year that he ‘could mind a six-figure serialisation, a buy good biographies if they want to hardly refrain from yawning. And the high-profile publicity tour, complete know what ‘really’ happened.

10 | Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Summer 2003 A Farewell to Biography?

As it happens, I disagree with Sir political diarists. In part, they are a Biographies by Mark Garnett Peregrine in his estimate of contem- symptom, not a cause of the prob- porary interest in politics. But what lem. Sir Pergerine was quite right in Keith Joseph about the recent history of the noting that the demand for political with Andrew Denham Conservatives? I think his article books is increased if ‘scandal is £14.99 paperback does identify three serious problems. involved’. If ‘scandal’ really is part Hailed by as the First, there was a glut of memoirs of the whole story, then it obviously founder of modern conservatism, before and (especially) after Mrs has a place in serious biography. But Keith Joseph is commonly ranked Thatcher’s fall from office. I’m afraid some politicians seem unaware that among the most influential politi- that Willie himself was an early there can never be another Alan cians of the late-20th century. A trend-setter here, publishing the unin- Clark – or at least, that it is most complex and enigmatic figure formative but wholly characteristic unlikely for us to be granted with Joseph was almost unique among story of his career in 1989, the year another person who combines ruth- Mrs Thatcher's senior ministers in after he left office. Some marvellous less political ambition with first- refusing to write his own memoirs. books have emerged from this ex- class literary abilties, the gift of Challenging both the "mad monk" ministerial melee – Nigel Lawson’s, unconscious self-revelation, and a view held by his critics and his sta- if one has to plump for a single vol- voracious sexual appetite. Anyone tus of mythical hero to his admirers, ume, but also Ian Gilmour’s Dancing who attempts to follow in his foot- the authors present a picture of with Dogma which people keep clas- steps without his attributes can only Joseph as a thinker and decision- sifying as a memoir even though it devalue further the currency of maker. the authors tell of Joseph's was nothing of the kind. But one has Conservative history. There is at formative years before he entered to say that senior Conservatives have least one former Conservative min- Parliament in 1956: the powerful done a disservice to history and to ister with a diary which deserves Jewish dynasty into which Josph their party, by accepting publishers’ publication. If it is published, will it was born; his time at Harrow; at advances when they had nothing be judged a disappointment by the Oxford; his war years in the Royal worthwhile to say - or had plenty of choir of critics if it merely deals with Artillery; and his Fellowship at All juicy material which they had no mundane matters like the future Souls. This volume charts the politi- intention of revealing. well-being of our country? cal career of Keith Joseph. The Second, the whole genre has been Some publishing houses have authors challenge Joseph's self- devalued by premature biographies. stood out against these trends, and we declared conversion to Conservatism When a senior politician writes his can only hope that they will continue in 1974 and the importance of his or her memoirs, it gives an unmis- to do so. Political memoirs, and well- "education" of Margaret Thatcher. takable signal that there will be no researched biographies written by more interesting chapters to add. For other people whether authorised or Alport obvious reasons, politicians are not, add to our knowledge of what By Mark Garnett reluctant to give this impression. But has been – and for Conservatives £25 hardback journalists are very willing to satisfy there can be no better guide to our In a political career that has spanned what publishers still apparently pre- future in an uncertain world. more than half a century, Lord sume is a public desire for book- Consistently, opinion surveys tell us Alport of Colchester has been at the length studies of rising politicians. that interest in political issues has not heart of British politics. MP, For the authors, there is the potential declined at all. It may be the case that Minister, diplomat and peer, Alport's bonus of future, updated editions contemporary politicians are held in career is an inside account of party once their subjects have reached the contempt, but at least in part this politics, political machinations, and top of the greasy pole. Some of these must be because the public has no Britain finding a new role in the books, admittedly, are splendidly understanding of the unique pres- world. "Rab" Butler's right-hand written. But even a biographer in sures which confront them. A revival man; founder of the influential "One possession of everything – the will- of the true art of political biography Nation" Group; Minister for ing cooperation of the subject, a full can help in a small way to complete Commonwealth Relations; British list of locquacious interviewees, a the picture. Thanks to John High Commissioner in the personal diary, political papers and a Campbell, D.R Thorpe, Rob Federation of Rhodesia and tranche of letters – will inevitably Shepherd and several others, recent Nyasaland; and throughout the miss the full picture. So why cobble Conservative politicians have been Thatcher and Major administrations something together from a box of very well served, and the recent past a formidable critic of the party he press cuttings and a few conversa- has been revealed as it really hap- has served since 1936, Alport's biog- tions with unguarded school pened. They just need to be left a raphy provides an assessement both friends? space in which to practice this invalu- of Alport and the Conservative Party Finally, there is the problem of the able art. as a whole.

Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Summer 2003 | 11 Choosing the Lady Another look at the 1975 leadership contest

Matthew Bailey and Philip Cowley

Shortly after she became leader of Heath votes. And whereas Heath’s thus presented as essentially ‘a per- the Conservative Party, Margaret campaign team was inept, managing sonal not an ideological event’,4 or, as Thatcher wrote to one of her parlia- to alienate even those who should Chris Patten put it: ‘much more a mentary colleagues confessing that have ranked among his most loyal peasants’ uprising than a religious ‘even now, I am not quite sure how it supporters, Thatcher’s – led by Airey war. It was seen much more as the all happened’.1 Since then, a widely- Neave and William Shelton – was overthrow of the tyrant king than as a accepted account of ‘how it all hap- skilful; in particular, by deliberately great ideological shift’.5 pened’ has developed, one which underplaying her chances, Neave per- Much of this is unchallengeable. plays down the importance of ideo- suaded some MPs who had been Neave’s campaign on Thatcher’s logical division and instead stresses planning to abstain on the first round behalf was extremely skilful; Heath’s personality, fortune, manipulation to vote for Thatcher instead, in order by contrast was inept in the extreme. and courage. Yet to present the 1975 to deny Heath victory. As a result, Similarly, accounts of Heath manag- contest in this way is misleading, not instead of merely denying him an ing to alienate colleagues are legion. because it is incorrect but because it overwhelming victory, she led the Even when Heath tried to be pleasant obscures as much as it reveals. first ballot by eleven votes, a result to his parliamentary colleagues he that gave her unstoppable momentum often managed to be rude – as in the second round. Edward Pearce once remarked, ‘when Neave’s campaign on Thatcher’s behalf With minor variations, this is the Mr Heath makes a joke, it’s no laugh- “ 6 was extremely skilful; Heath’s by contrast tale told in nearly all accounts of ing matter’ – and even those who Thatcher’s rise to power. Some stuck with him confess that he was was inept in the extreme accounts differ slightly from each difficult. This account, from one ” other in points of emphasis, but there Conservative MP, who confesses that Somewhat simplified, the ortho- are two significant commonalities. ‘the way I voted amounts, with hind- doxy goes as follows. After the elec- First, the result was negative: the sight to one of the greatest mistakes tion defeats of 1974, a sizeable pro- party, in Julian Critchley’s words, of my political life’, sums it up well: portion of Conservative MPs wanted ‘did not vote for Margaret, they voted Edward Heath to step down as party against Ted Heath’.3 And secondly, My vote is a typical example of Edward leader. Few wanted rid of him for the result was accidental: Heath losing his basic support. There ideological reasons. Rather, their Conservative MPs did not intend to were various reasons for this and objections were based on a mixture end up with Margaret Thatcher as almost all of them were personal rather of his electoral record (‘played four, their leader. Her becoming leader than having to do with his political lost three’) and a dislike of his almost was the unintended consequence of beliefs and policies, with which I unique brand of interpersonal skills removing Edward Heath. As a result, agreed then as now. If he had taken the (he was, remarked Robert Behrens, the 1975 leadership contest is rarely trouble to address one sympathetic or ‘the rudest political leader since presented as a victory for Thatcher, personal word to me after my election Andrew Bonar Law. However, Bonar and even more rarely as a victory for in February 1974 he could have had me Law at least insulted his oppo- Thatcherism. Indeed, most deny that even though I tended to blame him at nents’).2 As the only serious candi- there was such a thing as Thatcherism the time for losing the February 1974 date to challenge Heath – the others by 1975 and even if there was, it is Election. As it was his whole style and having ruled themselves out, shot usually argued that the majority of manner continued to irritate me, I was themselves in the foot, or both – those voting for Thatcher knew little courted by the Thatcher campaigning Thatcher received nearly all the anti- or nothing about it. The contest is team and fell for it.

12 | Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Summer 2003 Choosing the Lady

This version of how Margaret deceived even the best canvassers as may have been unanimous but the Thatcher became leader of the to their intentions (although given the MP claimed to have voted differently. Conservative Party has, as Mark quality and accuracy of the Thatcher Therefore, we treated the information Wickham-Jones has pointed out, team’s predictions, we can at least be extremely sceptically, classing MPs’ important consequences for confident that they were not exces- votes by varying degrees of certainty, Conservative Party historiography. sively duped); those to whom we and applied stringent tests on the ‘For supporters, the fact that a non- wrote may have forgotten for whom data. Yet we discovered very similar Thatcherite party elected Margaret they voted (deliberately in some findings, however we classed the Thatcher as leader helps to explain cases: one confessed that on ‘delicate data. The overall findings were sub- the slow progress Thatcherites votes of this type I made a point of stantially the same no matter which enjoyed in many policy areas… For not remembering how I voted as soon set of data was used. We have, there- critics of Thatcherism the thesis that as possible after the event’), or may fore, no doubt that our data could the leadership election result was still, despite the passage of time and potentially be improved, but equally accidental absolves them of blame. A the promise of anonymity, wish to we doubt that any improvements minority has captured the party’.7 mislead about their past actions; and would materially alter our findings. Indeed, this view of the contest was said to have affected Thatcher herself, leading to her harbouring doubts Figure: the flow of the vote between the first and second rounds about the legitimacy of victory and for ‘a long time the existence of such doubts vitiated her leadership’.8 Our research into the contest sug- gests that Mrs Thatcher need not have been quite so hesitant. In the course of a detailed study of the voting which took place during the leader- ship contest we gained access to the files kept by the Thatcher campaign team, as well as to an annotated file kept in the Whips Office of voting intentions in the first round and to a separate list kept independently by a member of the Whips Office. Access biographies and press cuttings, in The data allowed us two new and to these lists – as well as to some addition to suffering from the same important insights into the 1975 con- Members’ archives – was granted on problems of deliberate obfuscation, test. First, it allows us to chart the the basis that the voting of no indi- reveal the votes of only a small flow of the votes between the two vidual MP be identified. We also minority of Conservative MPs.9 rounds. By gaining an eleven vote wrote to nearly all of the surviving Collectively, however, the various lead in the first round, Thatcher is Conservative members of the sources are an excellent guide to the said to have attracted enough October 1974 Parliament, asking if voting of the 276 MPs who elected ‘momentum’ to prevent any of the they would confirm (or in some cases Margaret Thatcher to the leadership four newcomers to the contest from reveal) their voting. As well as indi- of the Conservative Party. They pro- overtaking her. In addition to the cating how they voted, many also vided some information about the benefits that came from having an provided an explanation of their voting of all but six MPs on the first existing and experienced campaign votes, ranging in length from four ballot and all but 12 on the second. team whilst others tried to organise crisp words (‘Heath was no good’) to Of course, not all of this informa- theirs from scratch, she also benefit- six pages of closely argued text. This tion is of equal validity. In some ed from a feeling among some MPs research was then supplemented by cases, for example, an MP’s name that anyone brave enough to chal- an extensive examination of the exist- features on all of the contemporane- lenge the incumbent should not then ing published material on the contest, ous lists as voting for the same candi- be denied the prize (in Norman St including a through trawl through the date, and the MP then confirmed that John-Stevas’s words: ‘She had belled newspapers and magazines of the vote to us. In other cases, we may the cat and had reaped the reward of period. have only one contemporaneous ref- her boldness’).10 Not only this, but Individually, each source has its erence but not the benefit of a letter there existed a wish among others to drawbacks: the canvass returns (and from the MP (either due to death or a get the contest over with as quickly other listings) will not be 100 per desire not to participate). In yet oth- as possible. cent accurate, as MPs may have ers, the contemporaneous listings As the Figure shows, 11 per cent

Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Summer 2003 | 13 of those who backed Thatcher on the were much more likely to stay loyal the way she was treated by the first round switched to one of the to him and to eschew Thatcher. By grandees of the party, and it is clear other four candidates on the second contrast, those on the backbenches that their objection to her was present (the majority of these going to were much more likely to support the from the beginning. Whitelaw). But this was more than challenger. George Gardiner was Yet the most striking finding was compensated for by the arrival of right to refer to the contest as the the ideological division between the nearly a quarter (22 per cent) of those ‘backbenchers’ revolution’, a revolu- candidates’ backers. The orthodox who voted for Heath in the first tion that was made more likely by account of the contest does not deny round, along with about half of those Heath’s practice of excluding from that there were ideological forces at who had voted for Fraser or his ministerial team many MPs of play in the contest. But it downplays abstained. In itself this would have considerable ability but with whom them, arguing that only a small group been sufficient for victory, but the he disagreed, as well as his limited of MPs backed Margaret Thatcher for result was made even more convinc- use of patronage in order to keep ideological reasons. Cosgrave, for ing by over a quarter of Heath’s sup- sweet those so excluded.11 Thatcher’s example, argued that ideological con- porters transferring their support to backers were also less likely to have cerns, whilst important for some Howe, Prior or Peyton (these three been educated at public schools, to MPs, had ‘little influence among the gaining nearly all of their support be aged under 50, to sit for marginal generality of Tory MPs’.12 Wapshott from those who had backed Heath in seats, and to have been recently and Brock talk of a ‘small group of round one). Whitelaw thus received elected. ideological dissenters’.13 If this is barely half of Heath’s support along Some of these differences true, we should detect some evidence with just a handful of votes from remained in the second round. Those of ideological divisions, but they elsewhere. It was this that made who served under Heath were less should be marginal. Thatcher’s victory on the second likely to vote for Thatcher and more Of course, measuring ideological round so decisive. likely to back Whitelaw: the insid- leanings is notoriously difficult, but Second, the data also allows us to er/outsider split remained, therefore, however we did it – whether using look in more detail at the character- even after any ties of loyalty to the varying combinations of published istics of the candidates’ backers. For incumbent had gone. The education- academic typographies, records of example, in the first round of the al differences became much stronger voting behaviour in the Commons, or contest MPs from the North of in the second round, especially when membership of groups such as the England or Scotland or Wales tended we looked at those educated at the Monday Club or PEST – we found to back Heath whilst those from the more ‘elite’ public schools: those clear and striking ideological differ- South were more likely to support educated at Eton were 24 percentage ences between the candidates. On the Thatcher. Those who had served points less likely to back Thatcher. first round, support for Heath from the under Heath between 1970 and 1974 Thatcher would often complain about left ranged between 71 and 80 per cent

14 | Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Summer 2003 Choosing the Lady whilst support for Thatcher from the they were not, why did the left object personality all played their part in her left ranged between 20 and 30 per so strongly to her? victory, but her triumph was not due to cent. Support for Heath from the right This is not to argue that there was a these factors alone. Margaret ranged between nine and 15 per cent; coherent body of Thatcherites backing Thatcher would not have become that for Thatcher from 73 to 79 per Thatcher, or that the left was clear Conservative party leader had she cent. However you measure it, Heath about exactly what it was that they received support from the right of the received disproportionate support party and from nowhere else; but nei- from the left but was rejected by most ther would accidents, courage, manip- of the right. Thatcher’s scores are The 1975 Conservative leadership ulation and personality alone have almost the opposite: she enjoyed dis- “ been enough. The 1975 Conservative proportionate support from the right contest was both peasants’ uprising and leadership contest was both peasants’ but not the left (although she always religious war uprising and religious war. gets more support from the left than ” Heath did from the right). Something Matthew Bailey is researching a PhD similar (although less dramatic) hap- objected to. But it is to argue that the on One Nation Toryism at Newcastle pened in the second round: the left significance of the ideological division University. Philip Cowley is a lec- supported Whitelaw (being 27 per- make it very difficult to present the turer in politics at the University of centage points more likely to support 1975 contest (and especially the first . This is an abridged ver- him) at the expense of Thatcher (-35), round) as solely or even largely a per- sion of an article which first whilst the right backed Thatcher (+23) sonal rather than an ideological matter. appeared in the British Journal of at the expense of Whitelaw (-20). The presence of an ideological divide – Political Science. The level of right-wing opposition between the left and the right of the to Heath and support for Thatcher is party – is indisputable. Of course, on 1 The letter of 24 February 1975 is in the therefore clear. Most orthodox its own, this divide would not have been Weatherill archive at the University of . We are grateful to Lady Thatcher for granting us accounts of the contest do include a enough. The votes of the right alone copyright permission. mention of (although usually just a would not have delivered the leadership 2 R. Behrens, The Conservative Party From Heath to passing reference to) the presence of of the party to Thatcher. But the right Thatcher, Farnborough: Saxon House, 1980, p. 32. a right-wing grouping within gave her a cohesive and substantial 3 J. Critchley, Westminster Blues, London: Futura, Thatcher’s support, but they rarely block of support, on to which she could 1985, p. 121. 4 H. Young, One of Us, London: Pan, 1993, p. 96. make clear quite how strong was the add votes from the centrists and left- 5 H. Young and A. Sloman, The Thatcher support she enjoyed from that group wingers dissatisfied with Heath’s lead- Phenomena, London, BBC, 1986, p. 31. or how large the group was. If we ership. A contest fought between cen- 6 P.Whitehead, The Writing on the Wall, London: estimate the right to be around a trists and left-wingers alone would have Michael Joseph, 1986, p. 325. quarter of the party (a deliberately resulted in a Heath victory, however fed 7 M. WickhamJones, 'Right Turn: A Revisionist Account of the 1975 Conservative Party conservative estimate) then Thatcher up many of them were with him. Leadership Election', Twentieth Century British enjoyed support from approximately Margaret Thatcher herself was well History, 8 (1997), p. 76. three-quarters of that group; this aware of the consequences of losing 8 P. Cosgrave, Thatcher: The First Term, London: alone accounts for more than 50 MPs. the contest. ‘I had no doubt that if I Bodley Head, 1985, p. x. Perhaps more importantly, most had failed against Ted that would have 9 Garnett and Aitken argue that the data 'rests on the distant memories of participants who proved orthodox accounts do not make clear been the end of me in politics’.14 themselves to be unreliable at the time' (M. the level of left-wing opposition to Rather than being one of the major Garnett and I. Aitken, Splendid! Splendid! The Thatcher and support for Heath. political figures of the twentieth cen- authorised biography of Willie Whitelaw, London: There were some MPs from the left tury, she would be but a minor foot- Jonathan Cape, 2002, p. 368, n.17). This would who backed Thatcher (either nega- note, remembered (if remembered at be true were it not for the various contempora tively and/or for tactical reasons, in all) as an unpopular secretary of state neous data on which we also draw, including the lists kept by the (very accurate) Thatcher camp. order to get Heath out, so that responsible for closing lots of gram- It's also a strange criticism to come from two Whitelaw could stand) but they mar schools. It is for this reason that biographers: what else is biography (especially almost certainly amounted to no one long-serving Conservative MP that which makes great play of interviews) but more than ten in total: the vast major- describes his vote in the leadership work that relies on 'distant memories'? ity of the left – around 80 per cent – election of 1975 as the most important 10 N. St JohnStevas, The Two Cities, London: Faber and Faber, 1984, p. 17. stuck with the incumbent, and then decision he took in over twenty years 11 G. Gardiner, Margaret Thatcher, London: William moved on to support Whitelaw. The in the House of Commons. ‘One Kimber, 1975, chap. 15. behaviour of these MPs makes it trembles to think’, another remarked, 12 P. Cosgrave, Margaret Thatcher: A Tory and Her harder to argue that Thatcher’s view ‘what would have happened to our Party, London: Hutchinson, 1978, p. 35. (or at least the general tenor of her country had we not chosen that 13 N. Wapshott and G. Brock, Thatcher, London: Macdonald and Sydney, 1983, p. 136. views) were not known and appreci- remarkable woman to lead us’. 14 M. Thatcher, The Path to Power, London: Harper ated at the time of the contest. For if Accidents, courage, manipulation and Collins, 1995, p. 277.

Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Summer 2003 | 15 John Jackson MacKay The Rt Hon Lord MacKay of Ardbrecknish 1938–2001

Leslie Mutch

When many people heard of the sud- became President of the Liberal Club the end of the year he had applied to den and premature death of Lord and his debating contemporaries join the Conservative Party and was MacKay of Ardbrecknish in February included John Smith, Donald Dewar immediately accepted as a member of 2001, at the age of 62, their thoughts and Lord Irvine of Lairg, all of whom the Oban branch of the Argyll were of a highly respected gentleman would go on to hold high office for Conservative and Unionist who had been active in the political the Labour Party. His opposite num- Association. life of Scotland for over 40 years. ber at the Edinburgh University At the municipal elections in May Liberal Club was David Steel, a 1969 John MacKay was elected to future Liberal leader. Oban Town Council with a majority “ In his maiden speech in the House of Following his graduation and of 20 votes. The following year he Commons he called for tighter standards teacher-training at Jordanhill College became Honorary Burgh Treasurer of Education, he spent two probation- (Chairman of the Finance through tests in literacy and numeracy. This ary years teaching Mathematics at Committee), a post he held until the was long before National Tests were part of Whitehill Secondary School in the demise of Oban Town Council at the East End of Glasgow. 1975 re-organisation of local govern- government policy and even longer before By the time he married Sheena ment in Scotland. New Labour’s National Literacy and Wagner in 1961, he had been selected His first electoral outing for the as the Prospective Liberal Candidate Conservatives came at the February Numeracy Strategies ” for county constituency of Argyll. In 1974 General Election when he con- 1962 they moved to Oban when he tested the Western Isles, a large seat was appointed to the Mathematics with the smallest electorate in the John Jackson MacKay was born in Department of Oban High School, a country (22,683), where he came November 1938 in the small Scottish department he would serve in for 17 third. At the October 1974 election burgh of Lochgilphead, where his years and lead from 1972. he contested Argyll, which had been father, Jackson MacKay, was a con- John MacKay contested the Argyll lost to the SNP at the February elec- stable with Argyll County Police. seat for the Liberals at the 1964 and tion. October 1974 was particularly Whilst his father was the village 1966 General Elections, trying successful for the SNP, when they policeman at Strone, he attended unsuccessfully to unseat the achieved 30.4% of the Scottish vote, Strone Primary School and Dunoon Conservative Michael Noble, who gained 11 of the 71 Scottish seats and Grammar School, and when Jackson had been Secretary of State for came second in 42 of the remaining MacKay was promoted to sergeant at Scotland 1962-64. 60. In Argyll John MacKay came sec- Campbeltown John transferred to However, it was in July 1967 that ond to an SNP majority of 3,931. Campbeltown Grammar School. he learned the error of his ways, and When Mrs Thatcher came to power John MacKay’s entrance to the becoming dissatisfied with the way at the 1979 General Election, John world of politics came at Glasgow that the Scottish Liberal Party were MacKay was returned for Argyll with University where he had gone to drifting with their stance on Home a majority of 1,646. study Mathematics. At Glasgow he Rule, he resigned from the party. By In his maiden speech in the House

16 | Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Summer 2003 John Jackson Mackay of Commons he called for tighter action. This had a personal effect on and amused to be voted Peer of the standards through tests in literacy and John MacKay’s two sons, David and Year 1998. numeracy. This was long before Colin, who were then pupils at Oban Lord MacKay was devoted to his National Tests were part of govern- High School. family and never lost an opportunity ment policy and even longer before At Mrs Thatcher’s third election to bring them into parliamentary New Labour’s National Literacy and victory in June 1987, eleven of the 21 debates. When the issue of Scottish Numeracy Strategies. Scottish Conservative MPs lost their devolution was being debated, he He also showed himself to be very reminded the House that his daughter protective of his rural constituents Fiona, who lives in Italy, would be when he called for Argyll to be made “ When the issue of Scottish devolution was able to vote in the referendum, whilst an all-purpose local authority and being debated, he reminded the House that his son David, who lives in Kent, when he, Ian Lang, Peter Fraser and would not. Alex Pollock protested at the govern- his daughter Fiona, who lives in Italy, would In 2001 he joined the independent ment proposal for increasing petrol be able to vote in the referendum, whilst his cross benches as the Lords Chairman tax by 20p in 1981. of Committees and Deputy Speaker In February 1982 he was appointed son David, who lives in Kent, would not of the Lords, one of the most senior Parliamentary Private Secretary to ” positions in the House. George Younger, Secretary of State On 21 February 2001 John for Scotland. But in April the Foreign seats, including John MacKay, Argyll MacKay collapsed on his way to The Secretary, Lord Carrington, and two fell to the Liberal Democrats by House. He was taken by ambulance junior ministers resigned over the 1,394 votes. This he blamed on a tac- to St George’s Hospital in South Argentinean invasion of the Falkland tical vote. London, but, sadly, he did not survive Islands and , Under After 26 years in Oban, the the journey. The previous evening he Secretary of State for Scotland MacKay family moved to Glasgow presided at a late-night sitting of the became Under Secretary of State at following John’s new position as House, which ended at 3.32 am. This the Foreign Office. In turn, John Chief Executive at Scottish tragically happened very shortly after MacKay was sent for by Mrs Conservative Central Office. a reception at the House to honour Thatcher and asked to fill the However, he resigned his post in his new appointment. Scottish Office vacancy caused by 1990, at a time of disquiet in the The following week, after a serv- Rifkind’s departure and to take Scottish Conservative Party, under ice at Glasgow Cathedral, where he responsibility for Health and Social the chairmanship of the Thatcherite was an Elder of the Church of Work. MP Michael Forsyth. Scotland, John MacKay was laid to In his new Scottish Office role he Between 1990 and 1993 John rest at Glen Shira in the beauty and was a great supporter of the govern- MacKay served as Chairman of the stillness of his beloved, native Argyll. ment’s monetary policy: in Seafish Industry Authority and in September 1982 he informed Greater 1991 Prime Minister Leslie Mutch is an Honours graduate Glasgow Health Board that it would brought him back into parliament, in Politics and Economics and a have to live within its budget and ennobled as The Lord MacKay of Conservative Member of the London that, in August 1983, a cut of £16.4M Ardbrecknish, the title coming from Borough of Merton Council. (1.1%) in the Scottish NHS was “a the tiny hamlet on Loch Awe where relatively small step backwards.” He his mother came from. He was an The sources of information for my article were also promoted a greater use of private accomplished angler and spent • The Oban Times, 1964, 1966, 1967, 1969, 1974, 1979, 1983, 1987, 1988, 2001 medicine and privatisation in the many happy hours fishing Loch • The Campbeltown Telegraph, 1961 NHS by opening the Edinburgh Awe. • The Times – JJM’s obituary BUPA facility and ordered reluctant In the Lords Lord MacKay served • Who’s Who health boards to privatise ancillary as a Government Whip (1993-94), • Roth, Parliamentary Profiles 198387 services. Under Secretary of State for • The Times Guide to The House of Commons 1964, 1966, 1974, October 1974, 1979, 1983, Following an increased majority Transport with responsibility for 1987 (3,844) and an enlarged constituency Shipping (1994) and as Minister of • Discussion with Lady MacKay of Ardbrecknish at (now Argyll and Bute) at the 1983 State at the Department for Social her home in Glasgow in October 2002 General Election, he remained at the Security. In Opposition after 1997, • Argyll and Bute Council (Legal Services and Scottish Office but later with he was Opposition Spokesman on Archivist) • Correspondence with K J Moncrieff, Deputy responsibility for Education. This Treasury, Social and Constitutional Head Teacher, Oban High School was at the time of the teachers’ pay Affairs and in 1998, under Lord • R A Reid, Oban High School: The First 100 Years, dispute and the constituencies of Strathclyde, he became Deputy 1993 government ministers in particular Leader of the Conservatives in the • David Steel, Against Goliath, 1989 were being targeted with industrial . He was both pleased • Ian Lang, Blue Remembered Years, 2002 • House of Lords , February 2001

Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Summer 2003 | 17 How Rab Butler Decriminalised Suicide

Sheila Moore

The passionate debates that surround that her wish to die was not evidence of deviant behaviour, which requires the issue of assisted suicide raise a of mental illness. treatment, not punishment. Advocates puzzling question: Why was there vir- Looking back at 1961 it is not easy of this position confidently predicted tually no debate at all when suicide to see why the issue of decriminalising that professional skill and knowledge itself was decriminalised in 1961? suicide arose at all. It had been con- of a sort never before available would Why, when issues about the ‘sanctity sidered a crime of high seriousness soon be able to re-shape deviance into of life’ and ‘death with dignity’ and great wickedness for well over a conformity, without the tiresome and inflame so many people and reveal thousand years. There was no cam- controversial procedures of criminal such sharply divergent views, did the paign to make it legal, as there was for justice. Morally neutral science would Suicide Act pass – in the words of one homosexuality and abortion. finally solve ancient human problems, bemused MP – ‘practically unno- Certainly there was no constituency in and prejudicial moral judgements ticed’? And, even more curious, why the Conservative Party to decrimi- would be superseded by beneficial did a Conservative government – for it nalise anything; indeed, a large num- medical prescriptions. was a government, not a Private ber of Tories wanted to bring back Social historians call this approach Members Bill, decriminalise some- birching and were implacably opposed the ‘medicalisation of deviance’, and thing everyone agreed was profoundly to ending the death penalty. There was Rab Butler’s own commitment to it wrong? no high profile case to arouse public was very deep. Within two months of sympathy, nor were suicide statistics becoming Home Secretary he outlined particularly alarming. proposals for a penal programme “ Rab Butler, passed the Suicide Act by Moreover, Butler’s own ambitions whereby offenders would be treated deliberately bypassing procedures designed to to be Prime Minister were impeded, as according to their needs rather than he well knew, by party suspicions that their deserts. He set up the Home ensure democratic scrutiny of proposed laws ” he was ‘soft on crime’. This may help Office Research Unit in part to search explain why once the Suicide Bill for the ‘causes of crime’, and chan- entered Parliament (through the back nelled government funds to pioneering The answers to these questions can door of the Lords) Butler never once criminologists, notably the Institute be found in a previously unknown publicly associated himself with it. for Criminology at Cambridge. story of legislative audacity enacted Nevertheless, Cabinet papers at the Throughout his time as Home by a consummate political operator Public Record Office make plain that Secretary he regularly made speeches unconstrained by scruple. The then it was Butler who initiated the Bill, urging the ‘treatment and training’, Home Secretary, Rab Butler, passed slipped it on to the legislative agenda not the punishment, of offenders. the Suicide Act by deliberately by- by a most unorthodox route, and care- However, since even enthusiastic passing procedures designed to ensure fully supervised its passage right to advocates of this approach must admit democratic scrutiny of proposed laws, the end. And it is a fact that when this that successful suicides have put them- by manipulating the mechanics of short, unheralded, ‘practically unno- selves beyond treatment, Butler’s government at his disposal and by ticed’ Bill nearly foundered at the last commitment to it does not explain being economical with the truth to his Parliamentary hurdle – erected by Leo why he went to the lengths he did to colleagues and the Prime Minister. Abse – a powerful invisible hand pass the Suicide Act. Especially since But the way in which Butler over- reached out and saved it. it could have caused him personal turned the legal ban on suicide means What Butler did and why he did it political damage by upsetting the that later generations must grapple were rooted in the determinist ideas party faithful. The reason he did can with the difficult dilemmas he sup- about human behaviour that dominat- be found in an obscure series of pressed. These dilemmas are being ed intellectual thought in the mid-20th Parliamentary questions and answers brought into sharp focus by cases like century. This attitude locates the exchanged in 1958-59. Prodded by that of Diane Pretty, the terminally ill sources of deviance and criminality in questions from the Labour MP woman who sought unsuccessfully to personal pathology, as if it were an ill- Kenneth Robinson (the only MP ever chose the time and manner of her ness. From this perspective moral to raise the issue), Butler as Home death, and of Miss B., who contended judgements are irrelevant to the issue Secretary discovered, seemingly to his

18 | Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Summer 2003 How Rab Butler Decriminalised Suicide own surprise, that while successful nets by an assumption whose shaky ‘suicide risks’ and their incarceration suicides necessarily escaped the law, foundation remained legally unchal- in psychiatric institutions a form of the failed ones – the attempted sui- lenged for over forty years. The punishment… The physician uses the cides – were regularly being prosecut- assumption was that a wish to die, rhetoric of illness and treatment to jus- ed and punished; a number of them translated into action, is incontestable tify his forcible intervention in the life were actually sent to prison. Worse, evidence of mental illness. Because of a fellow human being.’ virtually everyone charged with the recently passed 1959 Mental Such civil liberty concerns did not attempted suicide was being remanded Health Act allowed doctors to compul- arise at all during the passage of the in custody for several weeks for med- sorily detain and treat anyone they Suicide Act. The only thing that did ical reports before sentence. deemed mentally ill, this meant potentially threaten the Bill was con- The question still arises, however, attempted suicides could be forced to cern about the ‘sanctity of life’ and the as to why Butler cared enough about undergo treatment without the neces- contradictory message legalising sui- this revelation to subsequently take the sity of a criminal conviction. cide might send. Since the relation- action he did. After all, shortcomings These provisions of the Mental ship of law and morality was at that in the criminal justice system are Health Act and their relevance to time a subject of intense and heated brought to the attention of the Home attempted suicides were repeatedly debate, it suggests that if this dimen- Secretary every week. One can only cited during the passage of the Suicide sion had been allowed to surface in the speculate as to why. Perhaps he had a Act. It was said to be a way of achiev- suicide debate, the Bill would not special sympathy for the stigma ‘crim- have passed. inal’ suicides incurred because the But it was not allowed to surface. aunt who cared for him as a child “ Butler’s motives have to remain unknown as The defining, though extremely curi- killed herself. Possibly his own two there is not a single mention of the Suicide Act ous, feature of the Parliamentary serious nervous breakdowns at debate is that it was not about suicide Cambridge were a factor. His person- in his autobiography or in his private paper ” at all, but entirely about attempted sui- al commitment to treat, not punish, cide. If ever a speaker made reference deviance must have played a part. to the profound immorality of suicide Then again, perhaps he was prompted ing more effective and comprehensive and the need to uphold the sanctity of by the realisation that decriminalising treatment for people who tried to kill life, the Bill’s supporters wholeheart- suicide would at a stroke reduce both themselves, without, it was implied, edly agreed and moved swiftly on to the crime figures and the prison the irritating impediment of due soothing words about the ‘necessity of remand population. process. During the passage of the treatment’ for these ‘poor people’ – Butler’s motives have to remain Mental Health Act almost no one had the attempted suicides. It was pointed unknown as there is not a single men- questioned the sweeping powers it out that as the situation stood many of tion of the Suicide Act in his autobiog- granted to doctors. One of the few them were not getting treatment, as raphy or in his private papers. But who did was Dr A.D.D. Broughton the police recorded far more attempt- they must have been strong, because MP, who, ‘speaking as the only prac- ed suicides than they prosecuted. after Robinson’s questions revealed tising psychiatrist in the House,’ said, Moreover, doctors and family mem- the plight of attempted suicides, ‘…when a patient is compulsorily bers often concealed suicide attempts Butler took some remarkable, albeit detained, that person is losing impor- in order to avoid criminal proceed- stealthy, steps. tant civil rights. I do not think a med- ings. The Suicide Act, it was said, The stealth seems to have been ical man is qualified to rob a person of would mean that all attempted sui- inspired by awareness that open dis- his or her civil rights.’ cides could be treated, coercively if cussion would provoke bitter disputes Dr Broughton’s point was ignored necessary, under the Mental Health that could scupper the Bill. Charles in the passage of the Mental Health Act. Implicit and explicit through all Fletcher-Cooke, who as a brand new Act, and not even raised during the of this was the assumption that an junior Home Office Minister took the passage of the Suicide Act. Nor were attempt to kill oneself was clear evi- Bill through the Commons, remem- any of the other larger issues that have dence of mental disorder and thus bered Butler saying to him privately: engaged people debating suicide at licensed medical intervention uncon- ‘Here is a small bill I would be grate- other times and other places. strained by judicial process. ful if you would carry through… You Schoepenhauer’s point, for instance, However, while it turned out to be will not find it as easy as you think; that ‘it is quite obvious that there is possible to finesse moral arguments you will find a great hornet’s nest nothing in the world to which every on suicide by playing the mental ill- about the ‘sacredness of human life’.’ man has a more unassailable title than ness card, there remained the thorny In fact, to Fletcher-Cooke’s sur- to his own life and person.’ Or problem of assisted suicide. Hence to prise, the Bill slid through the Thomas Szaz, himself a practising Clause 1 of the Bill, which baldly Commons almost as easily as it had psychiatrist, who said, ‘I consider the decreed suicide was no longer a the Lords, shielded from potential hor- psychiatric stigmatisation of people as crime, was added Clause 2, making it

Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Summer 2003 | 19 How Rab Butler Decriminalised Suicide a very serious crime, punishable by up moniously) prune in June to keep pro- Report of the Criminal Law Revision to 14 years in prison, to ‘aid, abet, posed Bills to a manageable number. Committee’, and this ‘weighty back- counsel or procure’ another’s suicide. It first appeared, quite suddenly, in ing’ was relied upon to block potential Lord Denning at the time pointed out mid-October 1960 in a letter from the opposition throughout the short and the legal illogicality of making it a Home Secretary (Butler) to the Prime muffled passage of the Bill. serious crime to assist something that Minister (Harold Macmillan), recom- If it seems Butler is being credited is not itself a crime; but no one paid mending ‘a Bill to decriminalise sui- with preternatural power in this matter, any attention. It is this anomaly, how- cide and attempted suicide along the it needs to be noted that at the time he ever, that gave Diane Pretty the oppor- lines recommended by the Criminal was not only Home Secretary, he was tunity to argue that the disabled Law Revision Committee.’ also Chairman of the Conservative should not be deprived of rights the This was a move wholly in keeping Party and Leader of the House of able-bodied have, and thus she should with Butler’s Machiavellian reputa- Commons. This last post put him in be allowed assistance to end her life. tion. The CLRC was an ad hoc body control of the government’s entire leg- The Law Lords did not accept this, but he himself had created only the year islative programme, and it might help as A. C. Grayling argued in The Times before. It was answerable solely to explain what happened when, in the (27 October 2001), it is not an issue him: fifteen unpaid legal dignitaries final stages of the Suicide Bill, Leo that will go away. Grayling said that whose views he would occasionally Abse nearly killed it by ‘talking it out’. the question of a right to die, and the seek on matters of criminal law. In The summer recess was looming, and choice of when and how to die ‘lies at what was only his second referral to there was much important legislation the heart of one of the most important them Butler asked for their views not still to be processed, but somehow a on whether suicide should be decrim- further Parliamentary time slot was inalised, but only what they thought found through which this exceptional Butler got the decriminalisation of suicide “ about penalties for assisting suicide. but unregarded measure slipped into through Parliament by keeping its profile Their report, which Butler cites in his law. ‘The first Act of Parliament for at letter to the PM, actually begins with least a century,’ said H.A.L. Hart after- very low ” the slightly aggrieved statement: ‘We wards, ‘to remove altogether the penal- have not concerned ourselves with the ties of the criminal law from a practice main question of policy, whether sui- both clearly condemned by conven- debates our society could ever have cide and attempted suicide should tional Christian morality and punish- with itself.’ He went on to say that cease to be offences. The terms of ref- able by law.’ ‘The passing of the Suicide Act in erence require us to assume that they It is hard to imagine it could have 1961, at last making it lawful for a should do so.’ happened without the unusual con- person to end his own life, in itself It seems clear from records now junction of power, personality and cir- implied an acceptance of an individ- available at the Public Record Office cumstance that came together in 1960- ual’s entitlement to decide the time that if the CLRC had been asked to 61. Governments are wary of issues and manner of his life’s end.’ consider the substantive question that with a controversial moral dimension: This may be what modern society they would not have agreed to recom- abortion, homosexuality, divorce and decides to make of the Suicide Act. It mend decriminalising suicide. As it censorship law reform all came is not, however, the interpretation the was they recommended a stiff prison through Private Members Bills. The 1961 Parliament intended, not was it sentence on conviction of assisting Conservative government in 1981 ever given a chance to consider such suicide. abandoned plans to decriminalise matters. Butler got the decriminalisa- Nevertheless, Butler presented the blasphemy at the first rumblings of tion of suicide through Parliament by decriminalisation of suicide as a rec- religious opposition. It is very unlike- keeping its profile very low: it went ommendation of the CLRC, and in a ly a proposal to decriminalise suicide through the Lords in the run up to hand-written footnote to his letter to in 1961 would have survived open Easter and through the Commons on the Prime Minister says this body ‘had debate. two midsummer Fridays. He got it in no less than 4 Judges and other nota- As it was, few people even knew it to Parliament by giving it no profile at bles, so the backing is weighty.’ In the had happened – a survey in 1962 all. A proposal to decriminalise sui- bottom right hand corner of this letter found 75% thought suicide was still a cide never appeared before the 1960 the Prime Minister wrote rather queru- crime. The current debates on assisted Future Legislation Committee that had lously, ‘There will be a lot of talk about suicide sometimes suggest people still to choose between a number of fierce- this, but I suppose it had better go on. do. But if A. C. Grayling is correct, ly competing Departments’ bids for Ought Cabinet to know? H.M.’ there is no point now in debating an Bills. It did not appear on the provi- Go on it did. Introducing the Bill to individual’s ‘right to die’ – that was sional list of government Bills circulat- the Lords, Viscount Kilmuir (in a settled over forty years ago by Rab ed to Ministers that spring. It did not speech written for him by the Home Butler, who did it in his own way and appear on the list Cabinet had to (acri- Office) said it was ‘based on the for his own reasons.

20 | Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Summer 2003 Memories of Alan Clark Martin Ball

An insight into one of the most familiar with his writing. Yet, exciting politicians of recent they were not the expected hit years was the compelling topic when originally serialised, and it of the first meeting of the took a second showing in The Conservative History Group as Times before they were publicly David Davis MP, Keith Simpson acclaimed. Ion Trewin, the liter- MP, Diaries editor Ion Trewin, ary editor of the Diaries, writer Graham Stewart, and revealed that although Alan Jane Clark combined to give Clark began writing a diary in their personal ‘Memories of 1955 there that an entry from Alan Clark’. January 1945 describing a visit David Davis believed that if to London to see the comedian Alan Clark cared at all about his Arthur Askey in a musical reputation then it was in wanting review has been found. to be thought a good historian. Regrettably it stops there and we thickness of the paper in a where he could be a soldier on With his history books remain- don’t have any insight into time dummy bound book that won the Backbenches. Yet his ambi- ing in print since their publica- at Oxford, or stays in Monte the day as Trewin gave a prom- tion to serve was opposed by tion this could be claimed to be Carlo or Moscow, or his rela- ise to print with the same quali- Edward Heath, who reputedly the case. Keith Simpson pointed tionship with his parents. A ty of paper. Alas the promise to barred him from standing out how The Donkeys was ahead desire to make money was a big do this was expensive and once because of his ‘dangerous of the curve in viewing the factor in deciding to publish the the supply of this paper ran out views’. He gave a demonstration events of World War One and Diaries, and when his long-term something thinner was used. of these when upon being elect- Barbarossa was the first sub- agent suggested that they might While people will tend to ed an MP in 1974 he called for stantial book to tackle the fetch a quarter of a million focus on the gossip, David Mr Heath to be replaced as Eastern Front war. The down- pounds this was sufficient Davis believes that the Diaries Conservative Party Leader. Yet side of the latter work, Keith inducement to their release. The will be trawled for their “insight while a supporter of Heath’s Simpson believes, was that it process to determine the pub- into the reality of politics at the successor Mrs Thatcher, David began Clark’s fascination with lisher was secretive. Ion Trewin end of the Thatcher era”. Yes Davis suggested that Alan Clark Germany and Hitler, thankfully recalled how he was one of sev- people felt hurt by the harsh was more “Thatcherphile than a more for a supposed efficiency eral bidders who were allowed reflections, but David Davis Thatcherite”. He was seduced than anything else. Clark's book to read them for one hour with- noted how he over-rode the by her courage, her style and on the Conservative Party, out taking any notes. Once out- accusations of breaches of con- even her looks - those ankles - Tories, was something he had side Trewin frantically wrote fidence by claiming that his more than by her views. He was always wanted to write and yet down everything he had read. duty to posterity and the future strongly protectionist and according to Graham Stewart, Excited, he spoke with the com- historians “is higher than that believed that the Ruling Class who assisted him with its writ- pany chairman to confirm that owed to the transient self-esteem had a duty to repay the patriot- ing, he was disappointed with they were the best account of of those who may feel ism and loyalty of the people the end product. It appears that Mrs Thatcher’s government and aggrieved”. Jane Clark recalled with good leadership and man- campaigning for the 1997 that they were very well written. how his interest in a political agement. General Election had distracted When it came to the final three career sparked after media spec- David Davis believes that his attention. Ironic then that contenders to publish Trewin ulation. A newspaper reported Alan Clark was addicted to poli- Tories isn’t a book about con- felt he had a couple of aces to his attendance at a political tics and that it is the interplay stituency or organisational mat- play. One was that the compa- meeting as a sign that he was between his psychology and his ters. Rather it is concerned with ny’s marketing director wore her thinking of standing for election politics that made Alan Clark Clark’s pre-occupation with shortest mini-skirt, and the other and it was this that got him seri- “one of the most exciting char- politics. However, it was the mutual regard he and ously thinking about doing so. acters in modern politics”. The is through the Diaries that most Clark had for the diaries of The party that naturally attracted verdict of the audience was most of the general public will be James Lees-Milne. Yet it was the him was the Conservative Party, definitely.

Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Spring 2003 | 21 The Conservative History Group Lecture The Conservatives in Opposition: Lessons From History

David Willetts

am honoured to have been with the permanent principles, bly be found only by careful understand that John Locke asked to give this inaugural if any, underlying a party name, examination of its behaviour could only write what he did lecture to the Conservative can follow two contrasted lines throughout its history and by because his principles are really History Group. The of development. At the begin- examination of what its more an abridgement of the British IConservative History ning may be a body of doctrine, thoughtful and philosophic common law tradition and the Group is now up and running, perhaps a canonical work; and minds have said on its behalf; parliamentary battles of his own thanks to the energy and com- a band of devoted people set out and only accurate historical age. We are wary of an abstract mitment of two people – Keith to disseminate and popularize knowledge and judicious analy- and rootless freedom. We Simpson and Iain Dale. this doctrine through its emo- sis will be able to discriminate believe in freedoms which are It is deeply ironic that we tional appeal to the interested between the permanent and the real, concrete and protected by should only now have a and the dis-interested; and then, transitory; between those doc- institutions and our constitution. Conservative History Group as a political party, endeavour trines and principles which it There is a paradox here, how- whereas the Conservative to realise a programme based must ever, and in all circum- ever. Even if British Philosophy Group was set up on the doctrine. Before arriving stances, maintain, or manifest Conservatism had a history over 20 years ago. Surely for at the position of governing, itself a fraud, and those called before it had a theory, many of Conservatives our history comes they have envisaged some final forth by special circumstances, us individually come to it the before our philosophy. Indeed, other way round. We start off sometimes Conservatism seems with some ideas about to be just plain common sense, a Conservatism and then get Even if British Conservatism had a history before view caught pithily by “ interested in the history of Wellington, who spoke for mil- it had a theory, many of us individually come to it the where they came from. The his- lions of voters over the years: other way round tory comes after the belief. It is ” a process of excavation, digging We hear a great deal of Whig back to find where principles and Tory principles Conservatism comes from. This and Liberal principles and Mr. state of society of which their which are only intelligible and history doesn’t follow in the Canning’s principles; but I con- doctrines give the outline. The justifiable in the light of those chronological order that histori- fess that I have never seen a theory has altogether preceded circumstances ans use. It is history which fol- definite account of any of them, the practice. But political ideas lows the famous rule of the and cannot make myself a clear may come into being by an an Our Conservatism has emerged Miss World contest: it is in idea of what any of them mean opposite process. A political from political practice. It is not reverse order. And I hope you party may find that it has had a an abstract theory beginning will forgive me for taking that But that isn’t the whole story. history, before it is fully aware with a canonical text which we rather quixotic approach in this There is a deeper truth here, of or agreed upon its own per- then try to impose on a resistant lecture. brilliantly captured by T.S. Eliot manent tenets; it may have world. Take, say, one of the There are three different peri- in an essay distinguishing arrived at its actual formation great political philosophers of ods when Conservatives were in between what he called the through a succession of meta- personal freedom – John Locke. opposition, under Margaret organic and mechanical model morphoses and adaptations, Modern Conservatives have Thatcher from 1975-79, from of politics. during which some issues have John Locke in their pantheon 1945-51, and under Disraeli been superannuated and new just as classical liberals do. But after 1844. …political thinking, that is, issues have arisen. What its fun- the difference between us and For us at this time it is par- thinking that concerns itself damental tenets are, will proba- classical liberals is that we ticularly fascinating to look at

22 | Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Spring 2003 The Conservatives in Opposition: Lessons from History

Conservatives in opposition. from landslide defeat to politi- to believe it is broadly true as policy. They don’t need to do When Conservatives are in gov- cal dominance within only 6 an account of what causes infla- deals with Trade Unions. So it ernment, it is hard to disentan- years was a formidable achieve- tion. But what is all too often doesn’t matter that gle the Conservative bit and the ment and we can learn much overlooked is the electoral sig- Conservatives don’t have a governing bit, but in opposition from it. I want to rehabilitate nificance of monetarism. Now I close relationship with Trade you find a much clearer light the Conservatives of that gener- am not going to claim that peo- Unions. shone on Conservatives just ation. By contrast the period ple were out on the streets There is a lesson here for us being Conservatives. Almost by 1975-79 now seems heroic, as a shouting ‘what do we want, today. It is why Iain Duncan definition it is at a time of cri- prelude to the great Thatcher monetary targets, when do we Smith is right to put public sis. Conservatives like to think reforms of the 1980s. We are so want them? Now!’ But it was service reform at the heart of of ourselves as a governing in awe of it that we fail to see undoubtedly a skilful political the Conservative agenda. We Party. If it were a game of the practical political skills that project to tackle the most can’t afford to leave to Labour cricket we would rather be bat- lay behind it and from which we important single problem of the the issues at the top of the list ting than bowling, it is deeply can learn lessons. day. of the electorate’s worries and frustrating being in opposition. We now think that by the late The problem which the instead talk about something But Conservatives are realists 1970s Britain was in such a bad opinion polls showed was at else. Developing a distinctive also. We know that in order to state that the electors were will- the top of everyone’s concern Conservative approach to the get out of opposition and back reform of the public services is into government we have got to central to what we do. tackle the reasons why the elec- There is another lesson we torate booted us out in the first can learn from the Thatcherite place. The Conservative Party period of opposition as well. which regains office after each Monetarism was neither eco- of these periods of opposition nomically nor politically obvi- looks and sounds very different ous. Keith Joseph didn’t sud- from the one which lost. In denly persuade all the upper each case we are looking at echelons of the Party that it was nothing less than the recon- what we should adopt. It was struction of Conservatism the subject of intense debate based on an ambitious intellec- and dispute. When I came down tual renewal. from University and worked in Conservatives love history 1978 for Nigel Lawson when he and sometimes use it rather like was a member of our Russian historians in the worst Economics team, he and Nick days of Soviet dictatorship. If Ridley and David Howell, you wanted to say something ing to take very unpleasant was inflation, the cost of liv- Geoffrey Howe and Keith about Stalin you wrote a medicine indeed to cure the ing. Most people believe that Joseph were endlessly debating learned book about Ivan the problem. We did a lot of things inflation was caused by pay exactly what the alternative Terrible. But I am not going to that were right but unpopular. It pushing up costs. That was Conservative approach to eco- hide behind obscure historical is a dangerous fallacy from that why successive governments, nomic management would be. parallels. I am going to conclude that unless a policy Labour and Conservatives, had Those documents The Right unashamedly to draw lessons is unpopular it can’t possibly be ended up introducing a prices Approach and The Right for the present from our previ- right. This ignores the sheer and incomes policy. But Approach to the Economy were ous experiences of opposition. political skill of what the Labour claimed to be able to fought over line by line with big Conservatives did in opposition work with Trade Unions differences between the crucial during that period. It wasn’t just whereas we Conservatives players. This argument was not THATCHER 1975-79 a matter of prescribing a painful couldn’t. So they had a natural a bad thing it was a good thing. Let’s start with that period medicine. We also had to win a advantage on the bigger issue It was the right basis of govern- 1974-79. In a way, getting a political argument. Tonight, I of the day. ment because it meant that the clear sense of that period is as want to bring the politics back We couldn’t avoid the issue Party’s ideas had been worked difficult as getting a clear sense into Thatcherism. and talk about something else. through, sorted out in opposi- of 1945-51 but for the opposite Let’s take what is often seen Monetarism tackled this central tion. It also helped generate reasons. The Butler reconstruc- as the most vivid example of political problem. The argument sheer excitement and political tion of the Conservative Party the ideological purity of was that governments create interest in what we were doing after the war has suffered from Thatcherism – monetarism. It is inflation by loose financial poli- in opposition. We couldn’t be the subsequent dismissal of it as treated as an academic piece of cy and so they can bring down ignored because we were gener- just ‘wet’. But pulling us back economic theory, and I happen inflation by the right financial ating light and heat. We all

Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Spring 2003 | 23 The Conservatives in Opposition: Lessons from History recognise the need for the Party that rich areas have for poor principles, practices, and mem- ples and programme of the to change while it is in opposi- areas? bership of the the Conservative Party. tion. But for the change to be • If we are to have real diversi- Party. credible it can’t be too easy ty are we going to allow peo- The result was the industrial either. It must be fought for and ple to fail as well as to suc- Another observer put it like charter. argued over as part of a desper- ceed? this: There was a debate amongst ately serious process of renew- • Is there such a thing as a leadership about whether to ing Conservatism. right to fail? Bedevilled by years of pseudo- have a policy. Rab Butler Let me give you an example • If so, what chance has it got Conservatism, Shaken in morale records a conversation with of how we could apply this to in a culture that is so horribly by the intellectual superiority Churchill. today’s politics. One theme preoccupied with naming and which they had allowed the which is emerging very strongly shaming? Labour Party to assume, He lectured me ‘When an in the Party’s critique of ashamed of many of the things Opposition spells out its policy Labour’s centralisation is what These are all fair questions. they believed in their hearts, the in detail the Government we are beginning to call local- They are not a problem: they Conservatives lacked a doc- becomes the Opposition and ism. We believe in giving as are an opportunity to make the trine. It was fatal that they attacks the Opposition which much power as possible to the whole debate come to life. should have lacked a method becomes the Government. So individual hospital or the indi- There is no harm if we debate too. having failed to win the sweets vidual school. This is rapidly and argue about them. There is of office, it fails equally to enjoy becoming a distinctive no right answer that should The Party was in shock. One the benefits of being out of Conservative agenda for immediately command univer- reaction was to say how much office…’There is rather more reforming the public sector. And sal consent. Provided that we they agreed with Labour. truth and tactic in this than I it applies more widely. In my respect each others views and Winston Churchill’s response to was always happy to allow at own area I have been very inter- treat each other with courtesy I their first King’s Speech was as the time. ested in Conservative controlled think it is positively advanta- follows: Kent County Council’s innova- geous if prominent Harold Macmillan summarised tive policies to tackle problems Conservatives argue about Here and there, there may be the issue as follows: of welfare dependence locally. Their effectiveness is then Do we mean a philosophy, do measured in a special public The Party pre1975 was ideologically disputative we mean a policy, or do we service agreement with The “ mean a programme? We are not and intellectually lively Treasury so that if they can ” immediately embarked on a new show that as a result there is election. We do not know the less dependence on means-test- conditions when it comes. We do ed benefits in Kent they will get exactly what localism means in differences in emphasis in not even know what will be the some of the savings. All practice. And if we do that the view, but in the main no political international situation Conservatives will see that there big wide world out there might Parliament has ever assembled during the next few years. is a powerful theme here. But it even notice it’s a Conservative with such a mass of agreed Therefore, the point now is, is not straightforward. There are theme. legislation.” what philosophy and broad pol- difficult questions arising, for icy we are to preach. I should example, from England’s uni- 1945-51 Meanwhile the Party was get- be less happy about a detailed tary political culture. When I got interested in politics ting restless. Party Conference programme. 1975 was my year zero. Before passed following motion • How comfortable would peo- that was a dark age of wets. I DISRAELI ple be with services that are now see how mistaken that was. That this Conference is of the Disraeli spent most of his politi- different in Bristol and The Party pre-1975 was ideo- opinion that the Conservative cal career in opposition because Birmingham and Bradford? logically disputative and intel- Party, in order to counter the the Conservative Party was • How much difference are we lectually lively We might even misleading and insidious propa- deeply divided on the funda- willing to accept? learn from some problems the ganda of the socialist party, mental issue of the day. Free • Will we as an opposition Party faced then. should, without further delay, trade or protection. It was a foreswear for ever that seduc- The 1945 landslide defeat prepare and issue a statement, long hard slog. Randolph tive political slogan ‘the post- was a catastrophic blow: in a concise form easily under- Churchill summarised his career code lottery’? Quintin Hogg in the Mail stood by the electorate, setting very crisply: “Failure, failure, • Are we willing to allow pros- described it as the result of: forth the policy for which the failure, partial success, renewed perous areas to purchase bet- Conservative Party stands and failure. Ultimate and complete ter services for themselves? … a long pent-up and deep- simultaneously a statement giv- victory.” And that reminds us • What are the responsibilities seated revulsion against the ing in fuller detail the princi- that he did, of course, secure in

24 | Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Spring 2003 The Conservatives in Opposition: Lessons from History

1874 a landslide Conservative Compassionate Conservatism - elevation of the condition of the Disraeli died in 1881. In many victory and gave use the first tackling what was defined as people at the heart of the ways, his crowning achievement solid Conservative government “the condition of England” Conservative programme. And in came after his death. In 1886 the for nearly 30 years. question. Let me quote from his 1874, the Conservative Party Liberal Party split and a large The start was not auspicious. novel Sybil a passage you’ll all won a landslide victory. And it group of Liberals - the Liberal Peel wanted to repeal the Corn be familiar with. It still sends a won a landslide victory with a Unionists led by Joseph Laws and a rural rump of the frisson of emotion through any wider electorate than any Chamberlain, moved to an Conservative Party, the old thoughtful Conservative. It’s an Conservative Party had to fight alliance with the Conservative Tories, essentially protecting the exchange of dialogue where the on before - there had been an Party. They were only able to rural, agricultural interests, first character describes two expansion after 1867 with a move to the Conservative Party stuck with protection. Disraeli nations: “between whom there Liberal victory straight after- because of the way in which was one of the few intelligent is no intercourse and no sympa- wards. Disraeli had reshaped it. That and thoughtful Conservatives thy: who are as ignorant of each Then he came to office in event in 1886 is the biggest sin- who stayed with the Tories. A other’s habits, thoughts, and 1874 and what the conventional gle reason for the extraordinary lot of other potentially signifi- feelings, as if they were historical narrative says is that political success of our party in cant Conservative figures, such dwellers in different zones, or it all proved to be rather an the 20th century. It explains the as Gladstone, went with Peel inhabitants of different planets; anti-climax. The historians difference between our political and via Peel into the mid-19th who are formed by a different argue about the Public Health success and the much more trou- century Liberal Party. Disraeli breeding, are fed by a different Act of 1875, the Artisans bled history of the centre-right stayed with the rural gentry. food, are ordered by different Dwelling Act on 1875, and political movement on the conti- He offered a critique of free manners, and are not governed whether or not these items of nent. In many countries, you had trade that had an authentic Tory by the same laws.” ‘“You speak legislation are as significant as on one hand a ruralist, peasant, strand to it. It was the Tory of -”, said Egremont, hesitating- they ought to have been. The clerical party - a country party. romanticism of Coleridge, of Then you have separately a ratio- Walter Scott, of Southey. It was nalist, anti-clerical pro-business hatred of that utilitarian, ratio- “ Disraeli wanted to gain and retain for the with a small ‘l’ liberal , often nalist calculating strand of eco- Conservatives the lasting affection of the working large ‘l’ Liberals. It was when nomics. It is captured in Quintin the Liberals split in 1886 that we Hogg’s famous remark that classes overcame that divide from “economic liberalism is very ” Birmingham, Scotland, the City nearly true”. of London when high finance Disraeli’s critique of ly. “The rich and the poor.” conventional view is they are came over to the Conservatives. Manchester Liberals followed And I still think it contains a not very significant. They are It was at that point when the dis- that romantic Tory critique and powerful message for us today. not the expansion of the wel- tinctive British Conservative looking back to the Middle Disraeli was against fare state which was to come movement - that combination of Ages. His ideal community was Conservatives “who wish to later under the New Liberals an understanding of the case for a monastic community. It was keep things as they find them and the Fabians. But that’s the community and at the same time the political equivalent of the for as long as they can.” He point. Disraeli wanted to gain the importance of business and pre-Raphaelites. It could have wasn’t that sort of Conservative. and retain for the Conservatives commerce. been a dead-end and collapsed He was an optimist. He thought the lasting affection of the One final point. Disraeli suc- into anachronistic romanticism. the human condition should be working classes. But he wasn’t ceeded not because of great Then something remarkable improved. He said, “Is man an going to do it by just expanding political wiles or memorable happened. Disraeli started to ape or an angel? My Lord, I am state responsibility. He wanted policies but because, if I may be understand these messages on the side of angels.” to empower local communities so contemporary, he offered a about social obligation, about So he had a vision of how “the to legislate and do what they narrative. He offered a narrative there being more to life than condition of England” could be wished to do locally. Very little in the most obvious form, in his economics, about those truths improved. The elevation of the of his legislation is imposing novels. And in his novels about human nature that eco- condition of the people became national obligations on a uni- Coningsby and Sybil, above all, nomics could not understand his watchword. He escaped from form basis. It was, in the best he offered a picture of our and calculate, were relevant to historical romanticism and sud- sense of the word, permissive country. He offered a vision of the industrialising Britain that denly had a message that was legislation to allow local organ- what Britain could be like. He he saw around him. He said that charged and with enormous isations - school boards, local offered a picture of our country “the principle of association political significance for his soci- authorities - to carry out more where there was both social replaced that of dependence as ety and him. He captured it in functions if they wished. He obligation and market the foundation of the communi- great speeches in 1872 in one in said, I quote: “Permissive legis- economies. It is a vision which ty.” (Tancred). He developed Manchester Trade Hall, one in lation is the characteristic of a remains compelling and attrac- what I can only call a Crystal Palace, where he put the free people.” tive today.

Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Spring 2003 | 25 Baldwin The Original Quiet Man

Ian Pendlington

ain Duncan Smith carved Lloyd George’s elevation to for life’ Balfour had predicted the coalition. He was dismayed a mantle for himself by Prime Minister, appointed and indeed appeared to becom- by the ultimatum presented by his words that he was a Baldwin as his Parliamentary ing an electoral liability as his Churchill in September 1922 to ‘quiet man’ at last year’s Private Secretary. Following this coalition government swinging Mustapha Kemal after his I Conservative Party con- fortuitous step upon the rung of from one post-war crisis to Turkish troops threatened the ference. Although he received the political ladder, Baldwin’s another. Baldwin spoke for British garrison at Chanak. gentle mocking from his oppo- rise was comparatively meteoric. many ordinary voters when he Moreover, Lloyd George’s per- nents for this turn of phrase, it In 1917 he became Financial famously remarked that the sonal conduct, both in terms of is worth reflecting that it has Secretary to the Treasury and in Cabinet resembled ‘hard-faced financial dealings and in his been eighty years this April 1921 he entered the Cabinet as men who looked as though they personal relationships, were an since the original quiet man President for the Board of had done well out of the war’. In outrage to Baldwin’s puritanical, took office as Prime Minister Trade. an extraordinary act of generosi- Christian and above all English for the first of what became outlook on society. Baldwin was three ministries that dominated fundamentally a Conservative, two turbulent decades for Great the grim realities of war profoundly influenced and for him the basic principals Britain. “ of Conservatism were being Stanley Baldwin, like Duncan Baldwin’s perception on life and politics, and in eroded by the follies of the Smith, was an unlikely candi- doing so played a fateful hand in his rise to the top Liberal led coalition. date for leader, arriving in poli- At the now infamous meeting tics relatively late in life at the of politics ” at the Carlton Club in October age of forty-one when he suc- 1922, Baldwin gave a damning ceeded his father as Member of speech that proved to be the Parliament for Bewdley follow- Up until the war, Baldwin ty, which underscored the turning point of his career. ing a successful career as a may well have deserved the responsibility Baldwin felt the Baldwin denounced Lloyd Midlands industrialist. In mantle bestowed by Lord government owed its war veter- George as ‘a dynamic force’ that Parliament, Baldwin made little Curzon, that he was a man ‘of ans, he anonymously denoted had ‘smashed the Liberal Party’, impact before the war, and utmost insignificance’. £120,000 to the Treasury. In a and he asserted that unless spoke just 4 times in the House However, the grim realities of letter to The Times signed sim- Conservative participation in the prior to 1914, displaying little war profoundly influenced ply ‘F.S.T.’ (Financial Secretary coalition ended ‘the same thing evidence that he was bound for Baldwin’s perception on life and to the Treasury) he called on his will happen to our party.’ These any political life other than that politics, and in doing so played colleagues to follow suit to were bold words when all other of a humble backbencher. a fateful hand in his rise to the shoulder the burden of the post Conservative ministers spoke in However, his career was given top of politics. Unemployment war debt. Needless to say, the favour of the continuing the unexpected boost by Bonar Law, was soaring in Lloyd George’s rest of the Government did not alliance. However, Baldwin was a friend of Baldwin’s father, ‘land fit for heroes to live in’, rush to follow his example. aided by the support of Bonar who became Chancellor of the and Lloyd George was no longer Baldwin became increasingly Law who also called for an end Exchequer following David looking like the ‘Prime Minister alienated from his colleagues in to the marriage of convenience.

26 | Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Spring 2003 Stanley Baldwin

These powerful interventions Baldwin, as unlikely candi- and the sight of a plough team oblivion with the emergence of ensured the motion to withdraw date for Prime Minister as he coming over a brow of a hill, the the Labour Party and the tradi- from the coalition was passed by was, fitted into the role of leader sight that has been England tional strength of the Liberals. a comfortable majority, and the remarkably well, aided by his since England was a land…the The fact it was the Liberals that days of Lloyd George as Prime personification of the tradition- one eternal sight of England’. It fell by the wayside as working Minister were over. al, honest, unassuming English evoked images that were to be class voters flocked to Labour With the collapse of the country squire and buttressed by recalled by John Major seventy whilst the middle and upper Lloyd George government, the romantic imagery of England years later with his reminiscence class generally stayed Conservatives convincingly won used in many of his speeches. At about a land of ‘long shadows Conservative, thus setting the the subsequent general election, the time of his appointment as over county cricket grounds, political polarisation that contin- with Bonar Law forming what ues to this day, had much to became known as the with Baldwin’s persona at a time ‘Government of the Second XI’. of national discontent. Baldwin’s Batting for that ‘Second XI’ was language provided a reassuring Baldwin who now became message to those who genuinely Chancellor of the Exchequer. believed the Socialists were However, despite the fact plotting bloody revolution, and Baldwin now held one of the was paternalist repudiation to great offices of state, he was by the kind of class war language no means the natural successor used by some senior to Law. It was fate that played Conservatives of the time. Much the decisive factor in Baldwin’s of Baldwin’s conservatism was a rise to Downing Street. continuation of Disraeli’s pater- In May 1923 Bonar Law con- nalist ‘One Nation’ ideal, both tracted cancer of the throat, an in rhetoric and social policy. illness that left him unable to This was all the more important speak, write or recommend a as Baldwin’s ascendancy to the successor to King George V. position of Prime Minister had With no formal mechanism to coincided with a new era of elect a successor, His Majesty mass democracy. Men over the was left with the sole choice of age of twenty-one and women selecting the next Prime Minister over the age thirty were granted and (by default) leader of the the vote following the war, and Conservative Party from the sen- the printed word was no longer ior ministers of the ‘Second IX’. the only medium by which The most obvious candidate politicians communicated to the appeared to be the Foreign electorate. The BBC began Secretary, Lord Curzon, who was broadcasting on the wireless the most experienced and senior radio for the first time in minister under Law. However, November 1922, and news bul- George V mindful of the new letins were broadcast on screens democratic age that Britain was Prime Minister, Baldwin warm beer, invincible green sub- in the growing number of cine- entering, decided against claimed he was ready to return urbs, dog lovers and old maids mas sprawling across the coun- appointing a Peer who had devel- to his Worcestershire home in bicycling to Holy Communion try, and it was here that oped a reputation for arrogance order ‘lead a decent life and through the morning mist’. Baldwin’s persona of a quiet and insensitivity amongst his col- keep pigs’. At a speech to the Baldwin’s image of England English country gentleman leagues and who (as Arthur Royal Society of St George in may have been as over elaborate served him so well. Baldwin Balfour keenly pointed out) sat in 1924, Baldwin told his audi- as Major’s, but it was at least a played very heavily on the a House where there was not one ence, ‘To me, England is a recognisable image of England. image and perception of trust. In representative of the official country, and the country is The attempt by Baldwin to 1929 election, the Conservatives opposition. Following advice, the England. England comes to me paint these romantic, Constable campaigned on the slogan King sent for Baldwin to the through my various senses…The type landscapes of England with ‘Safety First with Stanley general surprise and dismay of sounds of England, the tinkle of his rhetoric may be dismissed as Baldwin, the man you can trust’. his colleagues, not least of all the hammer on the anvil in the propaganda, but it is easy to for- Although the Conservatives did Curzon himself, who had been country smithy, the corncake on get during the first quarter of not command a majority in this preparing to receive the King’s a dewy morning, the sound of a the 20th Century, that the election, they still polled more commission. scythe against the whetstone, Conservatives faced possible votes than Labour or Liberals.

Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Spring 2003 | 27 Stanley Baldwin

However, this did not stop The strike fizzled out within Baldwin’s handling of this situa- uncharacteristic bitterness on Baldwin from resigning, rather nine days, largely due to the tion, forcing the hand of Churchill’s part. When invited to than seek a coalition, explaining quietly effective propaganda Edward VIII into abdication send a message to Baldwin on to the King that to stay on as campaign of the government rather than prolonging the crises occasion of his eightieth birth- Prime Minister would be with the creation of the British in the vain hopes he would day, Churchill declined with the ‘unsporting’. Gazette newspaper, under the abandon plans for marriage (a comment ‘I wish Baldwin no ill, Baldwin had struck up a pro- editorship of Churchill, as policy favoured by Churchill), but it would have been better for fessional relationship with John means of disseminating govern- curtailed a crisis that could have our country if he had not lived.’ Reith, the BBC Director ment information to the public. ended with the collapse of the This was disingenuous from General, who advised Baldwin Baldwin became a familiar monarchy. Churchill. Baldwin, like on various aspects of his appear- voice on BBC radio, with Lord However, for all the positive Chamberlain, may have his obit- ance to the nation, from his Reith giving him virtually as aspects to his leadership, uary scarred with the policy of body language, down to the use much airtime as he wished in Baldwin had many faults too. appeasement, but he can take of his pipe (a trademark copied return for Baldwin sagely He came close to losing all he credit for salvaging the to great effect by rejecting Churchill’s more radi- would achieve by a serious mis- Conservative Party from the in the 1960s). The result was a cal proposal for a government judgement in calling a general wreckage of the post-war coali- notably relaxed and calm take-over of the BBC. By play- election in December 1923, just tion. Without his affable style Baldwin as he sat in front of the ing this deft hand, Baldwin eight months after becoming the Conservatives may well have cameras during one of the coun- could still commander large Prime Minister, over the issue of become a casualty of the bitter try’s first Party Political chunks of the media, but with- Protection. His party lost but class conflict that bubbled under Broadcasts in the 1935 general out giving the appearance of was back eight months later the nation’s surface, and it is election in which he looked resorting to ‘state owned’ after an inexperienced and largely due to his influence that directly into the camera and media. The reassuring message short-lived first Labour adminis- the Conservative Party became a called on the electorate to ‘trust’ genuine broad church, attracting him. In comparison, his opposite support from all sections of number, Clement Attlee, stood “ Baldwin’s legacy also carries the scorch mark of society. Baldwin was influential stiffly by a table and delivered a Nazi appeasement and his relationship with in averting a potentially revolu- dull speech from a sheet of tionary situation following the paper held in his hands, rarely Churchill never recovered over this fundamental general strike with quintessence looking up to address his audi- division of policy calm and non-threatening ence. ” Englishness, a healing art used Baldwin’s public projection to navigate the country through of this persona was particularly the trauma of the Abdication important given the turbulent Baldwin gave on the wireless tration. However, just like this Crisis. times that he presided over. In was that democracy for the first Labour administration, It was somewhat apropos that 1926 Britain faced its first and workingman was safe, and once Baldwin could not conquer the Baldwin retired in 1937 after only general strike when the the strike was over, there would scourge of unemployment. successfully resolving the miners rejected a new wage be no recriminations or revenge. Moreover, his natural and Abdication Crisis, becoming agreement from the coal own- With this promise a potentially relaxed demeanour, whilst gen- one of the few leaders to bow ers. The Trade Union Council explosive and even revolution- erally working to his benefit, out gracefully and at a moment organised a series of co-ordinat- ary situation had been success- could also give the impression of his own choosing with the ed strikes among the nations fully defused. of a lazy and idle mind, and genuine affection of much of the vital services such as the rail- Baldwin was a consensus indeed Baldwin confessed his nation still with him. Upon his way men, transport workers, politician by instinct, and it was was a ‘second class intellect’. retirement, Punch paid tribute dockers, printers, builders, iron fitting that he became Prime He was perhaps shrewd rather by publishing a cartoon of John and steel workers - a total of Minister for a third time in than clever and certainly no ‘Farmer’ Bull leading the three million men (a fifth of the 1935 within a National intellectual. Ploughman Baldwin away from adult male population). Despite Government comprised of ex- Baldwin’s legacy also carries his horse with the words ‘Well justified criticism that Baldwin Labour ministers and a prepon- the scorch mark of Nazi done Stanley, a long day and a had helped precipitate the strike derance of Conservatives. The appeasement and his relation- rare straight furrow.’ It was an by his idleness in seeking a res- nation was fortunate that ship with Churchill never recov- appropriate farewell to a politi- olution with the leaders of the Baldwin was Prime Minister ered over this fundamental divi- cian who had gone from being Trade Union Council, Baldwin’s during the Abdication Crisis a sion of policy. This disagree- of the ‘utmost insignificance’ to handling of the strike ensured it year later, for this event, like the ment on rearmament and other a genuine colossus of the 20th did not spill over into violent general strike, had the potential issues such as the abdication of Century politics. It was a most confrontation, as happened in to shake the establishment to its Edward VIII and independence unquiet life for the original quiet similar conflicts across Europe. foundations. However, for India festered with an man.

28 | Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Spring 2003 Shortly afterwards an effort was brains”, why did the term come made by the Whigs to bribe him to be worn as a badge of pride? How the Tory Party to testify against the Duke of The answer, Willman suggests, John Ormonde with the suggestion lay in the activities of the most got That Name Barnes that he was about to abet a successful defender of the royal French invasion of Ireland. The cause, the journalist, Roger government discovered the plot L’Estrange. In his paper, the Many people are familiar with that the more commonly used in December 1680 and on 10 Observator, he not only took up the idea that the term was used to term was Teague. Thus in 1674 January Charles II prorogued the name, but subsequently damn supporters of the Crown as when John Ayloffe had charged parliament, the suggestion being rechristened the participants in Irish brigands during the James, Duke of York with favour- that this was to prevent an ongoing dialogue in that paper Exclusion crisis. Amidst allega- ing the Irish, he wrote: Ormonde’s impeachment. Shortly between Question and Answer as tions of a “Popish Plot”, afterwards O’Hanlon was shot by Whig and Tory. Explicitly a Tory Shaftesbury and his allies wanted Mac James the Irish pagod does a member of his own gang. would take it as an honour to be to prevent the Roman Catholic adore: However, the Whigs had already called “Rogue and Rascal, by James, Duke of York, from suc- His French and Teagues com- begun to give currency to those that call your Prince, an ceeding his brother. Better mand on sea and shore. rumours of an Irish plot. By the Oppressor, and a Tyrant.” The informed readers may also know spring of 1681, as Willman Whig Bishop Burnet was subse- that the account of the origin of That usage continued. Early in notes, Royalists more generally quently to charge L’Estrange with the term’s use generally preferred 1681 Fitzharris’s The True were being charged with being being the “chief manager of all is to be found in Roger North’s Englishman asked, “Were not the Tories. On the eve of the Oxford those angry writings” that Examen, written as a reply to a Duke’s servants and Confidants Parliament, a colleague of Titus embodied the Royalist counter whiggish Complete History of all papists? Witness his Talbots, Oates went so far as to damn the attack on the Whigs and Dryden England published in 1706, a Patricks, and other Irish King’s counsellors as Tory. in his preface to Absalom and quarter of a century later than the Teagues...” However the poem There is an alternative explana- Achitophel, wrote: “He who events to which it refers. “Popish Politics Unmasked” in tion and mention of that great draws hisa pen for one party North, a rising Tory barrister the summer of 1680 had James inventor of plots, Titus Oates, is must expect to make enemies of and brother to the Lord Keeper at declare a reminder of it. Writing in 1710, the other for wit and fool are the time of the crisis, had a very Daniel Defoe claimed to have consequents of Whig and Tory, simple explanation of how the I have my Teagues and Tories at heard another of Oates’s col- and every man is a knave or an term had evolved in Coffee my beck leagues charge that Tories were to ass to the contrary side.” The house conversation as an insult will wring their heads off like a be brought over to assassinate speed with which the names and menace to loyal supporters chicken’s neck. both Oates and himself. spread testifies to L’Estrange’s of the King and his brother, the Thereafter, Defoe claimed, Oates success. By October, the noncon- Duke of York. Earlier terms of and “Strange’s Case, Strangely damned anyone who opposed fomist Oliver Heywood noted opprobrium were not scandalous Altered” directed its readers to him as a Tory. The problem with “that this is the distinction they enough, even “Tantivy, which this uncorroborated assertion is make instead of Cavalier and implied Riding Post to Rome.... take a view of Mack’s sweet face that there is no evidence at all Roundhead, now they are called Then, observing that the Duke to whom the Tories all give place. either that Oates used the term, Torys and Wiggs, the former favoured Irish Men, all his nor indeed that such a plot was wearing a red Ribband, the other Friends, or those accounted such We can therefore confirm 1680 ever publicised by the Whigs, a violet - this men begin to com- by appearing against the as the year in which the name although clearly it would have mence war”. But in fact Exclusion, were straight become began to gain wider currency and been in their interest to do so. L’Estrange was reminding his Irish, and so wild Irish, thence it looks as if the German histori- Although a hefty dose of scepti- readers that the Exclusionist by Bogtrotters, and in the copia of an of the 17th century, von cism is in order, therefore, it is charging supporters of Church the factious Language, the word Ranke, was right to draw atten- just possible that Defoe half- and State as men outside the law Tory was entertained, which sig- tion to the activities of Redmond remembered a genuine episode, were seeking to justify their own nified the most despicable O’Hanlon, who, unlike most of but it is clear that it was not Oates conduct and that it was they who Savages among the Wild Irish...” his fellow Tories waged war on that gave the term currency. were threatening England with a So far so good, but although the Anglo-Irish gentry and shook So far so good. But if renewal of civil war. It was a Tories as casual Irish brigands them to the core when he mur- Royalists rebutted the term and a potent and largely successful were familiar to Englishmen, the dered one of their number late in contemporary pamphlet charac- theme,and it ensured that when term did not readily cross St 1679 after holding him for ran- terised a Tory “as a monster with the “rage of party” gradually George’s channel. som. The Irish Privy Council put an English face, a French heart supplanted the threat of civil An American Professor, a price of £200 pounds on his and an Irish conscience. A crea- strife later in the century, the Robert Willman, who has exam- head. O’Hanlon asked for a par- ture of a large forehead, prodi- names Tory and Whig were those ined the whole question, notes don late in 1680 and was refused. gious mouth, supple hams and no the parties used.

Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Summer 2003 | 29 Book Reviews

Iain Dale reviews An Act of Treachery by Ann Widdecombe

It is often difficult to review a book by spinster possibly tell us about falling in would, because although Widdecombe a famous author without letting hard- love? A surprising amount actually. performs a clever trick here, it is the ened prejudices blur one's judgment. I fully expected to want to put this only part of the book which the reader Reviewers of Ann Widdecombe's book down after the first twenty pages. could find unsatisfactory in any way at debut novel The Clematis Tree certain- But I’m a fair minded sort of chap so I all. I think even Widdecombe eventual- ly allowed themselves to fall into this thought I would give it a fair crack. By ly found this lack of sex a tad unrealis- particular literary trap. No less a liter- page thirty I was hooked. tic as a few dozen pages later we find ary genius than Edwina Currie Widdecombe’s characters come to life. out that a bit of hanky panky has hap- described it as “a very odd book - the She avoids flowery descriptive lan- pened after all. Edwina will be happy. product of a perceptive but warped guage, which is what I normally find Widdecombe's portrayal of life in mind. The style is almost dottily old- so irritating about any sort of novel. occupied France is both graphic and fashioned [and] the tweeness becomes The tendency of using thirty words to moving. Her research has been exten- wearisome.The Clematis Tree is not all describe what could easily be depicted sive and she avoids stereotypes. Her bad, but it will irk readers at odds with in ten is a vice avoided in this book. As story develops gradually and impres- the author's moral viewpoint and those one might expect, Widdecombe makes sively towards its conclusion, which who prefer characters made of flesh her point quickly and moves on. although not a surprise, is still shock- and blood.” The storyline is fairly basic and ing. Despite the largely condescending revolves around a young French girl, Her portrayal of the German reviews the book was a hit and certain- living in occupied Paris during the invaders is also interesting. Some may ly justified the six figure advance Second World War, falling in love with say she treats them rather sympatheti- Widdecombe obtained for a two book a fairly senior German Officer. cally, and this is true, as she depicts deal. And there aren’t many authors Widdecombe describes the girl’s con- them as human beings rather than as who can say that. flicting emotions as she tries to come stereotypical Nazi tyrants. She differ- Widdecombe has a curious way of to terms with a relationship which entiates between Nazis and Wehrmacht marketing her books. At the threatens to break her family - and her officers and invites the reader to draw Conservative Party Conference she life - apart. The Officer is a much older the conclusion that the latter really brandishes a copy and shrieks: "No father figure who has a wife and chil- were “only obeying orders”. sex, no violence, no swearing!" Oh dren back in the Fatherland. My only Widdecombe's success as a novelist dear, I thought - not a good sales tech- slight hangup about this storyline is begs the question about her future in nique - especially at a Tory Party that I find it unlikely in the extreme politics. She is like a fish out of water Conference. But they sold by the buck- that a man in his late forties would be on the backbenches at a time when the etload. And so will An Act of content carrying on an illicit relation- Conservatives needs its big beasts on Treachery. ship with an 18 year old French girl, the front bench. While it is difficult to And what’s more, it will deserve to. and not expect some kind of sexual see which job she might want in And there’s the odd swear word (Ok, activity to take place. today’s new ‘touchy-feely’ Tory Party, one) and a bit of bonking and violence Widdecombe gets around this rather it is clear that politics is still her first too. neatly, describing in Cartland-esque love. But if this love goes unrequited Let me make a confession. I am not style them lying in bed with the girl for too long we can expect in the habit of reading slushy novels - unable to ‘perform’ due to her guilt Widdecombe's pen to be even more much less love stories set in war torn over the betrayal of her country and prolific. And, on the evidence of An France. Give me Michael Crick's biog- family. Our local neighbourhood Act of Treachery, a jolly good thing raphy of Alex Ferguson, or Gyles Wehrmacht Officer accepts this quite too. Brandreth’s diaries and I’m as happy happily and on they go. as a sandboy. But a love story? Yuk. But there I go. Would I have men- Iain Dale is Director of the And a love story by Ann tioned this if the author of this book Conservative History Group and the Widdecombe? Double yuk. For a start, had not been the Mary Whitehouse of Host of the Theatre Show “A Night with what could the world’s most famous her age? Actually, I think I probably Ann Widdecombe”.

30 | Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Summer 2003 Patrick Thompson reviews A Page at a Time by Jack Page (Harrow West, 1960–1987) , In the Long Run by Sir Giles Shaw (Pudsey, 1974 –1997) and Lend me Your Ears by Sir David Trippier (Rossendale and Darwen, 1979–1992) I can’t imagine anyone would buy it in in life’. After this he was a member of the three. With almost too much detail a shop’ writes Jack Page explaining the Speaker’s Panel of Chairmen, about his family and friends for the that his ‘Aide-Memoire with Poems’ is Treasurer of the 1922 Committee and ordinary reader he is able to recount a primarily for members of his family. then Chairman of the Select Committee real success story. Even after losing This may or may not be right but all on Science and Technology. his seat in the General Election of three books are interesting and enjoy- This book like the others contains 1992 he was able to apply his talents able to read. many gems. There is even a descrip- and experience to his work for The current craze for celebrity tion of the processes underlying the Manchester, and then as a Deputy means that on entering a book shop the manufacture of After Eight Mints! Lieutenant and later High Sheriff of potential customer is usually confront- There is also the model after dinner Lancashire. The energy and commit- ed with the latest offering by say speech he made to the Company of ment he has given to the Royal Marine Edwina Currie or Gyles Brandreth. York Merchant Adventurers in 1998. It Reserve over twenty one years culmi- However the prize for the wittiest is a great pity that Giles Shaw did not nating in his appointment as Honorary speech ever in my old constituency of have time to write more extensively. Colonel is impressive. Ken Clarke in Norwich North goes not to Gyles (a Jack Page’s book is very different. his foreword describes this book as ‘a close second) but to Sir Giles! He had Childhood in Calcutta, Harrow, cheery and self deprecatory account of to return the following year so great Magdalene College, Cambridge, atten- his life so far - before politics, in poli- was the demand. Because celebrities dance at debutantes Balls - but all too tics, and after politics’. He also high- are becoming such a bore it is to be soon war intervened and he served in lights David Trippier’s very real minis- hoped that more people do take the the Desert, including the battle at terial achievements in urban regenera- trouble to read these books. The less Alamein, and later through France, tion and the environment. This book is well known lives they describe are fas- Belgium, Holland and finally an inspiration for any young person cinating and the three political knights Germany until VE day. His sense of who wants to make the most of his or (no such thing anymore) have achieved humour permeates the book - indeed a her life and opportunities. and experienced so much. All have House of Commons colleague told There is a great deal of political military, commercial and political him ‘They’ll never make you a interest in these books. In particular exploits to describe. Minister, Jack, your speeches are far Conservatives will be well advised to Very sadly Giles Shaw died soon too amusing!’ Like all MPs he was read and take to heart the speech Giles after retirement from the House of very fond and proud of his constituen- Shaw made to the Pudsey Commons and so his widow, Dione, cy, Harrow West. He was in a lift in the Conservative Association on his retire- put this memoir together for publica- showing round ment in 1997. A warning against over tion in 2001. His wit and wisdom a small delegation of Chinese. On zealous Euro-scepticism together with emerge from every page of this series being told the name of his constituen- a plea for a new policy of support for of ‘Yorkshire Tales’. The book begins cy one of the delegates said ‘Ah! local government ‘as it is’ are still very with ‘the Toddler’s Tale’ in York and Harrods – famous all over the world!’ pertinent today. ends with ‘The Minister’s Tale’ and an But he made the mistake of passing Speaking in a debate in the House epilogue. In the foreword his this on to an Old Etonian Colleague of Commons on Standards in Public Conservative (yes he was then!) col- who responded ‘I suppose its better to Life Sir Giles Shaw said.. ‘One of the league from Cambridge Union days, represent a first-class department store strands of this place is that its Tam Dalyell, reminds us of the support rather than a second-class school!’ Members are all from different back- the author would have commanded if The author - bon vivant, confidante grounds. We come from different he had been elected Speaker of the of Lady Thatcher and Sir Denis, and places and we have different attitudes. House of Commons. informal diplomat through his work That fabric makes this place, a place Giles Shaw’s successful ministerial with the Interparliamentary Union has that has survived for hundreds of career began in Northern Ireland (the many more stories to relate. Bearing in years. We must be extremely careful hunger strike) and then progressed via mind all this, the reader must forgive that we do not unpick it in a moment of Environment (first national water the occasional spelling and chronolog- deep penitence or one of deep-seated strike), Minister for the Coal Industry ical errors. One must also be tolerant madness.’ (miners strike) , Minister of State for of some of the poems but what fun he How true! These books make the the Home Office (riots), and finally has writing and reciting them to his point very well. Minister of State for Industry. He then family, guests, and colleagues. decided that ‘a diet of red boxes was Sir David Trippier takes the prize for Patrick Thompson was Conservative not necessarily the most exciting food the most complete autobiography of MP, Norwich North from 1983 to 1997

Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Summer 2003 | 31 Keith Simpson MP reviews Eden by D.R Thorpe

In The Times obituary of Anthony to stand for Parliament – a social con- both international law and interna- Eden, on 15th January, 1977, it was science and noblesse oblige. tional order over Suez – it was that as stated that he was “the last Prime Underneath the smooth exterior, much as the failure which damaged Minister to believe that Britain was an Eden was a passionate man. His first his reputation, which had culminated independent world power, and he will marriage was to end in divorce and in his resignation as Foreign always be associated with the Suez along the way he had many affairs, Secretary in 1938 over Chamberlain’s crisis, which proved that it was not”. and at times came close to public appeasement of Mussolini. In 1956, Certainly, there was some irony that exposure. It was only after 1952, when Eden saw Nasser as another this official biography of Eden should he married Clarissa Churchill, Mussolini and was convinced that have been published during the cur- Winston’s niece, that he found real action had to be taken. rent Iraq crisis, when many politicians emotional stability. His temper could Like other Foreign Secretaries and pundits were drawing all kinds of be volcanic and he was prone to before and since, Eden discovered, lessons and parallels, most of them tantrums and sulking, but these soon first with Chamberlain and then with erroneous, with Suez in 1956. passed away, and his charm was real. Churchill, that single-minded and Eden’s reputation has been judged Highly strung, he faced poor health strong-willed Prime Ministers tend to by the controversy surrounding the after the War, when a botched opera- be their own Foreign Secretaries and Suez crisis. Undoubtedly, this helped tion for a duodenal ulcer meant almost often circumvent their colleagues and to place Eden last among nineteen permanent ill health and a series of the Foreign Office. For Eden, there twentieth century Prime Ministers in a further operations, none of which were was the added complication that from recent BBC poll. But is that a fair satisfactory. 1942 down until 1955 he was the heir assessment? Thorpe thinks not, and in At Oxford, Eden had studied apparent to Churchill, who took a a well-researched, well-written and, Persian and his linguistic abilities and needlessly long time to step down as on the whole, balanced biography, fascination with the Middle East long Leader of the Conservative Party and sympathetically argues the case for pre-dated Suez. In politics he was a Prime Minister. When Eden succeed- reassessing Eden in the round. He is natural conciliator and greatly ed Churchill, his political honeymoon well qualified to do this, having previ- admired Stanley Baldwin, later was short lived and he was always ously written biographies of Selwyn blamed for beginning the policy of being judged against Churchill’s Lloyd and Alec Douglas-Home, both appeasing the dictators. In domestic record. Eden’s experience as Prime of whom served in Eden’s Cabinet at politics, Eden established a reputation Minister was not helped by the fact the time of Suez. in the 1920s advocating a “property that he had never had a real power Eden was born into a wealthy land- owning democracy” – something base within the Conservative Party. He owning family but never really had Butler was to appropriate after 1945. was not clubbable by nature, prefer- financial security on the scale of his Richard Thorpe argues convincingly ring the company of women to sitting contemporaries Macmillan and that Eden had a credible track record in the Smoking Room. Many Tory Butler. His ravishing good looks, on domestic politics. But his experi- MPs he found objectionable and the very much caricatured as those of a ence in Government and his great tal- divisions over appeasement haunted matinee idol, meant he was physical- ents were to be utilised in foreign the Tory Party at Suez. ly attractive to women and to some affairs. I do not believe that Richard Thorpe men, and his smart and stylish Eden brought many talents to the is able to exonerate Eden over Suez, appearance – the homburg that he job of Foreign Secretary. He was a but he does make a good case for reha- wore in the 1930’s was known as an linguist, a very skilful negotiator, he bilitating a politician of the first rank “Eden” – meant that society assumed could cope with a very heavy work- who was in the round a good man. he was wealthy. With all his social load and he understood the need to And the real lesson of Suez learnt graces and real charm, he was shy communicate to a wider public. by the British political establishment? and very much a loner in politics. Above all else, Eden had a view of Never take independent action in any Eden had aesthetic interests, includ- Britain’s place in the world which international crisis without the support ing art and the theatre, and adored was based on international law and of the . And, with the gardening. At times he appeared international order. In the 1930s, he exception of Edward Heath, every rather fey and lightweight, despite tried to make the League of Nations British Prime Minister from having proved a very capable and work and, in 1945, he was one of the Macmillan to Blair has made that the brave infantry officer during the First founding fathers of the United touchstone of Britain’s foreign and World War. And like so many of his Nations. But, despite all Richard security policy. background and generation, it was Thorpe’s best efforts, Eden as Prime that experience which motivated him Minister resorted to undermining Keith Simpson is MP for Mid Norfolk

32 | Conservative History Journal | issue 1 | Summer 2003 What were they saying . . . ? The Salisbury Review The quarterly magazine of conservative thought £4.50

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