EL COMPORTAMIENTO BANCARIO EN LA PRIMERA CAJA DE CONVERSIÓN ARGENTINA (1900-1935) Mónica Gómez

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EL COMPORTAMIENTO BANCARIO EN LA PRIMERA CAJA DE CONVERSIÓN ARGENTINA (1900-1935) Mónica Gómez EL COMPORTAMIENTO BANCARIO EN LA PRIMERA CAJA DE CONVERSIÓN ARGENTINA (1900-1935) Mónica Gómez (Universidad Nacional de Córdoba) Introducción En los años 1890/91, Argentina experimentó una profunda crisis que sería conocida como la crisis de Baring. En tal episodio, los mercados de crédito externo e interno se cerraron. Al mismo tiempo, se dio un proceso de sustitución entre monedas; el público buscó en un activo externo (el oro) un depósito de valor que le diera la estabilidad de poder de compra que la moneda doméstica (billete de banco) no le garantizaba. La corrida cambiaria fue secundada por corridas sobre los depósitos, ocasionando el quiebre del sistema bancario. Los bancos comerciales de emisión del interior del país fueron los primeros en cerrar sus puertas al público; ellos fueron intervenidos a partir de septiembre de 1890, comenzando por el de Córdoba. El Banco Nacional y el de la provincia de Buenos Aires –los dos bancos líderes del sistema- entraron en liquidación en abril de 1891, después de sufrir la tercera corrida sobre sus depósitos. Y esto -como era de esperar- propició corridas sobre los bancos comerciales particulares, obligándolos a suspender sus pagos de manera temporaria en algunos casos y permanente en otros.1 En medio de la crisis financiera, el gobierno de Pellegrini se vio impelido a erigir un nuevo modelo monetario, conocido en la literatura como la primera Caja de Conversión argentina (“the first Argentinean Currency Board”).2 Este modelo -inspirado en la experiencia de Inglaterra decimonónica (la ley de Peel de 1844)-3 estuvo conformado por: la Caja de Conversión, creada en octubre de 1890; el Banco de la Nación Argentina, fundado en octubre de 1891; y el Resto de los Bancos. La Caja de Conversión tenía el monopolio de la emisión. Los billetes eran convertible a una relación fija (2,27) con el peso oro. Y los cambios en la base monetaria debían reflejar estrictamente los movimientos de las reservas (el principio de la Currency School). También se creó el Fondo de Conversión, con el propósito de respaldar los 293 millones de billetes que ya estaban en circulación. En cuanto al Banco de la Nación, éste fue desde sus inicios un banco privilegiado. Los diseñados de la política económica trataron de compensar la limitación del trilema macroeconómico (ausencia de política monetaria) a través de otorgarle funciones a “medias” de Banco Central. Dichas funciones fueron: prestar al Gobierno Nacional y prestar a los otros bancos. Finalmente, el Resto de los Bancos incluía entidades privadas (nacionales y extranjeras) y públicas. En 1908, el total de estas entidades captaron casi el 72% de los depósitos; en 1914, dicho porcentaje cayó al 51% frente al 49% del Banco de la Nación. Colaboradores: Germán González (Universidad Nacional de Córdoba) y Lucas Tossolini (Universidad Nacional de Córdoba). 1Sobre la Crisis de Baring, véase en particular Cortés Conde (1989) y della Paolera y Taylor (2003); y sobre el Banco de Córdoba y la Crisis de Baring Gómez (2011). 2La segunda -“The second Argentinean Currency Board”- va de 1991 a la crisis del 2001/02. 3 Para una descripción del sistema bancario inglés, véase Smith (1990: cap. 2); y para la ley de Peel, Cortés Conde (2003: cap.4). 1 Este sistema de Caja de Conversión tuvo que enfrentar dos shocks externos importantes: la crisis provocada por el estallido de la Primera Guerra Mundial y la Gran Depresión.4 Ambos sucesos dieron lugar a cambios institucionales. Con motivo de la Gran Guerra, se suspendió la convertibilidad, el tipo de cambio pasó a ser flexible, y los movimientos de la base monetaria no reflejaron los de las reservas. Esta situación perduró hasta agosto de 1927. Con la Gran Depresión, nuevamente se suspendió la convertibilidad, se fijaron controles de cambio, y se autorizaron los redescuentos y los adelantos del gobierno. En mayo de 1935, finalmente, se creó el Banco Central de la República Argentina. El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo determinar cuál fue el comportamiento bancario bajo el sistema de Caja de Conversión. El estudio se divide en cuatro períodos: Patrón Oro (1900-1913); la Primera Guerra Mundial (1914- 1918); los años veinte (1919-1928), separando los primeros años (1919-1924) de los segundos (1925-1928); y la Gran Depresión (1929- 1934). Además, el análisis se aborda distinguiendo entre el Banco de la Nación Argentina y el Resto de los Bancos (nacionales y extranjeros). Y se presentan nuevos indicadores, pruebas estadísticas, series de tiempos para Argentina y datos de otros países que apoyan las conclusiones del trabajo. Respecto a la fuente, se utilizó fundamentalmente la base de datos “La Primera Caja de Conversión Argentina en Cifras (1900- 1935)”.5 Es de señalar que toda la información reunida en esta base fue levantada de un extraordinario trabajo, realizado por el Instituto Bancario de la Facultad de Ciencias Económicas de la Universidad de Buenos Aires, bajo la Dirección de Pedro J. Baiocco. Este trabajo fue publicado en el año 1937.6 Finalmente, las conclusiones principales del trabajo contradicen la visión de la nueva literatura, que pone énfasis en el sistema financiero como una de las causas del retraso relativo argentino luego de 1914. Más bien las conclusiones están en armonía con la vieja tesis de que el punto de quiebre decisivo fue en 1929 con la Gran Depresión. El comportamiento bancario Para determinar cuál fue el comportamiento bancario bajo la Primera Caja de Conversión se han escogido las variables siguientes: Depósitos El análisis se centró en el crecimiento y la variabilidad de los depósitos. Estos fueron deflactados por la tasa de interés nominal. Como medida de crecimiento, se calculó 4 Sobre la Crisis de 1914 y la Gran Depresión, véase en particular a Marichal (2010). 5La base utiliza un programa para hoja de cálculo, Excel. Contiene un total de 420 registros mensuales -que van de enero de 1901 a diciembre de 1935- y 58 variables. Estas variables están ordenadas en 10 tablas. Se añade una tabla más destinada a fuentes y notas. En esta última, se reproducen la fuente original de dónde provino el dato y una explicación –en algunos casos- de cómo el equipo dirigido por Baiocco construyó el dato. Es de señalar que la base cuenta con un índice, con la finalidad de guiar al usuario acerca del contenido de la misma. 6Para la cita completa de este trabajo, véase Bibliografía. 2 una tasa promedio anual. Y para obtener una medida de la variabilidad, se estimó un modelo simple, presentado en la ecuación (1): (1) Donde son los depósitos observados en el mes t (para t={1=1908:01, 2, …, T=1934:12}; es el coeficiente correspondiente a la potencia i-ésima de t, e indica el grado del polinomio utilizado para ajustar la tendencia (en este caso, utilizamos un polinomio de grado tres); y es el término de error. Cabe resaltar que este modelo se estimó para la serie completa de cada grupo de Bancos (Banco de la Nación y Resto de Bancos). Una vez estimada, la ecuación (1)7 puede expresarse de la manera siguiente: ̂ ̂ ̂ ̂ ̂ ̂ (2) Donde ̂ es la tendencia estimada para los depósitos. Para obtener la variabilidad, se calculó la desviación estándar de cada serie ̂ por período. Recordemos que el estudio se divide en cuatro grandes períodos: Patrón Oro (1900-1913); la Primera Guerra Mundial (1914- 1918); los años veinte (1919-1928), separando los primeros años (1919-1924) de los segundos (1925-1928); y la Gran Depresión (1929- 1934). Liquidez Para calcular la liquidez se eligió el ratio reservas a depósitos. Cuanto mayor fuese el efectivo que mantenía un banco en forma de reservas, más fácilmente podía responder a cambios (disminuciones) en los depósitos y, por ende, menor el riesgo de liquidez que afrontaba. Para evaluar si dicho ratio era elevado (o no) según estándares de la época, se tomaron como valores de referencia los ratios del Banco de Inglaterra y de los Bancos Comerciales de Estados Unidos. El primero como valor de referencia para el Banco de la Nación y el segundo para el Resto de los Bancos. Las razones de tal elección son claras: a) la importancia de ambos país en la economía mundial del período; b) el lugar dominante que el Banco de Inglaterra ocupaba en el sistema inglés, al igual que el Banco de la Nación en el argentino; y c) el sistema de Estados Unidos presentaba una estructura competitiva, por lo que sus bancos comerciales tenían una importancia pequeña en el mercado, al igual que el Resto de los Bancos argentinos. Además, para determinar si la diferencia era significativa entre los ratios de nuestro estudio y los valores de referencia, se utilizó la prueba de diferencia de medias. Solvencia 7Para dicha estimación se utilizó el software WinRats. 3 En el caso de la solvencia, no contamos con la información de los valores vencidos de la cartera de los préstamos. Menos aún contamos con los préstamos renovados, que si bien no figuran como vencidos en el balance, la deuda real sí está en mora. Dadas estas limitaciones, el indicador elegido fue el ratio capital a préstamos. Una cifra elevada de este ratio implica que el banco disponía de una protección contra los deudores morosos, es decir, la posibilidad de deducirlas del capital. Al igual que en la variable liquidez, se utilizaron como valores de referencia los ratios del Banco de Inglaterra y de los Bancos Comerciales de Estados Unidos. También se utilizó la prueba de diferencia de medias para determinar si la diferencia era significativa. Redescuentos El término redescuentos era utilizado en el balance del Banco de la Nación para referirse a un préstamo de este Banco a otro banco; es decir, a “una operación de crédito acordada por nuestra institución” (el Banco de la Nación), “con garantía de documentos de la cartera del banco prestatario.”8 Como puede apreciarse, se trataba de un préstamo inter- bancario.
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