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Apologetics Introduction: When Religion Makes the News

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Apologetics Introduction: When Religion Makes the News How to speak of God? Towards a ‘Postsecular’ Apologetics 2017 Roy Niblett Lecture, Sarum College Elaine Graham, University of Chester Introduction: When Religion makes the news I would like to begin with a number of recent instances where religion has made the news headlines. 1. The Rise of the Nones, or: Faith in Crisis According to the latest British Social Attitudes survey, 53% of all adults regard themselves as having no religious affiliation – an increase from 48% in 2015. Almost three-quarters of 18-24 year olds say they have no religion. 3% of adults describe themselves as Anglican and 5% Roman Catholic (NatCen, 2017). 2. Faith in (a) Crisis If that headline might read, ‘Faith in Crisis’, then my next headline might be ‘Faith in a Crisis’. Following the terrible fire at Grenfell Tower in Kensington in London, criticism of the local council and statutory authorities was rife. As the local community rallied to organise relief and as people gathered to mourn the dead, one area of local civil society was prominent by its actions: the faith communities. Stories circulated that it was local Muslims returning from a local mosque who were amongst the first on the scene – by virtue of their observing Ramadan, they had been awake and up and about on the streets and spotted the fire. Muslim groups continued to contribute practical aid in the days following; and the local Anglican church, St Clement and St James, also provided a place of refuge for relief workers, charity volunteers 1 and traumatised residents. Subsequently, the following Sunday, the church building became a focus of a community act of worship attended by the Mayor of London, Sadiq Khan. It’s maybe not so much of a surprise to discover that religious people were so quick to become involved. People of faith are statistically more likely to volunteer in their communities; and, whether it’s a matter of an accident of religious observance, or possessing physical capital such as church buildings, parish halls and community centres, here we saw the tremendous – and unparalleled – ability of religion to muster up what is called “social capital”: the reserves of human resources, physical capital, local networks and a strong ethic of community service and altruism which, when tragedy strikes, can be mobilised and which “pay dividends” in terms of simple presence and solidarity with those in need. But perhaps what is surprising is how we are constantly told that religion is marginal; that it’s part of the problem, not the solution; and that faith is so far removed from the realities of everyday living as to be irrelevant; or that mosques, churches and other faith communities can’t welcome people on to their premises or offer hospitality without “proselytising” or trying to convert them. 3. Islamophobia And yet we know, too, that whilst religion can be a focus of unity, it is also a source of division and even hatred. Following the bomb attack on the Manchester Arena in May this year, reported incidents of hate crime and Islamophobia in Manchester increased. Weeks later, came the distressing incident of a van driven into those attending the Finsbury Park mosque; an act which 2 may be classed as an act of terror or a hate crime and where people were targeted for their religious affiliation. The previous summer, however, had seen an example of what we might characterise as a certain cultural discomfort around religion, in the unlikely setting of certain beach resorts in the south of France. It concerned the wearing of the so-called “burkini” by Muslim bathers. The burkini, from a conflation of burqa (or burkha) and bikini, denotes a form of swimwear for (mainly Muslim) women which is seen as conforming to certain religious standards of modesty. It became the subject of legal and cultural debate when media images were circulated of police officers requiring women to remove their clothing, and legal battles over whether it was constitutional under French law to prohibit such beachwear. One principle of the French Republic, forbidding the wearing of explicit religious symbols in public, came up against another: namely the individual liberty of freedom of expression. Policy-makers found themselves struggling on how to adjudicate between these rival sensibilities: freedom from religion; or freedom of religion? (Diotallevi, 2015; Wright, 2016) A world ‘troubled’ by religion Against most expectations, then, religion has not vanished from Western culture. If anything, it exercises a greater fascination than ever before. Broadly, we might think of ourselves as occupying a new space between, on the one hand, a renewed visibility of religion in public life, and a corresponding acknowledgement of the importance of religious values and actors; and on the other, persistent and widespread disillusion and scepticism towards religion, and latent support for secular objections to religion as a source of legitimate public discourse. 3 This unprecedented, unanticipated, agonistic co-existence of religion and secularism is sometimes termed the ‘post-secular’, and my main aim here is to consider some of its impli- cations, not least for the public witness of Christianity. Whilst the ‘post-secular’ aims to acknowledge the new visibility of religion in global politics and the consequent reappraisal of the assumptions of classic secularization theory, it also seeks to hold in tension these threads of religious resurgence with an appreciation of how far secularism remains a default position for much public debate, especially in Western-style liberal democracies. As a whole, society is nervous about those who ‘do God’ in public, since it is unused to thinking about whether it is right to (re)incorporate the vocabulary of faith into our common life; and yet, religion is an ever-present reality and often manifests itself in new, unfamiliar ways and spaces, local and global. Public life is more sensitive – if not necessarily well-informed – about newly-emergent signs of religious belief and practice in its midst, yet often struggles to accommodate it into any meaningful framework. In a world that is more sensitive than ever to religious belief and practice, yet often struggles to accommodate it into secular discourse, how do those who are appointed as representatives of religious institutions justify their position in a contested and volatile public square? If the gulf between those who identify themselves as practising members of faith-communities and the rest of the community is widening, what kinds of measures will contribute towards some kind of rapprochement? How do secular institutions navigate their way between the ‘Scylla’ of religious resurgence and the ‘Charybdis’ of secularism, towards new, uncharted ‘post- secular’ waters - and how do they construct appropriate policies and ground-rules for 4 accommodating matters of religious conscience and practice? And more specifically, how does this translate into authentic and relevant forms of Christian faith and practice? A climate of political debate that is both more sceptical and more pluralist, and yet in some respects is more receptive to the language of values, will require a more explicit level of self- justification on the part of religious actors. But how might Christians give an account of the theological well-springs of their commitments in ways that are accessible and comprehensible to an ever more fragmented and sceptical body politic? I’ll be arguing that everyone, from Church leaders and congregations to local activists and campaigners, needs to learn again how to ‘speak of God’ in these contexts. This is about being able to articulate credible theological justifications for their involvement in public life and to justify the very relevance of their faith to a culture that no longer grants religion automatic privilege or credence. I’m going to suggest that this entails a retrieval of the practice of Christian apologetics, in terms of our being prepared to defend our core principles and convictions in public. The Roman Catholic theologian Avery Dulles in his History of Apologetics has described the contemporary apologist as ‘an aggressive, opportunistic person who tries, by fair means or foul, to argue people into joining the church’ (Dulles, 1971, p. xv). Yet that adversarial, often very abstract style of argumentation is, I’ll argue, a departure from much of Christian history, which regarded apologetics less as a fight to the death over Christian doctrine, so much as a demonstration in deed as well as word of how the practice of faith makes a difference. 5 Rather than being an adversarial or confrontational process, then, I want to cast apologetics more in terms of an invitation to dialogue and a pursuit that is concerned less with the fortunes of the Church and more with the ‘welfare of the city’ (Jer 29:7). This apologetics of presence represents an invitation to dialogue and the rejuvenation of the vocabulary and praxis of public life, as a way of enriching our shared commitment to the common good. Anatomy of the Post-Secular I should make it clear right from the start that I don’t believe the post-secular can be conceived merely as the return of Christendom or the simple ‘re-enchantment’ of modernity. So where does the debate about the post-secular originate? The sociologist Peter Berger has famously summarised the problem in these terms: ‘… the assumption that we live in a secularized world is false. The world today, with some exceptions … is as furiously religious as it ever was, and in some places more so than ever. This means that a whole body of literature by historians and social scientists loosely labelled “secularisation theory” is essentially mistaken.’ (Berger 1999, 2) For most of the second half of the C20th, the gradual marginalization of religious belief and institutions and the privatization of religious belief and practice formed the mainstay of social scientific thinking about religion.
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