Ankara Araştırmaları Dergisi n Journal of Ankara Studies Hakemli Makale n Refereed Article

Geliş tarihi \ Received : 04.05.2018 Kabul tarihi \ Accepted : 23.08.2018 Re-Creating Nostalgia: Urban Culture in the Citadel, Hamamönü and Hamamarkası Neighbourhoods of Ankara* Nostaljiyi Yeniden Yaratmak: Ankara’nın Kale, Hamamönü ve Hamamarkası Mahallelerinde Kent Kültürü**

Petek ONUR Dr., Bağımsız Araştırmacı [email protected]

DOI: 10.5505/jas.2018.41713

Abstract Conservation, renovation, restoring and urban regeneration activities have been carried out in the historic centre of Ankara, in Ankara Citadel since 2007 and right beside it, in Hamamönü both by local government and investors from the public sector and small-scale enterprises. Hamamarkası region has been the last episode of this process. These activities construct spaces for the consumption and demands of the tourists as well as urban travellers and create a new nostalgia culture based on the phenomenon of authenticity by means of aestheticisation practices. Local ties of belonging which weaken with modernization of globalization come to the fore again and become determining in the production and consumption phases of nostalgia culture. The aim of this study is to examine the formation of the nostalgia culture in these historic regions of Ankara and the diversities that have been produced within it by several actors. Based on the fieldwork comprising the enterprises like cafés, restaurants, antique shops, art galleries, art studios, boutique hotels in the regions, the study presents the repercussions of social memory, traditions, perceptions and longings of the past in the urban culture of Ankara. In the light of these data, it is seen that in these three regions different nostalgia cultures are formed and the emerging cultures are both influenced by neo-liberal globalization and the prevailing political dynamics in Turkey, particularly by the policy of neo-Ottomanism which has been effective in the last ten years. Keywords: Nostalgia, Authenticity, Aestheticisation, Urban conservation, Urban regeneration, Urban culture, Hamamönü, Hamamarkası, Ankara citadel, Ankara

Öz Ankara’nın tarihî merkezi olan Ankara Kale’sinde 1980’lerin sonundan beri ve hemen yakınındaki Hamamönü’nde ise 2007’den beri hem yerel yönetimler hem de özel sektörden yatırımcılar ve küçük işletmeler tarafından koruma, renovasyon, restorasyon ve kentsel dönüşüm faaliyetleri sürdürülmektedir. Hamamarkası bölgesi ise bu sürecin son halkasını oluşturmaktadır. Bu faaliyetler hem turistlerin hem de kent gezginlerinin tüketimine ve taleplerine yönelik mekânlar inşa etmekte ve otantiklik olgusundan yola çıkarak ve estetikleştirme pratikleri aracılığıyla yeni bir nostalji kültürü yaratmaktadır. Modernleşme ve küreselleşmeyle birlikte zayıflayan yerel aidiyet bağları da nostalji aracılığıyla tekrar gündeme gelmekte ve nostalji kültürünün hem üretim hem de tüketim aşamalarında belirleyici olmaktadır.

* This article is based on the research “Re-creating Nostalgia in Citadel and Hamamönü Neighbourhoods of Ankara” funded by Yüksel Erimtan Culture and Arts Foundation. ** Bu makale, Yüksel Erimtan Kültür ve Sanat Vakfı’nın desteğiyle gerçekleştirilmiş olan “Ankara’nın Kale ve Hamamönü Semtlerinde Yeniden Yaratılan Nostalji” başlıklı araştırmaya dayandırılarak hazırlanmıştır.

6(2), 145-166, Aralık/December 2018 145 n Onur P, Re-Creating Nostalgia: Urban Culture in the Citadel, Hamamönü and Hamamarkası Neighbourhoods of Ankara

Bu çalışmanın amacı, Ankara’nın söz konusu tarihî bölgelerinde bu kültürün oluşumunu ve içinde barındırdığı farklılıkları, nostalji kültürünü üreten aktörlerin mekân yaratma biçimleri üzerinden incelemektir. Çalışma temel olarak, bölgede faaliyet gösteren kafe, restoran, antika dükkânı, sanat galerisi, sanat atölyesi, butik otel gibi işletmeleri ve müzeleri kapsayan saha çalışmasına dayanarak toplumsal belleğin, geleneklerin, geçmişe dair algıların ve özlemlerin Ankara’nın kent kültüründeki yansımalarını ortaya koymaktadır. Bu veriler ışığında söz konusu üç bölgede farklı nostalji kültürlerinin oluştuğu ve oluşan kültürün hem neo-liberal küreselleşmeden hem de Türkiye’deki hâkim siyasal dinamiklerden, özellikle son on yılda etkili olan neo-Osmanlıcılık politikasından etkilendiği görülmektedir. Anahtar sözcükler: Nostalji, Özgünlük, Estetikleştirme, Kentsel koruma, Kentsel dönüşüm, Kent kültürü, Hamamönü, Hamamarkası, Ankara kalesi, Ankara

Introduction in the current nostalgia scene? How are the notions of aesthetics, tradition, authenticity and cultural heritage Ankara Castle and the neighbourhoods that surround it utilized by the actors of the change as tools to justify and are areas frequently visited both by natives of Ankara and promote the current nostalgia scene and the stark spatial the tourists that come to the city as the places in which and social transformation that has taken place? How the oldest historic structures continue to exist. Some of do urban regeneration projects function as a political these structures in Ankara Citadel which is administered tool by the incumbent local municipality to replace the by the Ministry of Culture and Tourism for being a protected area and in Hamamönü and Hamamarkasi previous deviant social textures with the politically and which are administered by Altındağ Municipality, are economically accepted/correct modes of city life? In restored and some of them were rebuilt according to exploring the answers, I aim to discuss the power relations their previous architecture. The shops, cafes, restaurants, and political claims embedded in what it presented to the museums and art institutions located in the region are urban visitors and tourists as “nostalgic” in the region. mostly inspired by the traditional Turkish culture and The article is based on the fieldwork conducted in the history and provide goods and services that aim to revive historic centres of Ankara, Citadel (Kale), Hamamönü the elements or the contemporary reflections of this and Hamamarkası (Map 1. and 2). In-depth interviews history and culture. Therefore, it will not be incorrect to and semi-structured surveys with the workers and owners say that the region has become a centre of nostalgia of of cafes, restaurants, boutique hotels, shops and museums Ankara. The concept of nostalgia is central to explain the in the region, observations in the public events comprise social transformation and dynamism that has been and the fieldwork of the research. I started the fieldwork in will potentially be going on in the future and the ongoing October 2017 and having conducted 32 interviews in dynamism in these neighbourhoods will continue to be total, ended it in January 2018. 14 interviewees were from shaped around this concept. the Citadel, 10 interviewees were from Hamamönü and This article will elaborate the emergent and divergent 7 interviewees were from Hamamarkası. Additionally, nostalgia cultures in the historic sites of Ankara, I photographed all the places in question and made a particularly in the last two decades, through delineating textual analysis of the websites and social media accounts how they are shaped in relation to claims of authenticity of the institutions and the enterprises and the customer and aesthetics as well as urban conservation approaches. It reviews on the Internet. will attempt to present the characteristics of the nostalgic Concepts to Read the Physical and Social spaces as an embodiment of historical and cultural Changes Taking Place references of the ties that the actors of the process have with the past. Taking neoliberal, nationalist, Islamist and When engaging in the task of understanding the urban Republican ideologies and politics as the major forces culture in historic sites, the concept of nostalgia is clearly acting on the process, I specifically ask the following very central to elaborate on the relations of the current questions: Which social and political factors cause the dwellers and visitors of the sites with the past. Nostalgia, differences in the urban regeneration processes among a word made up of nostos meaning to return home and these three historic quarters and have a determining role algia meaning longing in ancient Greek, is defined by n 146 Ankara Araştırmaları Dergisi 2018, 6(2), 145-166 Onur P, Re-Creating Nostalgia: Urban Culture in the Citadel, Hamamönü and Hamamarkası Neighbourhoods of Ankara

Map 1. Citadel, Hamamönü and Hamamarkası. Source: Altındağ Municipality, https://www.altindag.bel.tr/#!haritalar.

Map 2. Illustrative tourist map of Hamamönü and Hamamarkası. Source: Altındağ Municipality.

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Svetlana Boym in The Future of Nostalgia as “a longing when there is a decline or disappearance of power that for a home that no longer exists or has never existed. the demand for the signs of power increases: Nostalgia is a sentiment of loss and displacement, but it When it has totally disappeared, we will logically be is also a romance with one’s own fantasy.” (Boym, 2001, under the total hallucination of power –a haunting Introduction, para. 4). While in the 17th century it was memory that is already in evidence in everywhere, considered as a curable sickness, mostly seen in soldiers expressing at once the compulsion to get rid of it who fought away from their homes, with the 20th century (no one wants it anymore, everyone unloads it on it turned into “an incurable modern condition” against everyone else) and the panicked nostalgia over its globalization, progress, and modernist utopias (2001, loss. The melancholy of societies without power: this Introduction, para.5). A need for local attachments and has already stirred up fascism, that overdose of a “longing for a continuity in a fragmented world” has strong referential in a society that cannot terminate led to a rise in nostalgia (2001, Introduction, para.6). As its mourning. (Baudrillard, 2006, p. 23) Boym notes, nostalgia is beyond individual psychology and very much related to collective history and memory Following that he discusses what remains after the (2001, Introduction, para. 11). disappearance of power, namely the simulation of it and just as the economic law of supply and demand, he notes Boym’s conceptualization of nostalgia as restorative and that the demand for signs of power will follow the same reflective not only is very instrumental in understanding logic. In the absence of the violence and death caused different collective approaches to cultural heritage but by the power, these signs, like other commodities, are also allows us to address the differences between national mass-produced and consumed in a world of a fiction memory which is founded on a single account of national of a political universe. (p. 26). Departing from Boym’s identity and social memory, which comprises collective restorative nostalgia, I would argue that we can take the frameworks that influence individual memory. Restorative invented traditions, constructed symbols, and rebuilt nostalgia is characterized by its emphasis on nostos and history as the signs of a domain of power that had existed aim to reconstruct the lost home. It considers itself as the in history. The increasing demand for these signs is very absolute truth and tradition. Thus, it is no surprise that much associated with the mourning for the power that is nationalist and religious revivals and invented traditions lost and the supply and demand game is played according have this type of nostalgia in their essence (2001). Boym to the rules of contemporary neoliberal capitalism. very importantly states that for those having restorative nostalgia “The past is not supposed to reveal any signs of The second critical concept in understanding approaches decay; it has to be ‘freshly painted’ in its ‘original image’ to historic heritage sites is authenticity, particularly in and remain eternally young.” (2001, Chapter 5, para.1). In the framework of tourism. The objectivist approach contrast, reflective nostalgia flourishes in algia, meaning which was introduced by Dean MacCannell (1973) who that it focuses on “longing and loss, the imperfect process wrote about staged authenticity in socially, historically of remembrance” (Chapter 4, para. 2). By considering and culturally important spaces as an outcome of the uncertainties of belonging it questions the absolute commoditization of culture can be also associated with truth, rejects single plots of history, and dwells on details “museum authenticity” where objects are examined by from the past and fragments of memory. It is important an expert to evaluate their true nature (Laite & Graburn, to note that for Boym, while restorative nostalgia is about 2009, p. 43). However, the rise of postmodernism calls rebuilding the past and constructing symbols, reflective this perspective into question and thus we encounter the nostalgia is very much about conserving the ruins of a constructivist approach. This approach claims that the lost home as they are and imagining various time zones. attributed authenticity of things arises not from the fact that they are essentially authentic but from the fact that: The relations of power embedded in restorative nostalgia should be also thought with Jean Baudrillard’s arguments “…[T]hey are an invention of tradition’ (Hobsbawm on signs of power (Baudrillard, 2006). In his seminal work & Ranger, 1983), or constructed through mediated Simulacra and Simulations, Baudrillard argues that power meaning making, interpretation and agreement produces its signs of resemblance and there is a significant (Bruner, 1994; Hughes, 1995). In this case, authenticity collective demand for these signs. He continues that it is becomes a projection of tourists’ beliefs, expectations, n 148 Ankara Araştırmaları Dergisi 2018, 6(2), 145-166 Onur P, Re-Creating Nostalgia: Urban Culture in the Citadel, Hamamönü and Hamamarkası Neighbourhoods of Ankara

preferences and stereotypes projected onto toured aestheticisation necessitates addressing the ideological objects. (Wang, 1999). (Wang, 1999, cited in Zhu, roots and use of aesthetics. Referring to Terry Eagleton’s 2012, p. 1497) Ideology of the Aesthetic, Kanishka Goonewardena (2005) notes that “in order to be effective an ideology must be As Zhu also notes referring to Appadurai (1986) affective, that is to say aesthetic.” (Goonewardena, 2005, constructivism draws attention to the question of who p. 47) and he proposes the concept “urban sensorium” has the authentication power, which should also be kept to refer to the city space “as a vital ingredient and the in mind when encountering the claims of authenticity in determinant of our ‘sensate life’, the traditional concern the historic sites. of aesthetics” (2005, p. 47). The author raises the question The strict structuralism in the second approach gives of the mediated relationship between ideology and space rise to the questions about the agency of the actors. regarding “the gap between the sensible textures of the Wang (1999) develops existentialism in authenticity contemporary urbanism” and “the still more invisible to imply a sense of “authentic self” linked with two and unrepresentable totality of global social relations”, categories: intrapersonal authenticity and interpersonal a question he believes, which needs to be discussed by authenticity. The former refers to “the bodily feelings of geographers, architects and urban planners (p. 55). relaxation of pleasure resulting from not being in contact Aesthetics in the service of ideology is definitely a core with “authentic objects” but from engaging in non- dimension of both gentrification processes and urban ordinary activities, free from constraints of daily life.” regeneration projects. Even though both can be thought (Zhu, 2012, p. 1498). In the latter one “tourists are driven in relation to the repercussions of the global, middle- by a desire for cultural exchange with “other”, intensely class consumption culture, I intend to demonstrate in authentic, natural and emotional interaction between the following sections that the latter can additionally be friends, family members, or touristic communitas related to right-wing, nationalist ideologies. It is at this (Turner, 1967)” (Zhu, 2012, p. 1498). Zhu (2012) notes point that we encounter neoliberal urbanism. Noting that Knudsen and Waade (2010) introduced the concept that aestheticisation of politics, meaning “emergence of performative authenticity, which brings a dynamic of politics driven by aesthetic motivations, delineated approach to the subject. It refers to a process of becoming by aesthetic concerns and/or masked by aesthetic authentic through an interaction between individual appeals”, is a critical element of neoliberalism, R. Alan agency and the external world by means of an embodied Walks (2006) rightly argues that neoliberalism and practice. This approach is very relevant in understanding aestheticisation work in cooperation for exclusionary the experiences of the visitors of the historic sites and strategies on the basis of class and identity (Walks, 2006, brings the analysis beyond the subject of the relationship p. 466). Particularly, excluding lower class and minority between the historic spaces and people to a level of the populations from the aestheticised urban spaces not subject of experiencing cultural heritages in those spaces. only create new contradictions but also magnify already existing ones. Lastly, dwelling upon Sharon Zukin’s discussion of gentrification, I consider aestheticisation as a central Another approach to nostalgia that should also be concept. The postmodern trend of transformation associated with the conceptualizations of authenticity of old city centres into educated middle-class and and aestheticisation above is by Jennifer Kitson and artist neighbourhoods, not only supported historic Kevin Mchugh (2015) according to which they dwell conservation but also prioritised a new understanding of upon the concept of enchantment. Their contribution to aesthetics in these sites. By the 1990s increasing emphasis the discussions on nostalgia is the integration of sensual on life-styles, the growth of the service sector, the effects and experiences arising from the contacts between emergence of alternative lifestyles, and the demand for bodies and things, the contacts which they describe as high-quality goods has had an impact on urban culture. a kind of enchantment with the unbridgeable distance This has led the city governments to develop strategies to between past and the present (p. 490). They explain it as “to ‘aestheticise’ or focus on the visual consumption of, “Oscillating between feelings of distance (irretrievability public spaces.” (Zukin, 1998, p. 825). Delving a little deeper of the past) and proximity (sensations felt in the present), than Zukin’s use of the term in comprehending spatial nostalgia is the sensory experience of desire for something

Ankara Araştırmaları Dergisi 2018, 6(2), 145-166 149 n Onur P, Re-Creating Nostalgia: Urban Culture in the Citadel, Hamamönü and Hamamarkası Neighbourhoods of Ankara that is unnameable and unreachable, momentarily they call “aspirational regeneration”, and define urban present in fleeting fragments” (p. 490). In their study on regeneration” as an “area-based intervention which is the dwellings in the historic neighbourhood Coronado, public sector initiated, funded, supported or inspired, Arizona, they illustrate how nostalgic practices, aimed at producing significant sustainable improvements performances and materiality create an everyday in the conditions of local people, communities and places “aesthetic of pastness” (p. 488). The neighbourhood suffering from aspects of deprivation, often multiple in which appears as a group of architectural remnants nature.” (p. 9). While accepting the role of partnership that had been modified according to the demands and public sector, they highlight the significance of public needs of the multiple generations who lived there, cannot sector leadership in terms of providing funding, and be framed within a “singular narrative, history or a “strategic vision and longevity” (p. 9). Yet, as it will preservation code” (p. 502). And yet in this context, as be demonstrated in the following sections, the vision Kitson and Mchugh argue, the inhabitants make use of and action involved in the urban regeneration projects history and preservation as a means for their “desire for have been mostly shaped by political ideologies and sensual experience” of the past (p. 502). market forces. This leads to a lack of interest in the negative social, cultural, economic and environmental Urban regeneration projects in historic sites of cities consequences and complexities of the projects and an transform mostly the areas where the aforementioned overemphasis on the aspired “urban renaissance” in the concepts emerge as the key issues to consider. Urban regenerated areas (Shaw and Porter, 2013, pp. 1-2). In the regeneration is defined by Peter Roberts (2016) as Middle Eastern context, neoliberalism plays a dominant “comprehensive and integrated vision and action which role in the regeneration projects and in the Turkish seeks to resolve urban problems and bring about a context, political tendencies of governing institutions lasting economic, physical, social and environmental come to the fore as another determining factor.1 condition of an area that has been subject to change or Thus, aestheticisation and authenticity in addition to offers opportunities for improvement” (Roberts, 2016, traditions and cultural heritage are used as tools by local p. 18). As this definition infers and discussed by Leary governments in regenerating historic sites, which had and McCarthy (2013) urban regeneration is “multi- turned into areas of urban problems, in accordance with disciplinary research, scholarship, public policy and the ruling political agenda and neoliberal economy. The practice, including elements of city planning, housing, next section provides a framework of these dynamics at transport/infrastructure, political economy, urban the national level. design, urban tourism, community development, sustainability, and cultural industry studies” (Leary and Approaches to Cultural Heritage in Turkey McCarthy, 2013, p. 6). Therefore, each related field has The phenomenon of conservation of historic city centres its own methodology, approach and definition and it is as cultural heritage and their transformation into tourist expectable that in the plethora of recent city literature attraction spots is encountered in many cities around disagreements arise. Leary and McCarthy argue that this the world and has been the research subject of a plethora is because the question of whether the conceptualization is of studies in architecture, urban planning, geography, based on “a normative or a positive position is left vague” urban sociology, and the related fields. It is evident that (p. 9). Instead, they suggest that the definition needs conservation approaches and activities vary just like the to be exempt from the political and practical struggles historic structures do from one culture to another. Aylin and contradictions and offer a kind of ideal type which Orbaşlı eloquently illustrates this point in her study on

1 Aylin Orbaşlı (2007) explains how old quarters of several cities in the Middle East, i.e. Medina, Mecca, and Isfahan (Fethi, 1993; Bianca, 2000; cited in Orbaşlı, 2007), have been victims of rapid capitalist urban regeneration processes. Amman’s recent neoliberal character of urban regeneration projects are discussed by Eliana Abu-Hamdi (2016), and Rami Faruk Daher (2007)elaborates the urban conservation/regeneration projects in Jordan and Lebanon through highlighting the emerging roles of neoliberal capitalism, the role of aid agencies and international donors and the new agents of notable families and political elites. Regarding the Turkish case, Tuna Kuyucu (2018) exhibits how the role of the political relationship between the municipalities with the central government is influential in the successful implementation of urban regeneration projects. About the authoritatively exclusionary agenda of the projects, see Uysal (2011) and Uğurlu (2013) and the impact of neo- liberal globalization, see Öktem (2006) and Günay (2018). n 150 Ankara Araştırmaları Dergisi 2018, 6(2), 145-166 Onur P, Re-Creating Nostalgia: Urban Culture in the Citadel, Hamamönü and Hamamarkası Neighbourhoods of Ankara the conservation works and approaches in Islamic cities authenticity is internalized by everyone and integrated to (Orbaşlı, 2007). Noting that the conservation examples the perceptions of identity, and argues that this process in Western Europe have sometimes an exaggerated is an outcome of modernity which produces its spaces of tendency “to keep everything as it is”, she explains that authenticity and “re-produces the cultures consumed in this approach may not be desirable for other cultures (p. these spaces” (p. 259). 168). As she gives various examples from the Middle East The political dimension of heritage conservation as well as examples from the conservation and restoring approaches in Turkey needs a deeper elaboration. Edhem works carried out in Turkey, Orbaşlı argues that there are Eldem puts the issue as “subordination of the entire three dimensions which need to be considered in urban notion of heritage to political and ideological priorities” tourism and conservation works of historic sites. The (Eldem, 2015, p. 67). He studies the period starting from first one is the political decision-making processes that the first attempts of Ottoman museology and archaeology structure the development of tourism and conservation in the second half of the nineteenth century to the activities; the second one is the economic dimension that present day by emphasizing the discrepancy between includes the activities serving tourism, and the third one is the western understanding of heritage conservation and the social dimension regarding the relations between the nationalist concerns regarding the Turkish/Islamic/ visitors and the inhabitants of the historic sites. Regarding Ottoman heritage. With the addition of Anatolian the political and economic dimensions, she gives and Near Eastern civilizations to the constructions of examples of Soğukçeşme Street in Istanbul, the historic Turkish ancestry, early Republican period added another building surrounding the Mevlana Museum in Konya, dimension to this area for Eldem. He argues that since historic town of Antalya, and the mansions in Ankara the 1980s increasing pressures of mass tourism and rising Citadel neighbourhood in Turkey where conservation neo-Ottomanist and Islamist political tendencies started applications reflect intentions of creating a “showpiece” to be determining powers which have put great pressure for tourists while accommodating new functions to the on the cultural agenda of heritage conservation (pp. built structures through making modifications in the 67-68). Particularly during the recent years of the rule original, traditional architecture (pp. 171-173). She also of the conservative Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP - underlines that once historic city centres are restored Justice and Development Party), Turco-Islamic heritage and opened to tourism, old inhabitants have to move and “reinvention of Ottoman Empire” have been given out because the rents become unaffordable. In the case of priority. Accompanied with foreign policy ideals of re- small historic towns, conservation projects open the daily establishing the Ottoman supremacy in the region, neo- lives of the inhabitants to the tourist gaze. Meanwhile, Ottomanism gained pace also in domestic politics and a new experience is offered to those tourists who seek popular culture. Celebration of the glorified imperial past the authenticity they lost in modern life. An outcome has been taking place through enactments of the conquest of this trend has been commercialization of hospitality, of Istanbul, popular TV series about Ottoman history, as clearly observed in Şirince Village, Izmir, Turkey (p. and modern replicas of “classical” Ottoman architecture, 174) or as in the Hatta Village of United Arab Emirates, particularly mosques. As Eldem notes, influences of neo- traditional handicrafts are revitalized as financial motives liberalism play a leading role in putting this agenda into in villages built in rural areas or cities to offer authentic effect (Eldem, p. 87). Regarding the entanglement of neo- experiences to tourists (pp. 178-179). She suggests that Ottomanist nostalgia and neo-liberalism, Nora Fisher- a balance needs to be established between the spatial, Onar presents a similar argument in her analysis of “the physical and social needs of the inhabitants of the historic politics of imagining Istanbul” (Fisher-Onar, 2018, p. sites and the expectations of the visitors in conservation 1). She compares two frames of Istanbul; namely Belle projects (p. 185). Époque in which the city is characterized by being the 19th The subject of tourism and authenticity in Turkey is also century cosmopolitan hub of the Empire and Ottoman- discussed by Evrim Ölçer Özünel (2011). Like Orbaşlı, Islamic in which the city is imagined mostly in the time she states that the local and authentic cultural assets period from the rule of Mehmet the Conqueror (1432- are replaced by “pseudo local” services and products. 1481) to the rule of Süleyman the Magnificent (1494- Moreover, she underlines that the created synthetic 1566) characterized by conquers (pp. 3-4). As Fisher-

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Onar explains, these two frames of imperial nostalgia cosmopolitan trade city where a significant percentage are used instrumentally by the municipalities, “each of the city population was made up of European, Greek, serves as a sort of municipal imaginary with national- and Armenian traders. However, by the 18th century, the level traction” (p. 5), though Ottoman-Islamic one is trade routes and the mode of production Europe were privileged. While “Belle Époque story appeals to liberal changing, and this led to a steady economic decline of the business people”, “rising pro-religious business interests city and the cosmopolitan demographic structure started and intellectuals, on the other hand, tend to endorse the to change (Ergenç, 1980, 1982). By the 19th century, the Ottoman-Islamic narrative” (p. 6). She also points that population and the daily life of Ankara were significantly neo-imperial nostalgia’s entanglement with globalization more homogenous (Aktüre, 2004). is a tendency not only specific to Istanbul but seen in During the War of Independence (1919-1922) following other global cities such as Mumbai, Beirut and Shanghai the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in World War I, (p. 5.). Ankara became the headquarter city. The first parliament Ottoman and Republican History of the Region of the new Turkish state was opened here in 1920 and The historic centre of Ankara comprises Ankara Citadel after the war, it became the capital city of the secular and the neighbourhoods surrounding it, namely Hacı Turkish Republic. In this period the region gained a new Bayram, Hamamönü, Hamamarakası, Hacettepe significance. The new bureaucrats of the Republic were and Ulucanlar. Particularly Ankara Citadel is the among the dwellers of the historic region, the first foreign oldest core of the city that hosted Galatian, Roman, embassies were located here, and the new modern city Byzantine, Seljuk, and Ottoman civilizations before the started to be built around these neighbourhoods. In time, foundation of the Turkish Republic. Hamamönü and most of these dwellers moved to the new neighbourhoods, Hamamarkası neighbourhoods, which receive their the city continued to enlarge and started to attract names from Karacabey Hamamı, Ottoman bath built migrants from the surrounding cities. The initial city in 1427. The neighbourhood in front of the hamam is development plan of the German planner Hermann called Hamamönü, and behind it is called Hamamarkası. Jansen did not suggest any conservation applications The hamam was restored in 1988 and today it is one of the historic centre and this region started to host the of the two historic hamams of Ankara which are still low-income migrant population seeking cheap housing. active. There are several Ottoman religious buildings in The migrants were changing or modifying the housing the region from the 15th to the 19th centuries. Because structures according to the needs of their families. of the earthquake in 1892 and the great fire of 1917 It was not until the 1980s that a conservation plan for that destroyed historic Ankara almost completely, the the historic sites was developed. 1994 was the year that mansions and housing structures mostly date back to the Islamist Refah Partisi (Welfare Party) achieved a the 19th and early 20th centuries (Gültekin, 2014; Atauz, significant success in local elections and since then 2004). One of the most significant religious buildings in Ankara metropolitan city has been ruled by the Hamamönü is the mosque, tomb and dervish convent of conservative local governance of AKP. The implications Taceddin-i Veli (Dergâh) built in the 17th century. The of this change have been deeply felt in various aspects mosques and other religious structures in the region are of city life, the repercussions of which are evident in the relatively small to serve a small number of local dwellers. historic neighbourhoods of Ankara.2 In the Ottoman era, especially from the 15th century The Citadel onwards, Ankara was a very significant trade city famous of its angora wool and precious sof textile The recent conservation history of Ankara Citadel and made of angora. Located at the intersection of trade the historic neighbourhood within and surrounding its routes, most importantly the Silk Road, at the centre walls can be traced back to the 1980s, particularly the of Anatolia, Ankara had been a very prosperous and 1987 Conservation Plan. The transformation of this

2 For the implications of the political changes in local governance on urban planning, see S. Z. Şahin, 2007, The Politics of Urban Planning in Ankara between 1985 and 2005, unpublished doctoral thesis, Middle East Technical University, Graduate School of Social Sciences. n 152 Ankara Araştırmaları Dergisi 2018, 6(2), 145-166 Onur P, Re-Creating Nostalgia: Urban Culture in the Citadel, Hamamönü and Hamamarkası Neighbourhoods of Ankara region following this period has been comprehensively step away from their daily routines in the city and discussed by Asuman Türkün Erendil and Zuhal interpersonal authenticity where the visitors would Ulusoy (2002) who suggest that the idea of conserving engage in encounters with “other” cultures of Ankara. historic city centres and redesigning them for the Despite the fact that the 1987 Conservation Plan was aim of attracting tourism also means a redefinition of hardly implemented due to various bureaucratic, the authentic identities. They rightly suggest that this economic, and legal handicaps, Erendil and Ulusoy are redefinition is determined within cultural, political, right to point out that the 1990s and early 2000s indeed and ideological contexts and these aspects had not been became the heyday of tourism in the region. The first discussed sufficiently until the 2000s. They draw attention souvenir and handcarts shops, a few first-class tourist to the fact that historical city centres are re-built in a way restaurants, art galleries, art studios and antique shops to meet the expectations of the global tourism industry started to be opened in these years side by side with the and on the basis of its language and symbols (Erendil ve relatively old shops and tea houses of the neighbourhood. Ulusoy, 2002, s. 668). Erendil and Ulusoy propose that In addition to the upper- and middle-class visitors from the project which won the urban conservation design Ankara, foreign bureaucrats and their families living in project competition in 1987 for the only region in Ankara the city and foreign tourists who usually visit Ankara on that more or less preserved its historic and traditional their way to Cappadocia in Nevşehir, Central Anatolia. fabric is in line with this global tendency. The winning Certainly, the location of the Anatolian Civilizations project suggested that old mansions in the region be Museum right beside the entrance of the Citadel should transformed into bars and restaurants for upper-income be considered as an important factor in this. groups and moe plain structures turned into hotels. As stated by the authors, even though the plans seemed like The first significant NGO in Citadel was Geleneksel ideas for the revitalization of history and tradition in the Türk El Sanatları Vakfı (Traditional Turkish Handicrafts city, they represented the standardization tendency of Foundation – GESAV) opened in 1989. GESAV held the global tourism industry. Besides, they also underline exhibitions, organized training programmes for women the fact that the new trade activities changed the modest particularly who lived in Citadel and sold handicrafts mahalle (neighbourhood) identity in the region, and in their store. Initially, they pursued their activities at a that the region has turned into a space where lower-class historic mansion that the Ministry of Culture allocated inhabitants and upper-class visitors curiously observe them during the liberal governance of Anavatan Partisi one another (p. 656). The region has also become a point (Motherland Party – ANAP). In 2008, when the Ministry of attraction for the suburban sections of the society who (of the incumbent AKP government) terminated their seek traditions and nostalgia thanks to the historical agreement, they moved to another historic building in conservation and environmentalist movements (p. the Citadel given to the use of the foundation by one of 655). The life of the inhabitants of the Citadel and the the old families of the neighbourhood. surrounding neighbourhoods stage authenticity for Zeynep3, a handicrafts shop and gallery owner in the these tourists. Erendil and Ulusoy address this issue of region recounts her early days in the Citadel in 1998 encounters more elaborately in another writing where as “a bloodstream from the leather workshops on the they state, “The role which is cast to the Citadel in this street was flowing as I was hosting foreign guests from scenario is to set a stage where authenticity behind an embassy”. Explaining the primary motivation of nostalgic tunes to adopt historical heritage particularly her business as introducing authentic Turkish culture, to the consumption demands of the relatively prosperous history and arts to the foreigners, she became one of local and foreign visitors” (Erendil and Ulusoy, 2004, the few entrepreneurs who founded the Ankara Citadel pp. 263-264). I would also like suggest further that the Foundation (Ankara Kalesi Derneği) in 2003 to initiate Citadel neighbourhood was transforming into a space an organized response to the local government’s neglect of both intrapersonal authenticity where the visitors of the region. In addition to explaining the demands

3 The names of the interviewees are pseudonyms.

Ankara Araştırmaları Dergisi 2018, 6(2), 145-166 153 n Onur P, Re-Creating Nostalgia: Urban Culture in the Citadel, Hamamönü and Hamamarkası Neighbourhoods of Ankara and suggestions of tradespeople to the municipality, the are in line with the Islamist-nationalist agenda of the NGO also organized Citadel Fests for four years since AKP governments- have been felt in the neighbourhood 2007. The Foundation could not continue its activities more intensely since 2010. Cancelling or not renewing due to several reasons including the problems among licences to sell alcoholic beverages, unwillingness its members and lack of financial and bureaucratic to solve infrastructure problems (lack of natural gas support. Yet a new cultural milieu flourished, again with pipelines for instance), prolonged street constructions, the initiatives of the relatively new art entrepreneurs of lack of security especially at night, and lack of street the Citadel. Recently, in cooperation with several other lighting has led to a decrease in the number of tourists art galleries, antique shops and designers in the region, and several popular restaurants to close down or reduce Zeynep began to organize an art festival each year in early their capacities. Lacking a comprehensive long-term March to attract more visitors. conservation and cultural investment plans except some At this point, it is crucial to note that these initial street rehabilitations that are highly inconsistent with attempts and their contemporary repercussions of the traditional architectural texture and restoring in the promoting the “authenticity” of the Citadel were driven facades of the old buildings, the current urban culture by a secular Western Republican ideology. All of the in the neighbourhood is the product of the individual interviewees who had been or are still part of these initiatives of the shops, cafés, restaurants, art studios, attempts are mostly highly educated middle and upper- galleries and hotels, most of which struggle to conserve middle class professionals who strictly defend secularism the remnants of the historic texture of the region. and Westernization together with globalization Reflective nostalgia, in the sense that Boym (2001) uses, and liberalism. They are willing to increase cultural suffuses almost all fragments of urban culture in the interactions in the Citadel with foreigners, referring Citadel. When these fragments are considered as a whole, mainly to Europeans, Americans and the Japanese, they actually comprise the pieces of a counter nostalgia defending a European approach in urban conservation, culture against the prevailing modern reconstructions of namely keeping everything “as it is” just like in major history. European cities. Besides, they are highly critical of the Nostalgic atmosphere of the region firstly arises from prevalent Islamist neoliberal agenda of the government, the sensual experience in these places. The smoky smell disappointed about the attempts or neglect of which surrounds the Citadel like a cloud in winter, in conservative local governments to underpin their efforts fact, an outcome of the lacking natural gas infrastructure, for –what they believe to be– ideological reasons and are disperses from the stoves lit in every building. On every mourning for the weakening ideals of the Republican stove there is a teapot and roasted chestnuts offered era. Last but not least, they underline that there is a to friends, visitors and customers. This scene is very patriotic mission in their endeavours, a mission which is common for large sections of the middle-aged and a remnant of early Republican patriotism. All in all, their elderly segments of Turkish society in their childhood understanding of urban aesthetics is inspired by modern memories. This power of stove which stimulates all the Western cities and their understanding of tradition and senses bridges childhood with the present time and authenticity is mostly based on a secularized vision of makes stove the centre of the home nostalgia. During Turkish history and culture. Therefore, these social and winter, it is very common to see the customers of the political characteristics and the cultural capital of the cafés heating themselves around the stove as they group, members of whom can be defined as the actors of recall their childhood homes. The sensual experience the changes taking place in the Citadel neighbourhood can definitely be described as an “enchantment” that have been highly determining factors in the emerging Kitson and Mchugh (2015) conceptualize in relation nostalgia culture. Thus, the spatial representations of to their understanding of nostalgia. This should also be their relations with the past and longings for a lost home considered as performative authenticity (Knudsen and should be comprehended on this basis. Waade, 2010) through which the visitors of the historic In terms of local governance, the impacts of the region experience the atmosphere of traditional wooden conservative attitude of Ankara Metropolitan houses and visualize the pre-modern life that had been Municipality and local Altındağ Municipality –which lived there. n 154 Ankara Araştırmaları Dergisi 2018, 6(2), 145-166 Onur P, Re-Creating Nostalgia: Urban Culture in the Citadel, Hamamönü and Hamamarkası Neighbourhoods of Ankara

Several antique shops that the visitors encounter in their collection was opened by an entrepreneur who had worked walks through the streets surrounding the Citadel exhibit in the gramophone repair shop at the historic Pirinç another face of the nostalgia culture, which is also spread Han4 in the Citadel neighbourhood. It is not only that to many other places in the region. The most prominent these records and gramophones accompany a tea break feature of the cafés, restaurants and boutique hotels is or a breakfast table of the customers, but they are also that their very much home-like decorations are full of exhibited as imageries that will trigger the imaginations antique or old furniture and objects (Figures 1 and 2). As and memories of the urban travellers who find themselves a café owner Şevket noted, everyone in the Citadel was a in reflective nostalgia in their journeys back to their collector first and then they started a business there. He childhood homes. Besides the individual collectors, also started collecting locks and keys after he opened his Rahmi Koç Industry Museum founded in historic Çengel café. A boutique hotel owner Hasan had been collecting Han in 2005 has become a significant tourist spot, a porcelain dolls and Ottoman clothes before and now centre of objective authenticity, and an embodiment of he exhibits some pieces of his collections at the café of an institutional approach to reflective nostalgia.5 Since the hotel. A café famous of its gramophone and record its foundation, it has achieved a significant number of

Figure 1. A café in the Citadel. Figure 2. A café in the Citadel. Source: Photograph by author. Source: Photograph by author.

4 Pirinç Han is an historic caravanserai built among the others (Çengel Han, Mahmut Paşa Bazaar, Çukur Han, Kurşunlu Han, Pilavoğlu Han, Sulu Han, Zafran Han) in the region in the 16th century and early 17th century when the Ottoman Empire and the trade in Ankara were at their zeniths to accommodate merchants and their caravans (2008, Ulusla Buluşma II: Hanlar Bölgesi, Sergi Kataloğu, VEKAM). The building was restored in 1991 and its rooms started to be hired as antique shops and art and handicrafts studios. 5 The significance of the museum building also arises from its recent history. One of the pioneering industrialists in Turkey, the owner of Koç Holding and the father of Rahmi Koç, Vehbi Koç used to have his first shop in Çengel Han. A replica of the shop is also exhibited in the museum.

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Turkish and foreign visitors and played an important nostalgia, we can easily state that we look for our home role in educating younger generations about industrial in the ruins of the past and get even closer to it in these history. Mesmerised with all the objects he sees in the spaces. This must be the reason that when the new owners museum, a pre-schooler donating his old Play Station, of a café which recently changed hands suggested painting which is currently exhibited on the ground floor, is an the pale walls, the previous owner told them “don’t paint anecdote that illustrates this role. them, the place is beautiful as it is” and they agreed. The painter Kemal Çelik, who currently works in his studio Certainly, the regulations regarding urban conservation in historic Pirinç Han has been painting every street and in the Citadel and its surroundings allow only limited building of the Citadel since he arrived in Ankara in 1959 changes in the buildings. Yet, it seems that business (Figure 3). He calls this region “my Ankara” because of managers and the artists who have become the new the same emotional bond and the desire to preserve. owners or tenants of the buildings show a great respect to the historic textures and they find peace with it. For When asked about the reference point or the historical instance, Pilavoğlu Han which no longer functions as inspirations of their longings of the past, most of the a caravanserai and has opened its rooms to artists and interviewees in the Citadel mentioned early Republican collectors is a space where exactly this sense of history Ankara, even describing the period as the golden years of prevails. There is even a design studio inside that uses the city, and a few answers were mentioning pre-Islamic used wood pieces from old buildings and furniture in its civilizations of Anatolia. These answers demonstrate the designs. If we again refer to Boym’s concept of reflective secular association embedded in the reflective nostalgia

Figure 3. “The Citadel”, Kemal Çelik, 1991. Source: Archive of the artist. n 156 Ankara Araştırmaları Dergisi 2018, 6(2), 145-166 Onur P, Re-Creating Nostalgia: Urban Culture in the Citadel, Hamamönü and Hamamarkası Neighbourhoods of Ankara culture. The nature of the aestheticisation process of projects transforming gecekondu (slum) areas into the Citadel is closely linked with a secular, Westernist, areas of mass housing blocks. The Hamamönü project, Republican ideology which aspires a European which started in 2006, involved street rehabilitation understanding of urban conservation and implies an projects, reconstructions, restorations, renewal and oppositional political stand against the reconstructive reformations, restorations of historical mosques and nature of the Ottoman-Islamic nostalgia prevalent in building parks (Gültekin, 2014). Most of the previous Hamamönü and Hamamarkası. residents of the area had to leave their houses because of the urban regeneration and the rising housing prices. In Hamamönü Regeneration and Restoration the restored buildings, new cafés, patisseries and kebab Project and the Current Nostalgia Culture restaurants were opened. Besides, several NGOs with Hamamönü regeneration and restoration project is conservative agendas moved their offices to this region. one of the most famous urban regeneration projects The aestheticisation of the neighbourhood was achieved in Turkey. The low-income neighbourhood infamous through a process that literally cleared the previous of its high crime rates was a region that outsiders were social structure in every means. It is important to note scared to pass by has turned into a tourist spot through that one of the largest faculties of medicine in Turkey, a radical upgrading-rehabilitation project carried out Hacettepe University Faculty of Medicine and Hospital by Altındağ Municipality (Figure 4). The mayor Veysel is neighbouring Hamamönü and a large number of Tiryaki, from conservative AKP, put great emphasis students, academic and other faculty staff, patients and on this project besides his other urban regeneration their relatives have been the customers of the small cafés,

Figure 4: A street view of Hamamönü, Sarıkadın Str. Source: Photograph by author.

Ankara Araştırmaları Dergisi 2018, 6(2), 145-166 157 n Onur P, Re-Creating Nostalgia: Urban Culture in the Citadel, Hamamönü and Hamamarkası Neighbourhoods of Ankara stores and tea houses of the neighbourhood since the project. The houses and the historic tomb building were 1950s. restored. The selamlık house was restored as Mehmet Akif Ersoy House and a park was built around the The new urban culture in the neighbourhood is largely buildings. In recent history, this Islamic complex gained shaped and determined by the Municipality through a new significance. Muhsin Yazıcıoğlu, one of the most both explicit and subtle means. The great advertising popular nationalist-Islamist political leaders in Turkey campaign of the urban regeneration in Hamamönü was buried in the cemetery of the mosque after he died in emphasized the re-vitalization of history that involved a suspicious helicopter accident in 2009. For these three claims of authenticity. It is very much evident in the reasons, Taceddin Mosque has always been attracting public events of Ramadan Fests and Hamamönü Talks visitors from all around Turkey. It is no coincidence that which it organizes that the historical reference point the office building of Gönüllerde Birlik Vakfı (Unity in is essentially Turco-Islamist and Ottomanist. During Hearts Association), the NGO founded to disperse the Ramadan, all the streets of Hamamönü are turned into a ideas of Yazıcıoğlu is a restored mansion in Hamamönü. booth area where visitors can buy various local products Besides, in the fieldwork several interviewees who were and handicrafts, and can have their photographs taken café owners, waiters and artists mentioned that they 6 in Ottoman sultan costumes. In the evening, after iftar , used to come here even before 2006 to visit the tombs traditional Sufi music and plays from traditional Turkish of Taceddin Sultan and Muhsin Yazıcıoğlu. This implies folk theatre are performed on the stage set in the main the attractive force of the spiritual centre of Hamamönü square of Hamamarkası. The second group of public which has been influential in the formation of the current events of the Municipality is Hamamönü Talks in which social and economic networks. it organizes at a restored mansion, Kabakçı Konağı7. These are public gatherings of NGOs, most of which The economic activities in the rehabilitated streets hold Islamist, nationalist, neo-Ottomanist views, with are dominated by cafés, patisseries and restaurants. invited speakers talking mainly on the subjects of politics, Some of these were established long before the urban national history, and Islamic and Turkish culture. regeneration for serving their customers from Hacettepe More subtle means of changing the urban culture of Faculty of Medicine. After 2006 they redecorated their the neighbourhood can be understood in the ways the buildings and began to serve also the new visitors restored buildings were allocated to their new owners or exploring the region. The Municipality does not give 8 tenants. A considerable number of them have personal liquor and nargile licences to the restaurants and cafés ties with Tiryaki and have conservative worldviews. here. Ali, the owner of three cafés in Hamamönü, has been the first entrepreneur to serve Turkish coffee made At this point, the historical, cultural, and spiritual on a semi-traditional brazier. His first café was mainly significance of Taceddin-i Veli (1590-1680), also known about revitalizing the traditional Turkish coffee culture as Taceddin Sultan, Mosque and the Dervish Convent and upon the large demand it received, he opened other should be taken into account. He was the leader of his branches and started to serve other popular foods and dervish order in Ankara. He lived in the dervish convent beverages. Meanwhile, his brazier became so popular that which was built as a social complex from early 17th century all the other cafés started to have one (Figure 5, 6). He until he died. He was such a loved religious leader and explains that in 2006 and 2007, large numbers of educated poet that even the dwellers of his neighbourhood were middle-class people from various parts of Ankara came exempt from taxes. The complex was restored in 1901 by to visit this newly restored historical site and looked for Sultan Abdülhamid II. The selamlık house of the convent authentic places to eat and drink. However, the cafés is also the place where the poet Mehmet Akif Ersoy and restaurants were not prepared for these customers wrote the lyrics of the Turkish national anthem. The –they increased their prices but could not increase the complex was a very crucial part of the urban regeneration quality of service and food. Besides, all they could serve

6 Iftar is the fast breaking time in Ramadan. 7 Konak is a large mansion in traditional Turkish architecture. 8 Nargile: hookah n 158 Ankara Araştırmaları Dergisi 2018, 6(2), 145-166 Onur P, Re-Creating Nostalgia: Urban Culture in the Citadel, Hamamönü and Hamamarkası Neighbourhoods of Ankara was fast-food and breakfast. Disappointed with the loss the café is busy throughout the day. Medicine students, of authenticity in the region and opportunism of the mostly pious ones who go to the mosque to pray, and enterprises, this new group of visitors did not return. “It students of an Arabic course given at an NGO next to is all our fault. We did it all together. I admit” says Ali. the mosque spend the time here between their courses Today, it is still almost impossible to find local cuisine and prayers. Even their parents come to the café to thank in Hamamönü. Pasta, French fries, waffles, sandwiches, the owners for providing such a “safe” place for their cheesecakes, grilled chicken and meatballs, and gözleme9 children. All in all, this place restores a home nostalgia are the sine-qua-non of many cafés. surrounded by traditional family values and an Islamic atmosphere. One book-café located in Art Street, right opposite of the historic Sarı Kadı Mosque stands out as an exception to The urban scene in Hamamönü clearly illustrates other cafés. The name of the café is a term used for the Boym’s conceptualization of restorative nostalgia both educational institute of the Ottoman palace. It is owned physically and culturally. The previously colourful built by three pious women10 who had dreamt of opening their environment is painted in white just as the historical place while taking Islamic art courses in a studio in the mahalle11 culture is erased by liberal tourism activities. Citadel neighbourhood. The waiters and the cook are also While the history was being rebuilt, freshly painted, women. Their home-like hospitality is perpetuated with aestheticised and exhibited for the visual consumption the menu. The pastries, salads and snacks mostly cooked of the new urban tourists, the once multi-cultural and baked at home by women for guests are served at social structure and the Republican history of the relatively low prices. In contrast to others in Hamamönü, neighbourhood were ignored, omitted, and/or destroyed.

Figure 5. The coffee and café culture in Hamamönü. Figure 6. Turkish coffee brazier in Hamamönü. Source: Photograph by author.

9 Turkish salty pancakes mostly filled with cheese, meat, potatoes, or spinach. 10 One of these women is a well-known Islamist writer/columnist who had also published an Islamist women’s magazine. She knows Veysel Tiryaki in person. 11 Mahalle literally means neighbourhood in Turkish but it refers to a dense network of social relations among its dwellers. It is traditionally neither a public space nor private space but a semi-public one in between.

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For the sake of clearing everything and every place that the Municipality, the enterprises in the region and the could pose a threat to security, the notion of the mahalle demands of the visitors, all of which are yet in line with was destroyed and an ideally moral urban space was the restorative nostalgia that symbolizes a homogenous, created. The legitimation of this clean-up is in the return unilateral Turkish Muslim history. to the imagined Ottoman-Islamic roots. Besides, despite Hamamarkası Regeneration Project and the all these efforts of the Municipality, some café owners do Current Nostalgia Culture not agree that the streets of Hamamönü are safe now. Ali told about some incidences between the young men Upon the success of the Hamamönü, the Municipality coming from the nearby low-income neighbourhoods started to implement its second regeneration and and the young people from middle-income families, in rehabilitation project in Hamamarkası in 2012. Before which the former verbally or sometimes physically attack regeneration, the neighbourhood shared similar social the latter. He added that he and other cafés have difficulty and cultural characteristics with Hamamönü. However, in finding waiters because of the security problems in the the conservation approach of the Municipality radically evening. Thus, it is evident that by rehabilitating the area, changed. This time the project involved an almost the Municipality sent away some social issues to other complete reconstruction of the neighbourhood, old areas of the city and since they remain unresolved, they houses were demolished, and new ‘old houses’ were continue to haunt Hamamönü. designed and built to serve functions other than housing (Figure 7). The city planner, urban sociologist and political The case of urban regeneration projects in this district is scientist Savaş Zafer Şahin, who had also worked in the a very apparent example of the use of aesthetics, in the Hamamönü project, states, “This time the Municipality way Goonewardena (2005) discusses, and authenticity in crossed the line” and describes the new historical sites building spaces of mainly two ideologies, namely Turko- as “model history of Ankara” (Şahin, 2016). When we Islamism and neoliberal capitalism. For the realization of look at which social and cultural features replaced the old both, excluding previous low-income social groups was neighbourhood, we mostly see henna houses, museums, regarded as a necessary step. Then it became possible for cafés, offices of Islamist politicians and NGOs, and a few the Municipality to build new spaces of nostalgia where shops and Islamic art studios, three of which deserve the prevalent agendas of the AKP based on Turko-Islamist special attention. and neo-Ottomanist ideologies could be presented in an aestheticised form. This also involved a selective use of The henna ceremony is one of the Turkish wedding history which excludes the multi-ethnic, multi-cultural as traditions for brides. A few days before the wedding, the well as Republican history of Hamamönü. The presence bride and female relatives and friends from both families and the religious significance of Tacettin Dergâhı is a gather in the evening in the bride’s home, and eat, sing facilitating and uniting factor in the formation of the and dance and colour their hands with henna, which current social networks of Hamamönü. The second symbolizes that the bride is ready to sacrifice herself for ideology is the neoliberal capitalism, embodied in the her husband and children.12 If the bride cries during the cafés which attempt to aestheticise an experience of henna ceremony, it is believed that her tears will bring historical authenticity through serving Turkish coffee good luck. The henna tradition was outdated in the on the one hand and all kinds of popular Western (fast) social history of modernization, especially in the cities. food for the customer demand on the other. The way However, together with the rise of conservatism and the the Municipality regulates the trade activities draws the flourishing wedding market, it was almost reborn in the limits of authenticity in forbidding alcohol and nargile 2000s, and hotels and restaurants started to host henna to preserve an Islamic morality and does not deal with nights. For some brides, it even turned into a bachelorette the overabundance of non-authentic goods and services party. Some of the new ‘old mansions’ of Hamamarkası provided for the visitors. Authenticity in Hamamönü started to function as henna houses and became their is created through a mediated meaning making among first kind in Turkey. Lale, a wedding organizer and a

12 The reddish colour of henna resembles blood and symbolizes sacrifice. In Turkish culture there are two other occasions where henna is used. On the animal to be sacrificed for Islamic reasons and in the palms of young men before they are sent to their military service. n 160 Ankara Araştırmaları Dergisi 2018, 6(2), 145-166 Onur P, Re-Creating Nostalgia: Urban Culture in the Citadel, Hamamönü and Hamamarkası Neighbourhoods of Ankara henna house owner states that their place became highly in golden colours (Figures 8, 9). In both houses, there is popular and has been attracting brides from even upper- a flamboyant throne for the bride to sit. Instead of the middle class neighbourhoods of Ankara who normally traditional bindallı13, Ottoman kaftans in various colours have no intention to come to this part of the city. She says and designs are offered to the bride by the henna houses. that throughout the wedding season the main square of Lale designs the kaftans herself. Hamamarkası is very crowded and lively, “like Kızılay”, the city centre. The common atmosphere and style in The impact of the rise of neo-Ottomanism in popular most of the henna houses are very much Ottoman. The culture has been highly noticeable in Turkey in the last five influence of harem decorations in popular TV series about years, and henna houses are just a small manifestation of Suleyman the Magnificent, The Magnificent Century its popularity, yet they should not be underestimated. The is highly noticeable. Lale enthusiastically explained to tradition in itself perpetuates, normalizes and even exalts me how she was impressed by the series and decorated gender inequality. Its entanglement with Ottomanism the henna house just like that harem on TV. In another carries it to another level where authoritative masculinity henna house, replicas of the war helmets of Süleyman the is exalted, and women are assumed to be contented with Magnificent is part of the highly glamorous decoration glamour.

Figure 7. A view of Hamamarkası. Source: Photograph by author.

13 The long, colourful jacket inlaid with silver or golden threads worn by the bride in the henna night.

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There are three museums in Hamamarkası: Intangible to authenticity is more than evident, however, Selcan Cultural Heritage Museum (Somut Olmayan Kültürel Gürçayır Teke’s article on these festivals in Hamamönü Miras Müzesi), Poets and Authors House (Şairler ve also has a point in saying that various traditions are Yazarlar Evi), and Gökyay Foundation Chess Museum re-interpreted and popularized by the organizers (Gökyay Vakfı Satranç Müzesi). The first two are very (Teke, 2016). On the other hand, they also invite their relevant in terms of their contributions to the urban visitors to experience performative authenticity both culture of the region. Intangible Cultural Heritage in the museum in traditions handicrafts workshop and Museum is founded by Gazi University, Department children’s playroom and in their festivals. of Folklore in 2013 and administered by the students The second museum was founded by a former deputy of of the department on a voluntary basis. The museum AKP and a poet. Ahmet is an agricultural engineer who is spatially organized to show and illustrate its visitors worked as a teacher, a civil servant, and a bureaucrat for how it used to be to live in a traditional Ankara house. many years while engaging in poetry and literature. He Additionally, there are rooms where the students from was a former director of Turkish Authors Union. When the department perform traditional Turkish performing I asked about the story of the museum he said that he arts and demonstrate traditional Turkish performance always wanted to establish a literature museum and had arts, such as Karagöz shadow plays and puppet plays, and asked for the support of the metropolitan municipality handicrafts, such as copper work, weaving, and textile from the former mayor of Ankara in 2007. Even wood printing. The guides accompany each visitor and though the mayor agreed, there weren’t any attempts explain in detail the culture vitalized in the museum. afterwards. In 2015, he heard that one of his poems was Almost every day, the museum receives student groups being read on the radio by Veysel Tiryaki, and Ahmet from schools. Hasan, the director of the museum who immediately contacted him. Learning that Tiryaki was is a graduate student at the Folklore Department, noted one of the fans of his poetry, Ahmet asked his support that they have an academic approach in the museum, to establish the museum, and finally, one of the rebuilt they continuously conduct research about the intangible mansions in Hamamarkası was allocated for the Poets cultural heritage of Ankara and its surroundings, and and Authors House. Biographies, books, and some illustrate their findings in the museum. The museum’s personal belongings of the authors and poets who lived activities go beyond the spatial boundaries when they in Ankara in the Republican period are exhibited in the organize traditional Hıdırellez festivals each year to museum. Besides, Ahmet organizes public literature talks celebrate the arrival of summer in cooperation with the on Saturday afternoons in the museum, starting after the Municipality in Hamamönü. Their objectivist approach afternoon prayer and ending before the evening prayer,

Figure 8. A henna house in Hamamarkası. Figure 9. A replica of the helmet of Süleyman the Magnificent. Source: Photograph by author. Source: Photograph by author. n 162 Ankara Araştırmaları Dergisi 2018, 6(2), 145-166 Onur P, Re-Creating Nostalgia: Urban Culture in the Citadel, Hamamönü and Hamamarkası Neighbourhoods of Ankara and each week introduces and discusses the poems of a of the underlying political forces acting on the urban different poet. The audience consists mostly of university culture in the region. students and high school literature teachers. In the two In addition to Boym’s (2001) framework of restorative meetings that I attended as a listener, he introduced poets nostalgia, Baudrillard’s discussion of nostalgia on the who are very popular among Islamist circles in Turkey. basis of the increasing supply and demand for the signs Perhaps because of his teaching background, the talks are of power where the actual power no longer exists is also a mostly in a didactic format. The spatial organization of very relevant lens to read Hamamarkası. It is clear that the the room, where the listener stools are placed beside the urban regeneration project is an illustration of restorative walls and Ahmet’s desk is placed in front of the room, nostalgia, the one that aims to re-create and revitalize the in the middle, also support the format. He actually past on the basis of an imagined Ottoman history and noted that he designed the room in a way to resemble in accordance with the AKP’s nationalist and religious the classrooms in the Ottoman period. The scope of politics. Besides, particularly in the case of henna houses, the talks went beyond literature from time to time and it is possible to observe that the signs of the glory of the extended to theology and the listeners also participated empire, which disappeared a long time ago, is supplied, with their questions and comments about Islamic belief. demanded and consumed in a fiction intertwined with Ahmet deeply admires Sezai Karakoç who is one of the contemporary politics, popular culture and urban most significant poets and philosophers of Islamism in culture. Aesthetics in the “new old” architecture of the Turkey and Ahmet regards him as his elder brother. neighbourhood and the decorations of the interior Ahmet knows several other well-known Islamist poets spaces serve to popularize the dominant Turko-Islamist in person and supports his ideas in the talks with his ideology. In the impossibility of a physical sense of personal memories. His sermon-like lectures are clearly authenticity and history, what the neighbourhood offers very influential on some with Islamic motivations in the is an interpersonal authenticity enabling the visitors from audience. A literature museum gains an Islamist character the modern city life to get in contact with an imagined which has a sense of nostalgia of its own. Longing for the Islamic and Ottoman culture. Golden Age of Islam or recent political history of Turkey when Islamist movements started to gain a momentum The unfinished story of Hamamönü and Hamamarkası is very dominant. Poetry is comprehended within this neighbourhoods demonstrates that the political, social framework. and cultural agenda and priorities of the Municipality have been highly determining in the urban regeneration Right opposite of the museum there is the law office of in question. The cultural heritage of the region one of the founders and former ministers of AKP. In our crystallized in the Taceddin Sultan Dervish Convent is first meeting, Ahmet mentioned that the next literature reflected in the various facets of the nostalgia culture. talk may take place at this office if he would have time to The selective approach in re-vitalization of history which make a speech –but he was not in Ankara that weekend. excludes multiculturalism and secularism should also be Next to that office, there is the building of an Islamist read as another manifestation of the deep social divide literature journal and down the street there is the office between Islamists and secularists. In this region, social of another former minister of AKP. On one of my field and political networks and economic relations give way visits, I saw another former AKP minister going out of to a conservative city culture, in other contexts, other the literary journal’s building. Certainly, this clustering social and political networks did and do produce other is not a coincidence. The group of former politicians fragments of culture. of AKP who have opened offices here after they left the party were called the “Hamamönü Movement” in 2016 Certainly, we need to ask whether the times when all these and many newspapers wrote that the leader of the group spaces where the longing for feeling at home is satisfied was the former president and one of the founders of AKP to a certain degree were real “homes” is left way behind. Abdullah Gül, the 11th President of Turkey (2007-2014) What have we lost irreversibly with restorations, as the who now wanted to form a new political party. Beyond buildings changed hands and what kind of a home are the political rumours, the social network of former AKP we looking for now? The recent Hamamarkası housing members is significant for displaying the embodiment project of Altındağ Municipality seems to be developed

Ankara Araştırmaları Dergisi 2018, 6(2), 145-166 163 n Onur P, Re-Creating Nostalgia: Urban Culture in the Citadel, Hamamönü and Hamamarkası Neighbourhoods of Ankara to address these questions. Tiryaki, introducing the new secular, Westernist, Republican, educated middle and project comprising 60 houses all designed by himself, upper-middle class people relay the main characteristic states of the nostalgia culture, which I regard as reflective nostalgia. In their yearning for a lost home, which they It is going to be a mahalle having the old texture that see in early Republican Ankara, they have a tendency to matches the horizontal architecture. (…) Everyone keep the remnants of history in their original form. Their wants to use them as offices, we don’t want this. use of history, aesthetics, and authenticity in creating a We want people who will live here, who will reside here. (…) This place will reflect mahalle culture. In a nostalgia culture is shaped on this ground and should be mahalle, everyone controls one another, no problems considered as an attempt to produce a counter-culture arise, no robbery occurs. In a place that you call against the dominant reconstructive use of history in mahalle, you cannot reside if your neighbours do not contemporary Turko-Islamist politics and governance of allow you to. (Ankara’dan Haber, 2018) the ruling AKP. Tiryaki contrasts the ideal image, this nostalgia of In contrast to the Citadel region, the recent nostalgia mahalle with the contemporary high-rise apartment culture in Hamamönü and Hamamarkası is an outcome blocks in housing estates and their modern individualist of urban regeneration projects of Altındağ Municipality, life-styles distant from nature. It is evident that this which rapidly and radically changed the social and spatial upcoming part of the Hamamarkası urban regeneration structure of these two neighbourhoods. Previously project is imagined to be a reconstruction of a lost home known with social problems of crime, poverty and urban represented in use of the term mahalle in Tiryaki’s degeneration, firstly Hamamönü and then Hamamarkası words. It signifies a reconstruction of close community became targets of regeneration projects aiming to replace ties, higher social control and an exalted traditional the previous neighbourhood with a new touristic site. family life, much in line with the ideology behind AKP Together with a neoliberal perspective, the nationalist, policies. Thus, behind this restorative nostalgia, the use of Islamist political standpoint of the Municipality and the tradition, urban aesthetics and cultural heritage serve to historical and spiritual significance of the region arising promote a conservative city life which is a fundamental from Taceddin Sultan Dervish Convent, Mehmet Akif aspect of local governance understanding of AKP. Ersoy House and the grave of Muhsin Yazıcıoğlu work in cooperation in creating a restorative nostalgia. While Result the Municipality has been supporting the cultural aspect By attributing a central place to the role of nostalgia, this of the regeneration process by organizing events and article aimed to focus on and analyse the contemporary festivals which are mainly associated with an imagined urban culture in the three main historic neighbourhoods Turko-Islamic and Ottoman heritage, the worldviews of of Ankara: Citadel, Hamamönü and Hamamarkası. I the small entrepreneurs, NGOs and other institutions perceived and described the divergent nostalgia cultures in the region is very much nationalist and Islamist. in these neighbourhoods as outcomes of the different Therefore, the cultural atmosphere of new tourist sites uses of aestheticisation, authenticity as well as traditions is dominantly under the influence of all these factors resulting from neoliberal, nationalist and Islamic and can be read as the embodiment of the actors’ ties ideologies on the one hand, and secular Republican with an idealized Turkish-Ottoman history. The use of ideology on the other hand. In the Citadel region, the aesthetics is predominantly inspired by the glorious era oldest one among the three and a conservation site, of the Ottoman Empire, which I take as a repercussion reflective nostalgia is very much prevalent in various of AKP’s ideology of neo-Ottomanism. When it comes aspects of its contemporary urban culture. In the absence to authenticity, while the Hamamönü project had some of a comprehensive urban regeneration project, the intention to conserve only the architectural heritage, change taking place in the region can be observed in the Hamamarkası project did not have any concerns fragments of municipality’s street rehabilitation projects, about this issue. Thus, all we have about authenticity in attempts of private entrepreneurs, and some civil these two regions is mostly the remnants of an imagined initiatives to revitalize a social life. The profiles of private Ottoman heritage offered for tourists’ and visitors’ investors and small entrepreneurs, who are mostly consumption. Thus, I argue that these regeneration n 164 Ankara Araştırmaları Dergisi 2018, 6(2), 145-166 Onur P, Re-Creating Nostalgia: Urban Culture in the Citadel, Hamamönü and Hamamarkası Neighbourhoods of Ankara projects which have replaced the previous deviant social Atauz, A. (2004). Kale ve Sur: Ankara’nın Kal’ası. 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