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A Federal Criminal Case Timeline
A Federal Criminal Case Timeline The following timeline is a very broad overview of the progress of a federal felony case. Many variables can change the speed or course of the case, including settlement negotiations and changes in law. This timeline, however, will hold true in the majority of federal felony cases in the Eastern District of Virginia. Initial appearance: Felony defendants are usually brought to federal court in the custody of federal agents. Usually, the charges against the defendant are in a criminal complaint. The criminal complaint is accompanied by an affidavit that summarizes the evidence against the defendant. At the defendant's first appearance, a defendant appears before a federal magistrate judge. This magistrate judge will preside over the first two or three appearances, but the case will ultimately be referred to a federal district court judge (more on district judges below). The prosecutor appearing for the government is called an "Assistant United States Attorney," or "AUSA." There are no District Attorney's or "DAs" in federal court. The public defender is often called the Assistant Federal Public Defender, or an "AFPD." When a defendant first appears before a magistrate judge, he or she is informed of certain constitutional rights, such as the right to remain silent. The defendant is then asked if her or she can afford counsel. If a defendant cannot afford to hire counsel, he or she is instructed to fill out a financial affidavit. This affidavit is then submitted to the magistrate judge, and, if the defendant qualifies, a public defender or CJA panel counsel is appointed. -
Final Report
Jamaican Justice System Reform Task Force Final Report June 2007 Jamaican Justice System Reform Task Force (JJSRTF) Prof. Barrington Chevannes, Chair The Hon. Mr. Justice Lensley Wolfe, O.J. (Chief Justice of Jamaica) Mrs. Carol Palmer, J.P. (Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Justice) Mr. Arnaldo Brown (Ministry of National Security) DCP Linval Bailey (Jamaica Constabulary Force) Mr. Dennis Daly, Q.C. (Human Rights Advocate) Rev. Devon Dick, J.P. (Civil Society) Mr. Eric Douglas (Public Sector Reform Unit, Cabinet Office) Mr. Patrick Foster (Attorney-General’s Department) Mrs. Arlene Harrison-Henry (Jamaican Bar Association) Mrs. Janet Davy (Department of Correctional Services) Mrs. Valerie Neita Robertson (Advocates Association) Miss Lisa Palmer (Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions) The Hon. Mr. Justice Seymour Panton, C.D. (Court of Appeal) Ms. Donna Parchment, C.D., J.P. (Dispute Resolution Foundation) Miss Lorna Peddie (Civil Society) Miss Hilary Phillips, Q.C. (Jamaican Bar Association) Miss Kathryn M. Phipps (Jamaica Labour Party) Mrs. Elaine Romans (Court Administrators) Mr. Milton Samuda/Mrs. Stacey Ann Soltau-Robinson (Jamaica Chamber of Commerce) Mrs. Jacqueline Samuels-Brown (Advocates Association) Mrs. Audrey Sewell (Justice Training Institute) Miss Melissa Simms (Youth Representative) Mr. Justice Ronald Hugh Small, Q.C. (Private Sector Organisation of Jamaica) Her Hon. Ms. Lorraine Smith (Resident Magistrates) Mr. Carlton Stephen, J.P. (Lay Magistrates Association) Ms. Audrey Thomas (Public Sector Reform Unit, Cabinet Office) Rt. Rev. Dr. Robert Thompson (Church) Mr. Ronald Thwaites (Civil Society) Jamaican Justice System Reform Project Team Ms. Robin Sully, Project Director (Canadian Bar Association) Mr. Peter Parchment, Project Manager (Ministry of Justice) Dr. -
SENTENCING POLICY GUIDELINES MESSAGE from the CHIEF JUSTICE Entencing Has Been a Problematic Area in the Administration of Justice
REPUBLIC OF KENYA THE JUDICIARY SENTENCING POLICY GUIDELINES MESSAGE FROM THE CHIEF JUSTICE entencing has been a problematic area in the administration of justice. It is one of those issues that has constantly given the Judiciary a bad name – and deservedly Sso. Sometimes out rightly absurd, disproportionate and inconsistent sentences have been handed down in criminal cases. This has fuelled public perception that the exercise of judicial discretion in sentencing is a whimsical exercise by judicial officers. These Sentencing Guidelines are a response to the challenges of sentencing in the administration of justice. These include disproportionate and unjustified disparities in respect to sentences imposed to offenders who committed same offences in more or less similar circumstances and an undue preference of custodial sentences, inspite of the existence of numerous non-custodial options, which are more suitable in some cases. Whereas mandatory and minimum sentences reduce sentencing disparities, they however fetter the discretion of courts, sometimes resulting in grave injustice particularly for juvenile offenders. These guidelines recognise that sentencing is perhaps one of the most intricate aspects of the administration of trial justice. It acknowledges that sentencing impacts not just the individual offender but also the community, and indeed the entire justice system. They also seek to enhance the participation of the victim, and generally infuse restorative justice values in the sentencing process. Significantly, they champion the national value of inclusivity by promoting community involvement through use of non-custodial sentences in suitable cases. The guidelines have collated the principles of law that should guide courts in the exercise of their discretion, so that sentences for analogous circumstances are delivered as transparently and consistently as practically possible. -
Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Bill Bar Council Written Evidence – Public Bill Committee
Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Bill Bar Council written evidence – Public Bill Committee About us The Bar Council is the representative body for the Bar of England and Wales, representing approximately 17,000 barristers. The independent Bar plays a crucial role in upholding and realising the constitutional principles of government accountability under law and vindication of legal rights through the courts. It provides a pool of talent, from increasingly diverse backgrounds, from which a significant proportion of the judiciary is drawn, and on whose independence the rule of law and our democratic way of life depends. Executive Summary The Bar Council has concerns surrounding various provisions in this Bill. We set out below our thoughts on aspects of the Bill that we believe would merit further scrutiny. Where we have not made comment on clauses, it is sufficient to assume that we broadly agree with those provisions in the Bill. We are not fundamentally opposed to the Bill but believe that some proposals are contrary to the interests of access to justice, the rule of law, and, in some cases, fundamental common sense. We have responded to the following: • Increase in penalty for assaults on emergency workers; • Criminal damage to memorials; • Public Order powers; • Causing serious injury through careless driving; • Cautions; • Sentencing proposals; • Youth justice provisions; • Secure children’s homes; • Serious Violence Reduction Orders; • Rehabilitation of offenders; • Procedures in courts and tribunals, including remote jury and -
Criminal Appeal 62 of 2019
Criminal Appeal 62 of 2019 Case Number Criminal Appeal 62 of 2019 Parties Kimutai Kigen v Republic Case Class Criminal Judges Edward Muthoga Muriithi M/S Kemboi S.L & Co. Advocates for the Appellant. Ms. Muriu, Prosecution Advocates Counsel for the Respondent. Case Action Judgment Case Outcome Appeal dismissed Date Delivered 06 Feb 2020 Court County Baringo Case Court High Court at Kabarnet Court Division Criminal REPUBLIC OF KENYA IN THE HIGH COURT OF KENYA AT KABARNET CRIMINAL APPEAL NO. 62 OF 2019 KIMUTAI KIGEN............................................................................................APPELLANT VERSUS REPUBLIC.....................................................................................................RESPONDENT [An appeal from the original conviction and sentence of the Principal Magistrate’s Court at Eldama Ravine Criminal Case no. 2197 of 2019 delivered on the 28th day of October, 2019 by by Hon. J.L. Tamar, PM] JUDGMENT The Appeal 1. The trial magistrate’s judgment and sentence sought to be reviewed on this appeal is set out in the proceedings of the court set in full as follows: “28.10.2019 Coram: Before Hon. J. Tamar – PM State Counsel – Kelwon Court Clerk – Nancy Accused – present The charges and elements therein are read over and explained to the accused in a language that he/she understand (i.e) Kiswahili/English who replies: ‘Ni kweli’ COURT: Plea of guilty entered. J. TAMAR PRINCIPAL MAGISTRATE Court Prosecutor: Facts are that on 26th October, 2019 4:00 p.m., the accused was arrested at his home in Mochongoi village by Police officers led by P.C. Kipchirchir. They found him with 5 litres of Chang’aa. He was arrested and charged. We wish to produce the exhibits. -
Sentence Length and Recidivism: a Review of the Research
Sentence Length and Recidivism: A Review of the Research Elizabeth Berger & Kent S. Scheidegger May 2021 Abstract In response to increasing concerns about jail and prison CRIMINAL overcrowding, many officials and legislatures across the U.S. JUSTICE have undertaken different efforts aimed at reducing the prison LEGAL population, such as reduced sentence lengths and early release of prisoners. Thus, there is currently a high degree of public FOUNDATION interest regarding how these changes in policy might affect recidivism rates of released offenders. When considering the research on the relationship between incarceration and recidivism, many studies compare custodial with non-custodial sentences on recidivism, while fewer examine the impact of varying incarceration lengths on recidivism. This article provides a review of the research on the latter. While some findings suggest that longer sentences may provide additional deterrent benefit in the aggregate, this effect is not always consistent or strong. In addition, many of the studies had null effects, while none of the studies suggested a strong aggregate- level criminogenic effect. Overall, the literature on the impact WORKING PAPER of incarceration on recidivism is admittedly limited by important methodological considerations, resulting in inconsistency of findings across studies. In addition, it appears that deterrent effects of incarceration may vary slightly for different offenders. Ultimately, the effect of incarceration length on recidivism appears too heterogenous to be able to draw universal conclusions. We argue that a deepened understanding of the causal mechanisms at play is needed to reliably and accurately inform policy. Keywords: incarceration length, incarceration, prison, recidivism, sentencing policy, deterrence, custodial sentence Criminal Justice Legal Foundation | www.cjlf.org | 916-446-0345 2 Introduction There is currently a high degree of public interest in research regarding the effect of length of incarceration on the recidivism rates of released offenders. -
The 'Right to Elect' and Reform of Mode of Trial
The ‘Right to Elect’ and Reform of Mode of Trial Dr Steven Cammiss Senior Lecturer in Law School of Law University of Leicester www.le.ac.uk Introduction • What is the problem with mode of trial? – Focus today on elections to CC • A brief history of the ‘right to elect’ • Recent proposals – ‘Breaking the Cycle’ – ‘Swift and Sure Justice’ • Opposition to removing the right to elect – Jury trial condensed into the right to elect The Evidence Base • Magistrates’ sending too many cases to CC? – Cases sentenced in the Crown Court within the powers of magistrates • Hedderman and Moxon; 52 per cent given immediate custodial sentence in Crown Court • 62 per cent sentenced within powers of magistrates, according to Flood-Page and Mackie (1998) • In 2010, a minimum of 35 per cent of cases received a sentence within powers of MC: MOJ Court proceedings database (from Moreton (2012)) The Evidence Base • Electing jury trial only to subsequently plead guilty – Riley and Vennard (1988); 74 per cent of defendants pleaded guilty to all charges after election – Hedderman and Moxon (1992); of those who elected, 70 per cent pleaded guilty to all charges, and a further 14 per cent offered mixed pleas. The Evidence Base • Elections as a proportion of all committals – 1987-8, 50 per cent – 1997-8, 28 per cent – 2005-6, 9 per cent – 2010-11, 14 per cent Why elect? • Better chance of acquittal • Fairer trial • Distrust of magistrates • Play the system? – Serve portion of sentence on remand – Delay proceedings Why then plead guilty? • Some charges dropped • Plea bargain • Indication of sentence discount • Legal advice • Futility of contesting charges • Why worry? – Costs and delays in the CC • Easy ‘problem’ to fix? A brief history of the ‘right to elect’ • Focus on cost and efficiency • The creation of summary trial for indictable offences – Larceny if D under 14 • An Act for the more speedy Trial and Punishment of Juvenile Offenders, 10 and 11 Vict. -
Draft Overview of Jamaican Justice System Reform
DRAFT OVERVIEW OF JAMAICAN JUSTICE SYSTEM REFORM: ISSUES AND INITIATIVES PRELIMINARY REVISED DRAFT – NOVEMBER 21, 2006 Prepared by Melina Buckley For the Jamaican Justice System Reform Task Force This document provides an overview of Jamaican justice reform issues and initiatives. It is a preliminary draft based on written sources made available to the author. The accuracy and completeness of this overview document will be verified through consultations with the Jamaican Justice System Reform Task Force (JJSRTF) and other key informants and a revised draft will be prepared. It is anticipated that this document will serve as a base document for the reform process and in particular, as a briefing document for members of the JJSRTF, the Working Groups and the Canadian Advisory Committee. This overview is divided into three sections: (I) a list of current justice system reform issues; (II) a list of recent and ongoing justice reform initiatives; and (III) summaries of past justice reform reports and studies (focusing on recommendations that have been made). I. JUSTICE REFORM ISSUES A preliminary review of available documents and initial interviews with key informants reveals that a large number of justice reform issues have already been identified. These issues are listed below under three general headings: (A) general court system and administration; (B) criminal justice issues; and (C) civil justice issues. No attempt has been made to filter or reduce this list of issues. A. General Court System and Administration Justice reform issues -
The Right to a Fair Trial"
International Symposium "The Right to a Fair Trial" Max Planck Institut für Ausländisches öffentliches Recht und Völkerrecht Heidelberg, Germany 31 January - 3 February 1996 "Fair Trial Standards in the United States of America" by Richard S. Frase Professor of Law University of Minnesota REVISED VERSION, May 1996 A. Introduction Most of the fair trial guarantees contained in the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and other international human rights instruments are protected by law in the United States. Nevertheless, a number of problem areas remain. The following report first provides background information on the structure of courts and criminal laws in the U.S. It then addresses each of the issues of criminal justice identified in the U.N. Questionnaire on the Right to Fair Trial. The impact of global and regional human rights instruments in the U.S. is then examined, followed by some concluding remarks on the strengths and weaknesses of the U.S. approach, and the lessons to be learned from the United States' two-hundred-year-long struggle to improve fair trial standards in criminal cases. B. The Structure of Criminal Courts in the United States 1. State and Federal Courts and Crimes. The United States has a federal system of government, in which the power to define and punish criminal offences is exercised by each of the 50 states and also by the federal government. Each state is a sovereign entity, exercising broad police powers; the federal government is, in principle, a limited government exercising the "enumerated" powers specified in the U.S. Constitution. The Constitution confers no general police power on the federal government, but does grant Congress the authority to enact laws "necessary and proper" to carry out the central government's enumerated powers. -
Risk in Sentencing: Constitutionally Suspect Variables and Evidence-Based Sentencing
RISK IN SENTENCING: CONSTITUTIONALLY SUSPECT VARIABLES AND EVIDENCE-BASED SENTENCING J.C. Oleson* I. INTRODUCTION ........................................ 1330 II. THE CASE FOR EVIDENCE-BASED SENTENCING.. 1340 III. EMPIRICAL VARIABLES AND THE PREDICTION OF RECIDIVISM ........................................ 1347 A. BRIEF HISTORY OF PREDICTING RECIDIVISM .......... 1348 B. CRIMINOLOGICAL EVIDENCE FOR PREDICTOR V ARIABLES ............................................ 1353 1. Criminal Companions ............................. 1353 2. Criminogenic Needs ............................... 1354 3. Antisocial Personality ............................. 1354 4. Adult Criminal History ............................ 1355 5. R ace .............................................. 1356 6. Pre-Adult Antisocial Behavior ..................... 1359 7. Family Rearing Practices .......................... 1359 8. Social Achievement ................................ 1360 9. InterpersonalConflict ............................. 1361 10. Current Age ....................................... 1361 11. Substance Abuse .................................. 1362 12. Family Structure ................................... 1363 13. Intellectual Functioning ............................ 1364 14. Family Criminality ................................ 1365 15. G ender ............................................ 1365 16. Socio-Economic Status of Origin .................. 1366 17. PersonalDistress ................................. 1366 IV. CHALLENGES TO THE USE OF EMPIRICAL VARIABLES IN EVIDENCE-BASED -
Spent Or Unspent Convictions
Spent or Unspent? Introduction This document should be considered a guide to the position in England and Wales only. Further information and guidance is available from the Ministry Of Justice, specifically from the website: https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/new-guidance-on-the-rehabilitation-of- offenders-act-1974 What is the Rehabilitation of Offenders Act 1974? The Rehabilitation of Offenders Act 1974 (“1974 Act”) primarily exists to support the rehabilitation into employment of reformed offenders who have stayed on the right side of the law. Under the 1974 Act, following a specified period of time which varies according to the disposal administered or sentence passed, cautions and convictions (except those resulting in prison sentences of over four years and all public protection sentences*) may become spent. As a result, the offender is regarded as rehabilitated. For most purposes the 1974 Act treats a rehabilitated person as if he or she had never committed, or been charged with charged or prosecuted for or convicted of or sentenced for the offence and, as such, they are not required to declare their spent caution(s) or conviction(s), for example, when applying for most jobs or insurance, some educational courses and housing applications. How long will it take before my caution or conviction becomes spent? The rehabilitation period (the length of time before a caution or conviction becomes spent) is determined by the type of disposal administered or the length of the sentence imposed. Rehabilitation periods that run beyond the end of a sentence are made up of the total sentence length plus an additional period that runs from the end of the sentence, which we have called the ‘buffer period’. -
Crime, Histoire & Sociétés / Crime, History
Crime, Histoire & Sociétés / Crime, History & Societies Vol. 21, n°1 | 2017 Varia Death Row Resistance, Politics and Capital Punishment in 1970s Jamaica James Campbell Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/chs/1715 DOI: 10.4000/chs.1715 ISSN: 1663-4837 Publisher Librairie Droz Printed version Date of publication: 1 January 2017 ISSN: 1422-0857 Electronic reference James Campbell, « Death Row Resistance, Politics and Capital Punishment in 1970s Jamaica », Crime, Histoire & Sociétés / Crime, History & Societies [Online], Vol. 21, n°1 | 2017, Online since 01 January 2019, connection on 06 September 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chs/1715 ; DOI : 10.4000/chs.1715 This text was automatically generated on 6 September 2019. © Droz Death Row Resistance, Politics and Capital Punishment in 1970s Jamaica 1 Death Row Resistance, Politics and Capital Punishment in 1970s Jamaica James Campbell 1 In February 1972, Mario Hector and Winston Williams were found guilty in Kingston, Jamaica, of the murder of Nicholas Miller. A security guard employed at the First National City Bank, Miller was shot dead on 6 November 1970 in the course of a robbery. Hector and Williams denied any involvement in the crime. An apprentice printer before his arrest, Hector claimed in an unsworn statement at his trial that on the day of the murder he had gone “to the Jones Town post office where he posted some finished lessons for correction,” before heading to a department store to purchase stationery and then on to a library to carry out some research. He also alleged that he was beaten repeatedly by police before signing a “confession” that was written without his input and which he was not permitted to read.