UK Data Archive Study Number 6964

UK Data Archive

Study Number 6964 Consumption, Lifestyle and Identity: Reading the New Men's Lifestyle Magazines, 1985-1997: Teaching Data

USER GUIDE

1 Contents

Introduction to the Teaching Datasets ...... 3 1 Main features of the teaching datasets ...... 3 2 Recommended uses of the teaching datasets ...... 5 Appendix I ...... 24

2 Introduction to the Teaching Datasets

This user guide gives details of how the Consumption, Lifestyle and Identity: Reading the New Men's Lifestyle Magazines, 1985-1997: Teaching Data (SN 6964), the Qualitative Study of Democracy and Participation in Britain, 1925-2003: Teaching Data (SN 6965) and the British Migrants in Spain: the Extent and Nature of Social Integration, 2003-2005: Teaching Data (SN 6963) were created.

Note that while this section is similar across all three datasets, the original study User Guide attached as Appendix I at the end of each is different and includes information specific to each study, such as information about the original project, its objectives and findings, as well as contextual information for the learner/teacher.

The teaching datasets are designed to be used for teaching and learning purposes only. For all other purposes, the full corresponding data collections should be used. 1 Main features of the teaching datasets

The teaching data collections (SN 6963, SN 6964, SN 6965) are subsets of the three following studies:

 British Migrants in Spain: the Extent and Nature of Social Integration, 2003- 2005 (SN 5271)  Consumption, Lifestyle and Identity: Reading the New Men's Lifestyle Magazines, 1985-1997 (SN 4543)  Qualitative Study of Democracy and Participation in Britain, 1925-2003 (SN 5017)

These three data collections have been designed for the use of teachers of qualitative and research methods courses.

The present document is a companion to SN 6964: Consumption, lifestyle and identity: reading the new men's lifestyle magazines, 1985-1997: Teaching Data (Original Producer: P. Jackson). A key motivation for the creation of this teaching data collection was the desire to provide students with data, enabling more teaching time to focus on developing skills in data analysis. It contains the following 5 semi- structured and 5 focus group interviews of readers and editors of men's magazines in 1997: int01; int02; int03; int04; int05; fg01; fg15; fg16; fg18 and fg19

These interviews and focus groups were selected as a subset of the original dataset, to represent different types of data collection (interviews and focus groups) and different types of consumers (lecturers, unemployed, men’s clothes shop assistants,

3 professionals and musicians/artists) of men’s magazines and individual editors (4 males and 1 female). Selection criteria also included data quality and the ability to divide the dataset into subsamples of a manageable size (e.g. by participant characteristics, geography or other features) for student projects.

The SN 6964 teaching data collection can be used on its own or in conjunction with the following teaching data collections: a. SN 6963: British Migrants to Spain, 2003-2005: Teaching Data (Original Producer: K. O’Reilly)

This teaching data collection contains the following 15 interviews of both European (mostly British) migrants, who report living in Spain, and Spanish residents/officials, interviewed between 2003 and 2005:

Int 03; Int 04; Int 05; Int 08; Int 09; Int 10; Int 16; Int 17; Int 22; Int 38; Int 39; Int 46; Int 53; Int 54 and Int 55

The above interviews were selected as a subset of the original dataset, to represent different characteristics such as gender and employment status (retired, self- employed and employee). Selection criteria also included data quality and the ability to divide the dataset into subsamples of a manageable size (e.g. by participant characteristics, geography or other features) suitable for student projects.

Users should note that the relevant data and documentation of this study are not included in the current collection, as they form part of a separate teaching data collection. SN 6963 – British Migrants in Spain: the Extent and Nature of Social Integration, 2003-2005: Teaching Data is available for download from the Catalogue: http://www.esds.ac.uk/findingData/snDescription.asp?sn=6963. b. SN 6965: A Qualitative Study of Democracy and Participation in Britain (Original Producer: F. Devine)

This teaching data collection contains the following 15 interviews of a subsample of the Citizens Audit who had reportedly devoted more than 20 hours per month to voluntary activity: int005; int008; int022; int030; int034; int038; int041; int042; int043; int047; int048; int077; int089; int090 and int091

The above interviews and focus groups were selected as a subset of the original dataset to represent a variety of characteristics of the participants, including age, marital status, education and gender. Selection criteria also included data quality and the ability to divide the dataset into subsamples of a manageable size (e.g. by

4 participant characteristics, geography or other features) for student projects. Note that this dataset was more difficult to select materials for as a complete list of all interviews and their characteristics was not deposited along with the data.

Users should note that the relevant data and documentation of this study are not included in the current collection, as they form part of a separate teaching data collection. SN 6965 – A Qualitative Study of Democracy and Participation in Britain, 1925-2003 : Teaching Data is available for download from the Catalogue: http://www.esds.ac.uk/findingData/snDescription.asp?sn=6965.

2 Recommended uses of the teaching datasets

The depositor of this dataset, Dr Jo Haynes developed these datasets as part of her teaching material for a postgraduate unit for M.Sc. Sociology students in Advanced Qualitative Research at the University of Bristol. As part of the assessment of this unit, Dr Haynes allowed students to pick from a selected number of ESDS qualitative data collections, explore previous research questions, and then do their own original analysis. In her article Teaching with ESDS data: Getting students to do data analysis in a 12-week unit1, Dr Haynes explains that by doing this, students have the opportunity to "come up with an original research question or [find] a new way to work with the data". A key motivation for adopting this approach was her desire to provide students with data, thus enabling more teaching time to focus on developing skills in data analysis.

She explained that for her, the question was: "How do I get the students to do data analysis within a 12-week unit?" According to Dr Haynes, the short period of time did not allow her students to collect their own data and then analyse it. To solve this problem, she integrated secondary data analysis into her course. "It's also a really good way to engage with research that has already been done and to reach a critical dialogue with British research."

Dr Haynes has taught this particular course since 2006 and has used several different qualitative data collections through the years. "Because of the amount of data held in one dataset I thought that it would be overwhelming to students so I decided to create subsets of particular [data collections]." Dr Haynes usually chooses data collections from the ESDS catalogue which match the University’s courses including topics on ethnicity, gender, globalisation, racism, transformation of ideas and development of knowledge. Students are asked to write 4,000-word reports based on their analyses of these subsamples. There are challenges with having students re-use existing data. Sometimes students have difficulty coming up with research questions different from those of the original researchers. Also, the

1 http://www.esds.ac.uk/resources/datainuse/casestudyteaching.asp?id=22 accessed on 27/02/2012

5 quality and amount of supporting material describing the original research varies across the collections.

Dr Haynes' students come from a variety of backgrounds, from social sciences, business and humanities, though she has a large number of sociology students. To make her class engaging for such a varied audience, she often combines ESDS collections with other material she finds herself, such as politicians' speeches or visual material.

Steering students away from the assumption that they have to collect the data themselves and making them aware that there is an incredible amount of information already sitting in an archive were also among her objectives. Haynes explains that getting students familiar with analysing data before collecting data by themselves also prevents them from making beginner's mistakes. In her words: "They produce this wonderful data that gets wasted. [Therefore] being in this process before they get to their own data in their dissertation is a good thing. They might realise how challenging it could be and that it's not a walk in the park. You need to think very carefully about what you are going to do with the data". Haynes mentions that some of the most rewarding experiences in teaching this unit include offering students the chance to engage with real data and experience the challenges involved, offering a wide range of real data to analyse via ESDS, and being able to read work "that's actually really quite good". While some students initially find the amount of data contained within the collection overwhelming with a little guidance these barriers are easily overcome.

Here is a list of qualitative data collections that Dr Haynes has used in her unit, in addition to the 3 teaching datasets mentioned above (SN 6963, SN 6964, SN 6965):

 Context and Motive in the Perpetuation of Racial Harassment and Violence in North Staffordshire (SN 5274).  Quality of Home Experience for Homeworkers, 2002 (SN 5028).  Socio-technical Systems and Call Centres: a Case Study Investigation, 1999- 2000 (SN 4606).

A presentation on Dr. Jo Haynes’ use of data in the unit follows.

6 The Use of Qualidata Datasets in PG Unit

Dr Jo Haynes Department of Sociology University of Bristol

7 Rationale for using Qualidata archive in unit The assessment Problems Benefits Example of student approaches Summary of strengths/weaknesses of submitted work

8 Rich data generated by students in dissertations going to waste Lack of adequate training/support for qualitative data analysis, e.g. assumption that it is ‘easy’ or ‘self-evident’ Comparison with teaching of quantitative data analysis Lack of adequate training in QDAS

9 Students are constantly reminded in the course of the unit that they: Need to have a research question/issue Research question/topic needs to relate to previous studies/literature Data analysis should address research question/issue Analysis should be data driven (not simply confirmation of researcher’s views)

10 Virtually Second-Hand: a Case Study of eBay, the Internet Auction Site, 2004-2005 Consumption, Lifestyle and Identity: Reading the New Men's Lifestyle Magazines, 1985-1997 Dynamics of Transformative Ideas in Contemporary Public Discourse, 2002-2003 British Migrants in Spain: the Extent and Nature of Social Integration, 2003-2005 Creating Citizen-Consumers: Changing Relationships and Identifications, 2003-2005 Employment and Working Life Beyond the Year 2000: Employee Attitudes to Work in Call Centres and Software Development, 1999-2001 A Qualitative Study of Democracy and Participation in Britain, 1925-2003 Context and Motive in the Perpetuation of Racial Harassment and Violence in North Staffordshire, 2004

11 The projects were selected on the basis that: they appeal to as broad a range of substantive interests as possible there are identifiable ways in which the data could be carved for up for sampling purposes the project has ‘good’ quality data

12 With your selected study, you will design and carry out your own ‘small-scale’ qualitative analysis on a sample of documents from the data. Choose an analytical approach that best suits the question/issue you want to address and what you want to do with the data, e.g. discourse analysis; narrative analysis, and so on. You must also incorporate Nvivo to support your analysis of this data. You should explore relevant literature that will provide theoretical/empirical support for your analysis.

13 You are expected to write a 4,000 word research report which should contain the following elements: Introduction: a discussion of the study and relevant theory/background detail Methodology: a description of the analytic process and justification for the specific approach to the analysis, which should be linked to a discussion of how you incorporated Nvivo. You should also describe the sample of documents included in the study. There should also be a discussion of any issues raised by carrying out secondary analysis of this data. Findings: presentation of the analysis carried out. This should include quotations or data from the study. You should also include your interpretation of the findings here. Conclusion References Appendix You should include a list of the nodes used as part of your analysis with descriptions explaining each node, any models, memos, or other pertinent information from Nvivo.

14 Secondary analysis Common issues such as ethical considerations and lack of insider perspective (Hammersley) For students Difficulty of coming up with ‘different’ or ‘original’ approach First/early encounter with qualitative data as secondary not primary researcher, i.e. from a distance Project information and data Uneven quality and amount of information/guidance about each project Mixed methodologies

15 Opportunity to critically evaluate the design, execution and conclusions of original research Practice Developing new theoretical rationale to re-interpret data Devising a data subset to explore same/new theme Integrating theory, data analysis and discussion in a report Presenting qualitative data appropriately

Utilising QDAS to support data analysis

16 A Qualitative Study of Democracy and Participation in Britain, 1925-2003 by Devine and Roberts Primary research: In-depth study of activists to explore mobilisation processes, group life experiences and assessments of democracy and political life in Britain. It asked: “do voluntary activities generate social capital? Does group life sustain networks and norms of trust and reciprocity? Do positive experiences of group life instil wider feelings of confidence in political institutions and the system overall?” Student: Examined whether it is accurate to link affective social behaviour with perception of community and state-level political inclusion. S/he asked: “how do socially active citizens perceive their local community attachment? How do they assess their personal ties? Do social identifications with the local neighbourhood correlate with political participation? Is local attachment linked to trust in national politics?”

17 Consumption, Lifestyle and Identity : Reading the New Men's Lifestyle Magazines, 1985-1997 by Jackson and Stevenson. Primary research: assessed men’s magazines’ significance in terms of competing theories of masculinity and in relation to Britain’s changing media and consumption cultures. Student A: explored how the interviewers participated in the knowledge production process of the interview, whether there were any clear gender differences in the amount of researcher involvement and the process of creating a group identity within the focus group as a whole. Student B: explored the extent to which discourses of new manhood permeated responses; shifting the emphasis from magazines to a broader examination of the constructs of the ‘new man’ and the ‘new lad’, analysing how these discourses are creatively utilised by the participants through resistance.

18 Dynamics of Transformative Ideas in Contemporary Public Discourse, 2002-2003 by McLennan, Osborne and Vaux Primary Research: through two case studies of the LSE and DEMOS, the research “sought to understand the way in which societal ideas (e.g. ‘the Knowledge Society’ and ‘Third Way’) emerge into the wider cultural and political arenas; how they are initiated, established, networked and modified as their careers unfold”. Student A: provided a case study of the LSE - its present function and the role of intellectuals given the tendency for universities to become ‘businesses’ Student B: explored the organisational culture of LSE

19 British Migrants in Spain: the Extent and Nature of Social Integration, 2003-2005 by Karen O’Reilly Primary research: explored the trends, motivations, mobility patterns, identity and way of life of British migrant communities in the Costa del Sol. A major theme in the findings was the lack of integration of British migrants with local Spanish people. Student: explored the reproduction of class differences amongst British migrants in Spain and how British migrants “engage with the cultural conception of class in constructing themselves in opposition not just to tourists, but to other expatriate Britons”.

20 Context and Motive in the Perpetuation of Racial Harassment and Violence in North Staffordshire, 2004 by Gadd, Dixon and Jefferson. Primary research: addressed the question of “why some people engage in racially-motivated violence, and how their motivations for doing so intersect and/or conflict with publicly-expressed nationalist, racist/anti-racist, and religious sentiments”. Student: explored whether “people use cognitive reduction strategies in the narrative construction of the self and how common modes of narrative construction themselves can […] contribute to consonance, a means which psychology, through the use of experimental methods, has failed to appreciate. It therefore seeks to create a bridge between a psychological concept and sociological practice [….]”

21 Comments fed back to students about ways to improve their data analysis concentrated on: Failure to identify an independent way of working with the data Lack of integration of theory with data analysis Lack of clarity about analytical approach Poor presentation and interpretation of data

22 Positive comments fed back to students included their: Innovative, original lines of enquiry Strong theoretical support for analysis Integration of theory, analysis and methodological discussion Creative use of NVivo, e.g. modelling frameworks, relationships between themes, etc.

Appendix I

SN 4543 Consumption, Lifestyle and Identity: Reading the New Men's Lifestyle Magazines, 1985-1997

User Guide

24 1. Project Details:

Ref No R000221838

Award title: Consumption, lifestyle and identity: reading the new men's lifestyle magazines

Period of award: 1.12.96 -- 30.11.97

Award holders: title initials surname % time on project Prof P A Jackson both: 20% during term time; 40-60% Dr N Stevenson during vacations and study leave

Address etc. Department of Geography University of Sheffield

Summary of aims and objectives: The research aimed: • to collect a new body of empirical material relating to the consumption of men's lifestyle magazines • to analyse the content of these magazines; • to explore, through focus group analysis, specific forms of masculinity as they vary by place, class, ethnicity and generation; and • to assess the extent to which variations in the magazines' content and the way they are read by different groups of men can be explained according to competing sociological theories of masculinity and the media.

All of these aims were successfully achieved.

25 1. Summary of Research Results:

The research examined the emergence since the mid-1980s of a new generation of men's 'lifestyle' magazines, assessing their significance in terms of competing theories of masculinity and in relation to Britain's changing media and consumption cultures. The project encompassed several phases in the 'circuit of culture' from production and editorial issues, through content analysiS to final consumption (though most attention was paid to the way the magazines were read by different groups of men). Production values were accessed via interviews with editorial staff at several magazines (Attitude, Escape, Maxim, Stuff for Men), their associated Web pages (UpLoaded) and speCialist features (GO Body and Sou~. Both quantitative and qualitative forms of content analysis were conducted with twelve of the leading titles (Arena, Attitude, Escape, Esquire, FHM, GO, Loaded, Maxim, Men's Health, Stuff for Men, XL and Xtreme). Attention was paid to both visual and verbal content, ranging from editorials and features to promotional and advertising material. Consumption issues were accessed via twenty focus groups with different groups of readers and non-readers in Bristol, Derby, London, Manchester, Sheffield and Taunton, with participants varying by age, class, ethnicity, sexuality and (dis)ability. A review of recent media coverage and of relevant academic studies was also undertaken.

The research documented the rapid rise of the men's magazine market from a point in the 1980s when men's magazines were limited to pornography and 'special interest' magazines to a point in the late 1990s where there are now around a dozen 'general interest' (or 'lifestyle') magazines for men and where the leading title (FHM) now outsells Cosmopolitan. While the men's magazines initially modelled themselves on earlier 'lifestyle' titles such as iD and The Face, a new generation of women's magazines has now emerged (Minx, Sugar, Bliss), aimed at younger women and modelled, in part, on the success of men's magazines such as Loaded and FHM. Our research revealed a high degree of mobility among the magazines' editorial staff including James Brown's much-publicised move from Loaded to GO in 1997. Men's lifestyle titles were initially launched by smaller publishers (such as Wagadon). All of the major publishers (Conde Nast, EMAP, IPC) now have men's lifestyle titles, with several new titles being launched following the success of their 'parent' magazines (Stuff for Men from Maxim, GO Active from GO etc). The success of the magazines has led to a decline in the sale of older-style pornographic magazines with Penthouse relaunching in a 'lifestyle' format in July 1997. The trade press now describes men's magazines as the fastest growing of all consumer magazine markets, their high profile confirmed by the extent of recent media interest.

The content of the magazines reflects their increasing commercial success with advertising now accounting for up to two-thirds of the pages of leading titles such as GO (compared to only 20-40% in earlier years). Our rnntant analysiS also shows that there has been a shift from male to female celebnties on the covers (and back again in some cases such as GO). While the magazines have provided a space for public discussion of several issues (such as men's health, fashion and body image) that were not previously discussed, our content analysis also reveals some significant absences (such as coverage of parenting, sexual and emotional issues, except where these are handled in an 'ironic' way). With the exception of Attitude

26 (which is directed at a predominantly gay readership), the magazines are all staunchly heterosexual. The magazines are also very 'metropolitan' in emphasis, aimed at a predominantly urban audience, with rural environments featuring only as recreational venues and as sites for a variety of 'extreme' sports. Qualitative analysis focused on a selection of stoIies..tb.aLdetalt with personal relationsmps as a key to the magazines' sexuaLpolitics.

Analysis of the focus group transcripts included the identification of ten 'discursive repertoires' on which different groups of men drew in order to make sense of the magazines and of their changing gender roles and relations. These included: 'harmless fun', 'commitment' (or 'taking it seriously')', 'honesty', 'openness', 'naturalness', 'Iaddishness' (often expressed through class-based notions of 'upper' and 'lower'), 'trash' (or 'disposability'), 'irony', 'change' (often articulated in terms of a 'backlash' to feminism and political correctness but also related to the commercialisation of contemporary culture) and 'women as other'. These repertoires were then analysed in two ways: a 'vertical' reading that contrasted surface and depth (superficial and more fundamental aspects of change), and a 'horizontal' reading that explored the connections and contradictions across repertoires and between groups. We also identified a range of dispositions (including 'recognition', 'rejection', 'defensiveness', 'expertise', 'celebration' and 'irony') which different groups and individuals took towards each of the repertoires.

Wf) QQnclude_thaLtb.~ magazines have encouraged men to 'open up' to previously repressed aspects of their masculinity (in areas such as healtn,lasf1i5ri"and refafionshTps)bufihatthis-iopenness' involves risks and anxieties (often expressed in terms of a 'crisis' of masculinity). Following Ulrich Beck, we argue that the magazines cater to men's insecurities by providing a form of 'constructed certitude' in the face of the uncertainties they may be experiencing (in terms of job security, health worries, the demands of feminism or other sources of anxiety). The magazines represent a commodification of these 'gender troubles', opening up the potential for radical change but using humour, irony and other devices to allow men to distance themselves from such a commitment. The magazines therefore signify the possibility of progressive change in gender relations while simultaneously reinscribing traditional forms of masculinity (through codes of 'Iaddishness').

27 2. Full Report of Research Activities and Results

Background: Masculinity is often said to be 'in crisis' but there are relatively few serious academic studies of the extent to which men are changing or of how those changes should be understood (cf. Segal, 1990, Connell, 1995). The dramatic growth of the men's magazine market since the late 1980s can be interpreted as both a response to changing gender roles and relations and as a significant force in shaping men's changing identities. Only a decade ago it could be confidently asserted that "men don't buy magazines" except for pornography and 'special interest' (e.g. sports, photography, motoring) magazines (Campaign, 29 August 1986). Just ten years later, men's 'general interest' (or 'lifestyle') magazines have become "the fastest growing of all consumer magazine markets" (Keynote 1996). 'Top shelf' magazines like Penthouse are re-positioning themselves at the raunchier end of the men's lifestyle market while women's magazines like Minx and Sugar (aimed at teenage girls) are trying to emulate the success of men's magazines like Loaded and Maxim, with 'girl power' heralded as a female equivalent of the much-publicised 'Iaddishness'.

While there have been several impressive studies of women's magazines (reviewed in Ballaster et a/., 1991 and Hermes, 1996), there is very little academic work on the men's magazine market, attempting to explain its commercial success or examining the way the magazines are read. Men's wider role in contemporary consumer culture has been studied (Mort, 1996) and both Nixon (1996) and Edwards (1997) include case studies of men's lifestyle magazines in their recent books. But their focus is on the fashion industry, on photographic representations of men and on visual questions of 'spectatorship' and the 'gaze' rather than on how the magazines are actually read and what the magazines might signify in terms of changing masculinities (see also Nixon, 1997). In contrast, our study focused on the producth;m, content aru:jJ;;p.fl§ldlV12t.LQI) C!fJ1JJ?n~$JnfJga4lf]J~i: draWing on edtro'rial Intervfews.c-ontenTanalysis and focus group discussions with readers and non readers at various locations throughout the UK.

Our empirical material allows us to offer an interpretation of the sociological significance and commercial success of the men's magazines beyond what has previously been attempted. Specifically, it allows us to address the extent to which the magazines reflect underlying changes in gender roles and relations (and associated changes in contemporary consumer culture) and the extent to which the magazines have played a more active role in shaping these changes.

28 Objectives: The original aims and objectives of the project were as follows: • to collect a new body of empirical material relating to the consumption of men's lifestyle magazines • to analyse the content of these magazines; • to exglore, thrlLY.9.bJocus group analysis, specific forms of masculinity as they vary by plac.s,-.cIass,...,etho.ic.ity and g~neration; and • to assess rne extent to which variations in the magazines' content and the way they are read by different groups of men can be explained according to competing sociological theories of masculinity and the media.

Our aims did not change significantly during the research and each objective has been successfully achieved (as detailed below).

Methods: The research drew on a variety of methods including interviews with editorial staff at several of the magazines (Attitude, Escape, Maxim, Stuff for Men), their associated Web sites (UpLoaded) and specialist features (GO Body and Sou~. Both quantitative and qualitative forms of content analysis were conducted with twelve of the leadil'!gJitles (Arena, Attitude,Tscape, Esquire, FHM, GO, Loaded, Maxim, Men'SFle8ith, Sfuff for Men, XL and Xtreme). Attention was paid to both visual and verbal content, ranging from editorials and features to promotional and advertising material. Our principal method was based on a series of focus groups with twenty groups of read~_~s_~lJd non~~~,~.der$J~~e Table-1). The groups were recruTtea tnrougnli-19nds and friends-of-friends in Bristol, Derby, London, Manchester, Sheffield and Taunton and via adverts at newsagents. The

Table 1: The focus groups

Middle-aged professional men, Islington Casual readers, Derby women 18 year old 'lads', Sheffield Media studies, Bristol students 40-somethinq qay men, Sheffield Bristol lecturers, non-readers 25-35 year old casual readers, Pimlico Musicians and artists, Bristol Student journalists, London Fashion shop assistants, Sheffield Casual readers, Turnpike Lane Media professionals, Stoke Newington Disabled men, Sheffield UnemQiQl'ed men, London Postgrad student footballers, Sheffield Politics lecturers, Manchester Art College students, London Bikers (motorcyclists), Taunton Casual/non-readers, Derby men Counsellors, London

Note: The groups are labelled in a relatively arbitrary fashion, including reference to participants' occupation and social status, their geographic location, age and other attributes. groups consisted of men of different age, class and ethnic backgrounds including one group of gay men and one of disabled men. Most groups were single gender (men only), though some were mixed and one was women-only. The groups included 'committed' (regular) readers, 'casual' (infrequent) readers and non readers. In each case, the discussion was loosely structured around a number of

29 themes (knowledge of the magazines, likes and dislikes, ideas about target audience etc), with few direct questions from us as moderators. Each 9!9up (w~h comprised between two a~"9"~~':'.E?n.Pe.2pl~t,,!!et once for between an hour andan hour:-and:a-half. The discussion was tape-rec'oraed'andfranscri6ea'lnfulr~A'brlef qTlestion"rl'aTre""WaS'also adminiStered in order to collect reievant biographical and socio-economic data on focus group participants. This was useful in characterising the groups and in attributing individual contributions within the group discussions. Follow-up interviews with individual focus group participants, mentioned as a possible additional method in the original proposal, were not conducted due to time constraints and other priorities.

Analysis involved all three researchers listening to the tapes and reading the transcripts a number of times, noting independently what we each thought were possible key phrases, ways of talking, patterns of response, reading practices, uses and pleasures of the text. We met regularly to discuss each transcript. We then began to distil the major themes, once all the transcripts had been individually coded in order to avoid reaching premature conclusions (ct. Strauss, 1983; Stewart & Shamdasani, 1990). We also discussed our own reactions to each group and how they had responded to us as researchers. At the end of this process, we identified ten 'discursive repertoires' (see Table 2).

Table 2: Discursive repertoires

harmless fun laddishness seriousness trash (including 'disposability') honesty irony visibility (including 'openness') chanqe (includinq 'backlash') naturalness (including 'insecurity') women as other

We also identified a range of 'dispositions' adopted by different groups and individuals towards each of these repertoires (including 'recognition', 'rejection', 'defensiveness', 'expertise', 'celebration' and 'irony'). So, for example, one group might adopt an ironic disposition in its articulation of 'harmless fun' while another might be celebratory or defensive in its relationship towards 'Iaddishness'.

Ethics: The research raised various ethical issues concerning the confidentiality of the material collected, particularly from the focus group discussions. These were handled via securing the written consent of all focus group participants to quote from the transcripts, the anonymisation of individual responses and the use of pseudonyms. Care was also taken with the editorial interviews not to reveal commercially sensitive information in publications or conference presentations arising from the research. In consultation with the ESRC's Qualitative Data Archive, further steps will be takentoensure the c()~fidentiamy otani materiaI(1a~~-

30 Results: The research documents the rapid rise of the men's magazine market from a point in the 1980s when men's magazines were limited to pornography and 'specialist interest' magazines to a point in the late 1990s where there are now around a dozen 'general interest' (or 'lifestyle') magazines for men (see Table 3). Circulation figures have risen rapidly (see Table 4) to a point where, according to The Independent (15 August 1997) the leading titles now outsell Cosmopolitan. While the men's magazines initially modelled themselves on earlier 'lifestyle' titles such as iD and The Face, a new generation of women's magazines has now emerged (Minx, Sugar, Bliss), aimed at younger women and modelled, in part, on the success of men's magazines such as Loaded and FHM.

Table 3: The UK men's magazine market

Title Date Publisher Publisher's related launched titles Arena 1986 Wagadon The Face (bi-monthly) GQ (Gentlemen's 1988 Conde Nast Vogue, Vanity Fair, Quarterly) House & Garden etc FHM(For Him 1990 EMAP Q, Mojo, Select etc Magazine) Esquire 1991 NMC Cosmopolitan, Harpers & Queen etc Attitude 1994 Northern & Penthouse Shell Loaded 1994 IPC Marie Claire, Homes & Gardens, Woman etc Men's Health 1995 Rodale Press XL for Men 1995 EMAP Q, Mojo, Select etc (formerly Stonehart) Maxim 1995 Dennis Stuff for Men Lifestyle Stuff for Men 1996 Dennis Maxim Lifestyle GQ Active 1997 Conde Nast GQ

The magazines' readership is concentrated among younger men in their teens and twenties in London and the South-East of England. Their glossy format, cover price (of between £2.50 and £3.00) and advertising for 'aspirational' goods (such as Armani suits and Rolex watches) confirm their appeal to relatively affluent consumers. Some titles (such as Loaded, FHM and Maxim) attract a younger readership including the student market; others (such as GO, Arena and Esquire) have a more 'upmarket' image, appealing to an older readership, with a greater emphasis on literary and cultural content.

31 Table 4: Circulation figures

Jan-Jun 96 Jut-Dec 96 Jan-Jun 97 Jut-Dec 97 Arena 93,513 86,850 77,107 86,922 Attitude not audited by ABC Esquire 107,058 111,007 92,907 106,203 FHM 181,581 365,341 504,959 644,110 GO 131,074 148,574 135,563 129,294 GO Active 64,381 Loaded 238,955 323,115 380,420 441,567 Maxim 113,264 150,261 184,574 249,096 Men's Health 131,887 158,945 188,264 225,126 Stuff for Men 57,684 61,358 XL for Men 53,759

source: Audit Bureau of Circulations

Men's lifestyle titles were initially launched by smaller publishers (such as Wagadon). All of the major publishing houses (Conde Nast, EMAP, IPC and NMC) now have men's lifestyle titles, with several new titles being launched following the success of their 'parent' magazines (Stuff for Men from Maxim, GO Active from GO etc). The success of the magazines has led to a decline in the sale of older-style pornographic magazines with Penthouse relaunching in a 'lifestyle' format in July 1997. The trade press now describes men's magazines as the fastest growing of all consumer magazine markets, their high profile confirmed by the extent of recent media interest. Our research also revealed a high degree of mobility among the magazines' editorial staff including James Brown's much-publicised move from Loaded to GO in 1997.

Based on our collection of over 150 press and newspaper cuttings, we undertook a review of recent media commentary on the development of the men's magazine market. This demonstrated the currency of various stereotypes (concerning the decline of the 'new man' and the rise of the 'lad', for example) on which our focus group participants commonly drew in discussing the magazines and associated changes in masculinity. TV programmes like Men Behaving Badly, Fantasy Football, They Think It's All Over and Game On also clearly shaped the focus group participants' discourses about masculinity, illustrating the connections that exist within different circuits of contemporary culture (ct. Mackay, 1997).

The content of the magazines reflects their increasing commercial success with advertising now ,accounting for up to two-thirds of the pages of leading titles such as GO (compared to only 20-40% in earlier years). Our content analysis also shows that there has been a shift from male to female celebrities on the covers (and back again in some cases such as GO). While the magazines have provided a space for public discussion of several issues (such as men's health, fashion and body image) that were not previously discussed, our content analysis also reveals some significant absancas (such as coverage of parenting, sexual and emotional issues, except where these are handled in an 'ironic' way). With the exception of Attitude

32 (which is directed at a predominantly gay readership), the magazines are all staunchly heterosexual. The magazines are also very 'metropolitan' in emphasis, aimed at a predominantly urban audience, with rural environments featuring only as recreational venues and as sites for a variety of 'extreme' sports. Qualitative analysis focused on a selection of stories that dealt with personal relationships as a key to the magazines' sexual politics (see the nominated publication by Stevenson et al.)

Qualitative analysis of the magazine content focused on their ambiguous coverage of personal relationships. Such topics featured relatively rarely but were thought to offer important insights into the magazines' sexual politics. Our analysis demonstrates that softer, more caring versions of masculinity (the 'new man') have been displaced by other images of masculinity, characterised by 'Iaddish' behaviour such as drinking to excess, adopting a predatory attitude towards women and fear of commitment. We suggest that the adoption of an 'ironic' mode of cultural commentary serves to subvert political critique, with those who object to the predominant ways of representing women (as sexually objectified 'babes') easily dismissed as missing the point of the joke, much as feminists have previously been described as 'humourless'. Similarly, the tone of 'knowing' sexism serves as a way of handling the contradictions of contemporary gender relations where older-style patriarchal relations are crumbling but where men may still strive to maintain conventional power relations between the genders. In articles such as "Are you better off single?" (XL, July 1997) and "Better Dead than Wed" (Maxim, May 1997), the magazines stress the virtues (and dangers) of a single lifestyle, orientated around pleasurable personal consumption, contrasted with the constraints of being 'trapped' within a conventional heterosexual marriage.

Occasionally, the magazines depart from their characteristic emphasis on phallic certitude to admit varying degrees of sexual anxiety. Examples include XL's feature on the perils of being single after the age of 30 ("Diving Back into the Dating Pool", October 1997). M,.2!§...c.OmID9nIYo-the mag.?zines of!~~~ Q1i_x ~luii0'."l.Y,.RL~9~~~1 .. ~injs, calculative reason an.d playful misogyny in th~!rapproach to personal relationships. One of Qufnom-inated papers (by Stevenson et al) focuses on three such examples~ "Whip Her into Shape" (FHM, June 1997), "The Seven Shag Itch" (FHM, February 1997) and "This Woman Can Seriously Damage Your Health" (Maxim, April 1997). All three articles offer advice to men regarding the negotiation of sexual relations in a world that is perceived to have become increasingly problematic. They warn readers of possible danger signs, situations to be avoided and easily-learnt strategies for achieving what they want from a relationship. Female sexuality is represented as threatening and needing to be controlled. By contrast, men are represented as desperate to avoid commitment, regarding women as a threat to their emotional independence and dedication to carefree personal consumption. In the more 'upmarket' magazines, advice on the conduct of personal relationships is offered in the form of a list of easily understood points, as in Arena's feature on "How to Have a Better Relationship" (January-February 1997). The more 'downmarket' titles only approach the topic in a 'humorous' way, as in Loadeds problem page which features a cigar-smoking psychiatrist, Dr Mick, pictured holding a gun and awarding points according to the perceived seriousness of the problem. The tone of his advice is resolutely cynical and irreverent.

33 Rather than simply condemning the magazines' treatment of personal relationships as shallow and misogynistic, we view them (within certain limits) as offering a source of pleasure and amusement but also as deeply ambiguous. In adopting an ironic or cynical form of humour, they offer a means of temporary escape from life's contradictions, evading the need to engage with the more uncertain scripts of contemporary gender relations.

Our analysis of the focus group transcripts allowed us to gain more detailed insight into the way different groups of men were able to 'make sense' of these changes and ambiguities. Specifically, our analysis involved the identification of ten 'discursive repertoires' on which different groups of men drew in order to make sense of the magazines and of their changing gender roles and relations. These included: 'harmless fun', 'commitment' (or 'seriousness,)" 'honesty', 'openness', 'naturalness', 'Iaddishness' (often expressed through class-based notions of 'upper' and 'lower'), 'trash' (or 'disposability'), 'irony', 'change' (often articulated in terms of a 'backlash' to feminism and political correctness but also related to the commercialisation of contemporary consumer culture) and 'women as other'. These repertoires were then analysed in two ways: a 'vertical' reading that contrasted surface and depth (superficial and more fundamental change), and a 'horizontal' reading that explored the connections and contradictions across repertoires and between groups. We also identified a range of dispositions (including 'recognition', 'rejection', 'defensiveness', 'expertise', 'celebration' and 'irony') which different groups and individuals took towards each of the repertoires.

The focus group findings can be illustrated briefly (and are discussed at greater length in the nominated publication by Jackson et al.). Groups and individuals frequently argued that the magazines were "too shallow [or] lacking in depth". Despite being "nicely packaged" and having a "glossy format" they were criticised for their lack of substance ("there's no, like, meat and potatoes ... it's all bits and pieces"). Some participants made the connection between the magazines' glossiness and the superficiality of the new forms of masculinity that they embodied. A frequent metaphor for the magazines' perceived lack of substance or depth was the idea that they were highly disposable: "they're trash", "a waste of time ... crap, a waste of money", "full of rubbish", "really quite trashy" (though for others their disposability was part of their appeal). Few men described themselves as committed readers, most emphasising the difference between the casual way they read magazines ("flicking through" or "dipping into" them) and the way they alleged their women friends read magazines ("religiously", "from cover to cover"). For most men, the magazines were to be read "for a laugh", as "harmless fun". Those who took them seriously (regarding product information or advice on personal problems, for example) were regarded as "sad". The discourse of 'harmless fun' was challenged by those who attributed greater significance to the magazines, including those who regarded their way of representing women as pornographic. What for some represented "a kind of escapism" was regarded by others as offensive.

While most of our participants made little detailed distinction between the magazines, several championed Loaded as "more blatant" and "less pretentious" than magazines like Arena or Esquire (described as "classier", with "more cultural integrity" by some and as "poncey" by others). Loadeds "honesty" was frequently acclaimed, regarded by one group as "a celebration of the unacceptable face of

34 men". While some were sceptical about its "manipulative" appeal, Loadeds emphasis on women, drugs, sports and entertainment was generally welcomed: "They make no bones about it ... they're not hypocritical", "they don't feel any need to justify themselves". The 'Iaddish' masculinity depicted in Loaded (and in its imitators, FHM and Maxim) were regarded as more "natural" than the image of the 'new man' which it was said to have replaced. Several participants expressed their gratitude for the support that magazines like Loaded provided in legitimising forms of masculinity that had previously been criticised: "giving you permission ... to be the man you want to be", "it's sort of allowing you to say and talk about things that you might have thought but you didn't really talk about too much and you might feel slightly embarrassed about".

The expression of a more 'honest' form of masculinity was also related by several participants to the magazines' encouragement of greater "openness" among men (talking about their feelings, for example). Such openness was, however, carefully controlled through the use of humour, frequently referred to as 'ironic'. This was particularly true in relation to (homo)sexuality. As one reader argued: "they've managed very subtly to avoid the gay ... because there is a hetero and gay distinction here [particularly in the fashion photography] but it's absolutely clear, you know, that these are guys' guys".

Some readers interpreted the magazines in purely commercial terms, comparing their success to the rise of club culture for example While some were critical of this tendency ("it's all industry-driven, it's all manufactured isn't it"), others accepted it as almost inevitable (it's the market, isn't it"). For those with sufficient cultural and economic capital, consumerism offered a resolution of many of the contradictions of contemporary gender relations: "You don't need that support structure any more because you can pay your cleaner and pay someone to iron your shirt ... and buy loads of nice food". This might also explain the magazines' near-obsession with accessories and gadgets ("a catalogue of boys' dreams") as well as features such as Maxim's regular "How to do everything better" section. Again, the 'appropriate' way to read the magazines was as "harmless fun", "for a laugh"; they were not to be taken too seriously. Some readers recognised that "the irony was a bit of a cover up"; most, however, celebrated the magazines' sense of humour, contrasting it with the alleged humourless that they attributed to feminism and political correctness.

According to our focus groups, the magazines encourage men to be more 'honest' and 'natural' in their expression of masculinity. But being more 'open' towards previously repressed aspects of their gender and sexual identities (concerning fashion, health and relationships, for example) involves risks and anxieties (often expressed in terms of a 'crisis' of masculinity). Following Ulrich Beck (1997), we argue that the magazines cater to these insecurities by providing a form of 'constructed certitude' (described by one of our focus group participants as a kind of 'false security'). Other repertoires, such as the discourse of 'harmless fun', also help men distance themselves from the seriousness of potentially unpalatable advice or the need for more fundamental change.

A variety of dispositions are available for handling these potential contradictions, from those who celebrate the previously unacceptable face of 'Iaddish' masculinity through those who are more defensive or non-committal, to those who adopt a more

35 analytical or ironic disposition. It is these dispositions that we shall seek to tease out further in writing up our results in book-form. Here, however, we conclude that the magazines represent a commercially successful response to the changes men are experiencing and which are commonly represented as a 'crisis' of masculinity. They involve a commodification of men's current 'gender troubles' within the sphere of personal consumption. As such, the magazines have opened up the potential for radical change but, through the use of humour, irony and other devices, they enable men to distance themselves from making such a commitment. The magazines therefore signify the possibility of progressive change in contemporary gender relations while simultaneously reinscribing traditional forms of masculinity (through codes of 'Iaddishness').

36 Activities: Preliminary research results were presented at the annual conference of the Association of American Geographers in Fort Worth (April 1997). A further presentation will be made as part of the ESRC-sponsored seminar series on "Commercial Cultures: economies, practices, spaces" (University of Sheffield, September 1998).

Outputs: A number of publications will result from the project (including the 'nominated publications' listed below). We have also recently signed a contract with Polity Press for a book 00 Reading men's magazines.

Impacts: Considerable interest has been shown in the research from both inside and outside academia. The latter is demonstrated by several appearances on local radio, discussing our findings with market researchers and others concerned with changing consumer interests. Editorial staff at the magazines also showed considerable interest in our findings. Further impacts are anticipated as the research results are published. We have also responded to several requests for further information about the research from colleagues in Australia, New Zealand and North America.

Future research priorities: The research confirms the advantages of 'grounding' contemporary cultural studies in detailed empirical research. While we have focused on various stages in the 'circuitof cUitur~'19mpnasislng questions of readership and consumption), further work on other stages in the circuit (such as magazine retailing) would be valuable and would complement work being undertaken by one of our ESRC-funded PhD students (Paul Stallard) on the relationship between the publishing industry and the book-buying public. Our funding only allowed for relatively brief focus group discussions with readers and more detailed ethnographic research, allowing us to place people's reading habits in the wider context of their everyday lives, would also be extremely valuable.

Our own future research priorities include a study of the sociological significance and geographical prevalence of single person households, including the cultural and institutional support for such lifestyles. This was the subject of a recent (alpha-rated but unfunded) ESRC proposal which we are currently revising for submission to the Leverhulme Trust. We are also keen to explore the wider context of the UK's changing 'commercial cultures' (via our involvement in a forthcoming ESRC~funded research seminar series), and in the cultural significance of transnational commodity flows (the subject of an application to the ESRC's "Transnational Communities" programme, currently under review -- and subsequently has been funded).

37 References: Ballaster R, Beetham M, Frazer E and Hebron S, 1991, Women's Worlds: Ideology, Femininity and the Woman's Magazine. (Macmillan, London). Beck U, 1997, The Reinvention of Politics: Rethinking Modernity in the Global Social Order. (Polity Press, Cambridge). Connell R W, 1995, Masculinities. (Polity Press, Cambridge). Edwards T, 1997, Men in the Mirror. (Cassell, London). Hermes J, 1995, Reading Women's Magazines (Polity Press, Cambridge). Mackay, H. ed. 1997. Consumption and Everyday Life (Sage, London). Mort F, 1996, Cultures of Consumption: Masculinities and Social Space in Late Twentieth Century Britain. (Routledge, London). Nixon S, 1996, Hard Looks: Masculinities, Spectatorship and Contemporary Consumption. (UCL Press, London). Nixon S, 1997, Exhibiting masculinity, in S. Hall ed. Representation: cultural representations and signifying practices (Sage, London), pp.291-336. Segal L, 1990, Slow Motion: Changing Masculinities, Changing Men. (Virago, London). Stewart 0 Wand Shamdasani P N, 1990, Focus Groups: Theory and Practice. (London, Sage). Strauss A L, 1983, Qualitative Analysis for Social Scientists. (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge).

38 3. Significant achievements:

• the collection of a new body of empirical material, demonstrating the rise of the men's magazine market and assessing its cultural and sociological significance;

• the identification of a number of 'discursive repertoiresl (and a range of l associated Idispositions ) through which different groups of men make sense of the magazines and their own experience of recent changes in gender roles and relations;

• the contextualisation of men's magazines within contemporary theories of masculinity and consumer society;

• the theorisation of these changes in terms of Beck's notion of 'constructed certitude'; and

• the dissemination of our findings to academic and non-academic audiences.

4. Dissemination: Besides the publications and presentations listed under 'Activities' and 'Outputs' (above), the research findings have been disseminated via presentations at the following seminars and conferences:

Department of Geography, University of Liverpool (February, 1997) Department of Communication Studies, Macalester College, St Paul, Minnesota (April 1997) Graduate Seminar on Social and Cultural Dimensions of Urban and Regional Research, Roskilde University, Denmark (April 1997) Geography Laboratory/School of Cultural and Community Studies, University of Sussex (May 1997) Cultural Turns/Geographical Turns conference, University of Oxford (September 1997) Department of Geography, The Queen1s University of Belfast (November 1997) Department of Geography, University of Southampton (February 1998)

Future presentations include: Department of Geography, University of Sheffield, May 1998 Department of Sociological Studies, University of Sheffield, date to be arranged The Appleton Lecture, University of Hull, October 1998

39 5. Nominated publications: Our nominated papers are: Stevenson, N., Jackson, P. and Brooks, K. "Masculinity and the sexual politics of men's lifestyle magazines", to be submitted to Theory, Culture and Society; and Jackson, P., Stevenson, N. and Brooks, K. "Making sense of men's lifestyle magazines", submitted to Environment and Planning 0: Society and Space (and now accepted for publication with minor revisions).

The first paper is based on qualitative content analysis of selected magazine articles focusing on the sexual politics of changing gender relations; the second is based on an analysis of the focus group transcripts.

6. Staffing: name Ms K M Brooks

7. Virements:

8. Major difficulties: There were no major difficulties. Minor difficulties included the recruitment of focus group participants who were not members of existing community groups or organisations, and securing the involvement of editors of some of the more prominent magazines" The former were approached (with limited success) via fliers distributed at local newsagents. Where persistence in contacting editorial staff proved ineffective, we were able to rely on published interviews (in newspapers and other sources such as the Web).

9. Other issues and unexpected outcomes: Our success in recruiting focus groups (20 were conducted compared to the 12-15 envisaged in the original proposal) was largely unanticipated. It proved easier to recruit men to discuss their attitudes towards the media and their readership of

40 magazines than had been the case with an earlier project on shopping (which was more firmly identified as 'women's work').

10. Nominated rapporteur:

Professor Frank Mort Department of Cultural Studies University of East London

41 Focus Group Questionnaire

Thank you for taking the time to talk to us today. Could you do us one more favour and fill in this short questionnaire? All the details you give will of course be confidential. You do not have to give us your address unless you wanUo.

Name:

Age:

Occupation:

Ethnic origin:

Highest qualification obtained:

(please tickl

GCSE A LEVELS DEGREE

OTHER [please specify]

At what age did you leave school/college?

In which part of the city do you live? [Name of areal postcode]

Thank you for letting us tape the discussion. !h~_~e_!?E.~.~~j.'!.~n.I~ .. ~_~ listene.d to by us, a~d the person who transcribes them. Th~ wIll rer:n.rJLQJ?.ur~qp~.~ ahd all names"wITTorcbLii'sEn:,ecfia-ngecfinffi9transcript as a matterof confidermaJity: If youare-nappy \vith- this :j:ifease-Si'g-noeTowlOconnrm 'you-agFeeto-our-usIng this taped discussion in our project.

SIGNATURE:

contd. over

42 What did you think of the focus group discussion? Is there anything we could do to improve these sessions?

Please use this space to jot down anything you now want to say that you didn't' couldn't add during this session?

VVould you be willing to talk to us again, if we want to do follow up interviews? If so, could you please give us your address, a contact number and any dates in the next l~ew months when you are definitely not available. Thank you very much.

Thanks for your time; Peter Jackson, Nick Stevenson and Kate Brooks.

43 Focus Group List:

TranscriptlTape no: 1. Prof Males I 'Islington' (London) Done by: NS. Contacted: one is a friend at NS. Took place: at the contact's home, evening. 28/2/97

2. 18 year old male FHM readers (Sheffield) Done by: KB. Contacted: a friend of KB's works with the mother of 2 of the gpo Took place: at the brothers' house, with friends dropping in, evening. 13/2/97

3. 40somethjng gay male readers (Sheffield) Done by: KB. Contacted: a friend of KB's holds regular Tuesday evening 'soirees' at home, one used as focus gpo Took place: contact's home, with buffet! 18/2/97

4. Casual readers (male) 25-351 Pimlico (London) Done by: NS. Contacted: friends of KB's and their housemates/ friends. Took place: in one bedroom of contact's house; with wine etc., after work. 26/2/97

5. Journalism students (female, one male) (London) Done by:KB. Contacted: this was an evening class 'doing' men's mags; lecturer a friend/colleague of KB's. Took place: in class time: half session focus gp; half mens mag seminar. 24/2/97

6. 'Turnpike Lane'l male casual readers (London) Done by: NS. Contacted: friends of NS. Took place: at contact's home. 25/2/97

7. Disabled men (Sheffield) Done by: NS/KB. Contacted: friend of NS works with gpo Took place:at home of one of gp, during regular Friday morning meeting session, with coffee and biscuits. Gp's carers also present 21/2/97

8. (Male) Post grads! football team (SheHield) Done by: PJ/KB. Contacted: students of NS and their friends. Took place: after football, in seminar room, in soc. dept. 29/1/97

9. (Male) Art college students (London) Done by: NS/KB. Contacted: via KB's lecturer friend (see 5) 2 students recruited from cafeteria on the day Took place: in cafe, during afternoon. 24/2/97.

10. (Male) Casual/Non readers (Derby): Done by: KB. Contacted: via friend of KB's: friend's boyfriend plus friend's lodger's boyfriendl Took place: at friend's house, with food, wine etc. whilst KB staying there over weekend 13/3/97

11. Casual readers (female) (Derby) : Done by: KB. Contacted: friend of KB's, and another woman I've met occasionally on nights out in Derbyl Took place: at friend's house as above.14/3/97

44 12. There is no tape number 12 as 'Prof London males' and 'Islington' were one and same, and I don't want to go through all following tapes and renumber them.

13. (Male) Loaded readers (Bristol): Done by: KB. Contacted: via colleague on media course I used to teach. One ex-student of mine plus 2 housemates.Took place: afternoon during Easter hols, in the bar. 24/3/97

14. (Male) academicsl non-readers (Bristol): Done by: KB. Contacted: via friend at UWE and his history dept.! cricket team contacts. Took place: at home of dept colleague and partner, before evening dinner do. 25/3/97

15. (Male) musicians/artists (Bristol): Done by: KB. Contacted: friend of KB's and his flatmates/friends Took place: at another friend's house, as evening also (afterwards) birthday party for one of focus gp! 26/3/97

16. Men's l'ashions shop (male) staff (Sheffield): Done by: KB. Contacted: 2 of the 3 people who actually replied to our cards in shops, and turned up. Took place: in shop, early in morning as quiet, behind counter. 10/4/97

17. Editor of Stuff for Men (London) Done by: NS/PJ. Contacted: via letter. Took place: in office? No date on tape.

18. 'Media men' / 'Stoke NewinQton' (London) Done by: NS/KB. Contacted: friends of NS. Took place: at home of contact, in evening, with wine etc. 28/2/97

19. St Martin of Toursl Unemployed man + counsellor (London). Done by: NS. Contacted: counsellor a friend of NS (?). Took place: at hostel (?) 20/3197

20. (Male) Politics lecturers (Manchester) Done by: KB. Contacted: via friend of KB's, and 2 others I know through friend. Took place: at friend's house, evening, with food, clrink. 24/4/97

21. Editorof UpLoaded (web site) Done by: KB. Contacted: via email Took place: interviewed on 'conference phone'. Wooh. 22/4/97

22 Editor of Escape .Done by: NS/KB. Contacted: via letter. Took place: in office 615/97.

23. Bikers (Somerset) Done by: KB. Contacted: KB's biker brother-in-law and mates. Took place: at their home one evening during family visit; beer, snacks etc. 1 4/5/97

45 24. Editor GO Body and Soul. Done by: NS. Contacted: Friend of NS. Took place: home/office? 13/5/97

25. Editor Maxim. Done by: NS/PJ. Contacted: via letter. Took place: in office. 13/5/97

* 26. JC1 [pseudonym] (Sheffield). Done by: NS/KB. Contacted: the only other person to reply to a card in shop, supposed to be six of them at least but only he turned up. Took place: after work, in large, echoing, empty seminar room ...

* Problem: tape has much disturbance on it and large chunks unintelligible, will transcribe what I can from it. 10/6/97

* 27. London Counsellors. Done by: NS. Contacted: friend of NS? Took place: at home of contact? Date?

* 28. JC2 [pseudonym], editor Attitude.

* Tapes 26, 27 and 28 are not currently included in the Qualidata/UKDA collection.