Phobia: a Corpus Study of Political Diagnostics ✉ Jan Buts 1
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Investment-Less Growth: an Empirical Investigation
NBER WORKING PAPER SERIES INVESTMENT-LESS GROWTH: AN EMPIRICAL INVESTIGATION Germán Gutiérrez Thomas Philippon Working Paper 22897 http://www.nber.org/papers/w22897 NATIONAL BUREAU OF ECONOMIC RESEARCH 1050 Massachusetts Avenue Cambridge, MA 02138 December 2016 We are grateful to Janice Eberly, Olivier Blanchard, Toni Whited, René Stulz, Martin Schmalz, Boyan Jovanovic, Tano Santos, Charles Calomiris, Glenn Hubbard, Holger Mueller, Alexis Savov, Philipp Schnabl, Ralph Koijen, Ricardo Caballero, Emmanuel Farhi, Viral Acharya, and seminar participants at Columbia University and New York University for stimulating discussions. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Bureau of Economic Research. NBER working papers are circulated for discussion and comment purposes. They have not been peer-reviewed or been subject to the review by the NBER Board of Directors that accompanies official NBER publications. © 2016 by Germán Gutiérrez and Thomas Philippon. All rights reserved. Short sections of text, not to exceed two paragraphs, may be quoted without explicit permission provided that full credit, including © notice, is given to the source. Investment-less Growth: An Empirical Investigation Germán Gutiérrez and Thomas Philippon NBER Working Paper No. 22897 December 2016, Revised January 2016 JEL No. E22,G3 ABSTRACT We analyze private fixed investment in the U.S. over the past 30 years. We show that investment is weak relative to measures of profitability and valuation – particularly Tobin’s Q, and that this weakness starts in the early 2000’s. There are two broad categories of explanations: theories that predict low investment because of low Q, and theories that predict low investment despite high Q. -
Politicallyincorrect: the Pejoration of Political Language
North Texas Journal of Undergraduate Research, Vol. 1, No. 1, 2019 http://honors.unt.edu #politicallyincorrect: The Pejoration of Political Language Ashley Balcazar1* Abstract How is the term “political correctness” understood in the context of modern American politics, particularly in the context of the 2016 election? More specifically, what triggers perceived offensiveness in political language? At the crux of the matter is the distinction between oneself or one’s social group, those perceived as “the other,” and what one is and is not allowed to say in a social forum. This study aims to analyze common language usage and identify factors contributing to the offensification of political language in social media and the types of language in social media that trigger a sense of political outrage. We examine Facebook and Twitter memes, using API searches referring directly to the terms “PC” or “politically correct.” Dedoose, a text content-analysis package is used to identify recurring themes in online interactions that are used to criticize perceived political enemies. Results show that themes primarily related to “feminism” and “redneck” reflect cross-cutting cleavages in the political landscape primarily related to Hillary Clinton’s candidacy. We also identify significant cleavages in racial identity and quantify these statistically. Our results compliment other recent studies which aim to gauge the impact of social media on political and social polarization. Keywords Political Correctness — PC Speech — Memes — Social Media — Content Analysis 1Department of Linguistics, University of North Texas *Faculty Mentor: Dr. Tom Miles Contents became a divisive inclusion in the American English lexicon. Language is subject to the collective approval of a society, Introduction 1 yet a gulf separates conflicting perceptions of political cor- 1 Background: An Overview of the Controversy 2 rectness. -
Feminist Linguistic Theories and “Political Correctness” Modifying the Discourse on Women? Christèle Le Bihan-Colleran University of Poitiers, France
Feminist Linguistic Theories and “Political Correctness” Modifying the Discourse on Women? Christèle Le Bihan-Colleran University of Poitiers, France Abstract. This article proposes a historical perspective looking at the beginnings of feminist linguistics during the liberation movements and its link with the “politically correct” movement. Initially a mostly ironical left-wing expression, it was used by the right notably to denounce the attempt by this movement to reform the language used to describe racial, ethnic and sexual minorities. This attempt at linguistic reform rested on a theoretical approach to language use, with borrowings from feminist linguistic theories. This led to an association being made between feminist linguistic reforms and “political correctness”, thereby impacting the changes brought to the discourse about women. Keywords: feminist linguistic theories, political correctness, language, discourse, sexism Introduction In the late 1980s and early 1990s, a debate over what came to be known as the “politically correct” movement [1] erupted in the United States first and then in Britain. It focused notably on the linguistic reforms associated with this movement. These reforms aimed at eradicating all forms of discrimination in language use in particular through the adoption of speech codes and anti- harassment guidelines, so as to modify the discourse about racial and ethnic minorities but also women, and thereby bring about social change by transforming social attitudes. However, these attempts at a linguistic reform were viewed as a threat to freedom of speech by its detractors who used the phrase “political correctness” to denounce the imposition of a form of “linguistic correctness”. Conversely, their use of the phrase “political correctness” was widely viewed as an attack on the progress made by minorities as a result of the social movements of the 1960s and 1970s. -
Antisemitism 2.0”—The Spreading of Jew-Hatredonthe World Wide Web
MonikaSchwarz-Friesel “Antisemitism 2.0”—The Spreading of Jew-hatredonthe World Wide Web This article focuses on the rising problem of internet antisemitism and online ha- tred against Israel. Antisemitism 2.0isfound on all webplatforms, not justin right-wing social media but alsoonthe online commentary sections of quality media and on everydayweb pages. The internet shows Jew‐hatred in all its var- ious contemporary forms, from overt death threats to more subtle manifestations articulated as indirect speech acts. The spreading of antisemitic texts and pic- tures on all accessibleaswell as seemingly non-radical platforms, their rapid and multiple distribution on the World Wide Web, adiscourse domain less con- trolled than other media, is by now acommon phenomenon within the spaceof public online communication. As aresult,the increasingimportance of Web2.0 communication makes antisemitism generallymore acceptable in mainstream discourse and leadstoanormalization of anti-Jewishutterances. Empirical results from alongitudinalcorpus studyare presented and dis- cussed in this article. They show how centuries old anti-Jewish stereotypes are persistentlyreproducedacross different social strata. The data confirm that hate speech against Jews on online platforms follows the pattern of classical an- tisemitism. Although manyofthem are camouflaged as “criticism of Israel,” they are rooted in the ancient and medieval stereotypes and mental models of Jew hostility.Thus, the “Israelization of antisemitism,”¹ the most dominant manifes- tation of Judeophobia today, proves to be merelyanew garb for the age-old Jew hatred. However,the easy accessibility and the omnipresenceofantisemitism on the web 2.0enhancesand intensifies the spreadingofJew-hatred, and its prop- agation on social media leads to anormalization of antisemitic communication, thinking,and feeling. -
Status Threat, Social Concerns, and Conservative Media: a Look at White America and the Alt-Right
societies Article Status Threat, Social Concerns, and Conservative Media: A Look at White America and the Alt-Right Deena A. Isom 1,* , Hunter M. Boehme 2 , Toniqua C. Mikell 3, Stephen Chicoine 4 and Marion Renner 5 1 Department of Criminology & Criminal Justice and African American Studies Program, University of South Carolina, Columbia, SC 29208, USA 2 Department of Criminal Justice, North Carolina Central University, Durham, NC 27707, USA; [email protected] 3 Department of Crime and Justice Studies, University of Massachusetts Dartmouth, Dartmouth, MA 02747, USA; [email protected] 4 Bridge Humanities Corp Fellow and Department of Sociology, University of South Carolina, Columbia, SC 29208, USA; [email protected] 5 Department of Criminology & Criminal Justice, University of South Carolina, Columbia, SC 29208, USA; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected] Abstract: Racial and ethnic division is a mainstay of the American social structure, and today these strains are exacerbated by political binaries. Moreover, the media has become increasingly polarized whereby certain media outlets intensify perceived differences between racial and ethnic groups, political alignments, and religious affiliations. Using data from a recent psychological study of the Alt-Right, we assess the associations between perceptions of social issues, feelings of status threat, trust in conservative media, and affiliation with the Alt-Right among White Americans. We find concern over more conservative social issues along with trust in conservative media explain a large Citation: Isom, D.A.; Boehme, H.M.; portion of the variation in feelings of status threat among White Americans. Furthermore, more Mikell, T.C.; Chicoine, S.; Renner, M. -
Illiberalism in Europe © CAPX / the ATLAS NETWORK 2019
Illiberalism in Europe © CAPX / THE ATLAS NETWORK 2019 CapX is a politics website,that brings you the best writing on economics, ideas, policy and technology. It is owned and produced by the Centre for Policy Studies. capx.co 2 Illiberalism in Europe CONTENTS Foreword 04 Beware the false clash between ‘liberalism’ and ‘illiberalism’ 06 - Hans Kundnani The CAP doesn’t fit – why the EU’s farm subsidies are ripe for reform 10 - Kai Weiss Ukraine’s government promises a fresh start – or another false dawn 15 - John Ashmore Driving in the wrong direction: the folly of Germany’s green car agenda 21 - Oliver Luksic Woke authoritarianism stems from a worldview based on lies 26 - Konstantin Kisin Emmanuel Macron – France’s failed liberal saviour 30 - Anne-Elisabeth Moutet Viktor Orbán and the corruption of conservatism 34 - Dalibor Rohac Illiberal and economically illiterate – Germany’s new housing policy 39 - Rainer Zitelmann Europe’s politicians fiddle as liberalism burns 44 - John C. Hulsman Sweden’s great tax hoax – a story of fiscal illusions 49 - Nima Sanandaji For liberalism to survive, we must renounce technocracy 54 - Helen Dale Communism is gone, but there is still a burning desire for change in Eastern Europe 59 - Eszter Szucs capx.co 3 Illiberalism in Europe FOREWORD At a time when hard-won progress can seem under threat CapX is proud to present this groundbreaking collection of essays on the theme of Illiberalism in Europe. This book explores the different challenges to liberal economies and societies across the continent, from populism to protectionism, threats to free speech and the scourge of corruption. -
The IEA Has Used Covid-19 As Another Opportunity to Brief Against The
VIEWS AND REVIEWS Berkshire ACUTE PERSPECTIVE BMJ: first published as 10.1136/bmj.n697 on 17 March 2021. Downloaded from [email protected] Follow David on Twitter @mancunianmedic Cite this as: BMJ 2021;372:n697 David Oliver: The IEA has used covid-19 as another opportunity to http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.n697 Published: 17 March 2021 brief against the NHS David Oliver consultant in geriatrics and acute general medicine On 9 February, with many patients still in hospital Secondly, Japan and South Korea also had similarly with covid-19 and hundreds of people dying daily, successful pandemic responses regarding death rates the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA), a free market and economic fallout, as did Australia, Canada, and think tank, posted a report by its head of political New Zealand.6 The US did not—and yet it has a highly economy, Kristian Niemietz.1 He argued that public marketised health system. Its state intervention was respect and gratitude for the NHS’s pandemic chaotic, poorly coordinated, and hampered by an response was irrational and unjustified and that its ideological focus on personal liberty and economic performance both during and before the pandemic concerns.7 had been “nothing special.” Japan’s public spending as a percentage of GDP is Niemietz criticised three common narratives: firstly, low by western European standards. But Australia, that austerity policies have left public services such Canada, and New Zealand approach UK levels. High as health and social care unable to cope; secondly, performing European countries such as Denmark, that the NHS has been the star performer in the Finland, and Norway are also high state spenders. -
Kuyper and Apartheid: a Revisiting
Kuyper and Apartheid: A revisiting Patrick Baskwell (Brandon, Florida, USA)1 Research Associate: Department of Dogmatics and Christian Ethics University of Pretoria Abstract Was Abraham Kuyper, scholar, statesman, and university founder, the ideological father of Apartheid in South Africa? Many belief so. But, there are others, amongst them George Harinck of the Free University in Amsterdam, who don’t think so. The article argues that there is an element of truth in both opinions. Kuyper did exhibit the casual racism so characteristic of the Victorian era, with its emphasis on empire building and all that it entailed. Kuyper was also directly responsible, ideologically, for the social structure in the Netherlands known as “verzuiling” or “pillarization” in terms of which members of the Catholic, Protestant, or Socialist segments of society had their own social institutions. This pillarizing, or segmenting, of society was, however, always voluntary. This is not true of the pillarizing or segmenting of South African society known as Apartheid. While there are similarities between Apartheid and “verzuiling”, especially in their vertical partitioning of the individual’s entire life, the South African historical context, the mediation of Kuyper’s ideas through South African scholars, the total government involvement, and therefore, the involuntary nature of Apartheid, point to their inherent dissimilarity. Apartheid was simply not pure Kuyper. Hence, while the effects of Kuyper’s ideas are clearly discernable in Apartheid policy, the article aims at arguing that Kuyper cannot be considered the father of Apartheid in any direct way. 1. INTRODUCTION In a recent article, George Harinck, director of the Historisch Documentatiecentrum voor het Nederlands Protestantisme (1800-current) at the Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam, the Netherlands, describes the beginnings of his research for a book on Abraham Kuyper. -
Political Correctness on College Campuses: Freedom of Speech V
SMU Law Review Volume 46 Issue 1 Article 10 1993 Political Correctness on College Campuses: Freedom of Speech v. Doing the Politically Correct Thing Craig B. Anderson Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.smu.edu/smulr Recommended Citation Craig B. Anderson, Comment, Political Correctness on College Campuses: Freedom of Speech v. Doing the Politically Correct Thing, 46 SMU L. REV. 171 (1993) https://scholar.smu.edu/smulr/vol46/iss1/10 This Comment is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at SMU Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in SMU Law Review by an authorized administrator of SMU Scholar. For more information, please visit http://digitalrepository.smu.edu. COMMENTS POLITICAL CORRECTNESS ON COLLEGE CAMPUSES: FREEDOM OF SPEECH V. DOING THE POLITICALLY CORRECT THING Craig B. Anderson I. INTRODUCTION REEDOM of speech is one of the most important rights guaranteed to all American citizens. Set forth in the First Amendment, the Con- stitution states "Congress shall make no law ... abridging the free- dom of speech."' One of the crucial guarantees allowing the free expression of diverse and challenging ideas, the right to free speech is under attack at college campuses throughout the United States. This assault comes in the form of political correctness, 2 a form of intellectual conformity marked by enforcement through intimidation, called by some a kind of liberal Mc- Carthyism. 3 Following are just a few examples of how political correctness manifests itself on university campuses across the country. At Brown University, a fraternity sent out invitations for a South of the Border party, depicting a man sleeping through a siesta under a big som- brero.4 After a student complained that such an invitation showed insensi- 5 tivity to Mexicans, the Greek council banned all ethnic theme parties. -
Britain's No-Deal Debacle?
Britain’s No-Deal Debacle? The Costs at Home and Likely Setbacks Abroad John Ryan STRATEGIC UPDATE OCTOBER 2020 LSE IDEAS is LSE’s foreign policy think tank. Ranked #1 university affiliated think tank in the world in the 2019 Global Go To Think Tank Index. We connect academic knowledge of diplomacy and strategy with the people who use it. CONTENTS Brexit—Endgame of the Reluctant European?— 4 The Phase of Scepticism 1945-2016 No-Deal Brexit Consequences for Ireland 7 The 2020 Irish Republic Election Result 11 Has Recast Ireland’s Political Dynamics A Joe Biden Presidency and Congress May 14 Block US-UK Post-Brexit Trade Deal Conclusion 18 References 20 ‘‘ Britain’s No-Deal Debacle? The Costs at Home and Likely Setbacks Abroad | John Ryan 3 he UK left the EU on 31 January 2020 after 47 years of membership. If a No-Deal Brexit Tbecomes a reality, it may not only be a sore The historic awakening for Boris Johnson and his government, but ‘‘commitment by the also for the United Kingdom as a whole. In this paper, US government to I will examine UK scepticism over Europe as a long- the peace process established phenomenon as well as the failure over the withdrawal agreement and the problems with the in Northern Ireland poorly executed UK strategy for Brexit negotiations. is a factor, but in I will then look at how a No-Deal Brexit scenario will addition the Irish complicate the economic and political consequences American vote ‘‘ for Ireland, and the associated repercussions for trade matters in US negotiations for the UK with the United States. -
Political Correctness”
1 Talking Sense about “Political Correctness” Over the last seven years or so the expression “political correctness” has entered the political lexicon across the English speaking world. Hundreds of opinion pieces in newspaper and magazines have been written about political correctness as well of scores of academic articles about it and the debates in which the expression gained its currency. It is close to being received opinion in Anglo-American popular culture that a coalition of feminists, ethnic minorities, socialists and homosexuals have achieved such hegemony in the public sphere as to make possible their censorship, or at least the effective silencing, of views which differ from a supposed “politically correct” orthodoxy. Correspondingly, it has become a popular tactic, especially in conservative political circles, to accuse one’s political opponents of being “politically correct”. In this paper I want to make a number of points about “political correctness”. Although individually these arguments seem straightforward - and will hopefully be uncontroversial - put together in context they reveal the idea of a “politically correct”, left-wing dominated, media or intelligentsia in Western political culture to be a conservative bogeyman. The rhetoric of “political correctness” is in fact overwhelmingly a right-wing conservative one which itself is used mainly to silence dissenting political viewpoints. But the same investigation also suggests that a “politics of speech” is an inevitable fact of social life and that some sorts of censorship are likewise inevitable. The question of censorship is therefore revealed as not “Whether we should tolerate all sorts of speech?” but “Which sorts of speech should we tolerate?”. -
1- Self-Censorship in Public Discourse: a Theory of "Political
-1- Self-Censorship in Public Discourse: A Theory of "Political Correctness" and Related Phenomena* by Glenn C. Loury, Boston University1 The great enemy of clear language is insincerity. When there is a gap between one's real and one's declared aims, one turns as it were instinctively to long words and exhausted idioms, like a cuttlefish squirting out ink... Thus political language has to consist largely of euphemism, question-begging and sheer cloudy vagueness. [George Orwell] I. Putting the "PC" Debate in Perspective Political Correctness is an important theme in the raging "culture war" that has replaced the struggle over communism as the primary locus of partisan conflict in American intellectual life. Starting on the campuses-- over issues like abortion, affirmative action, multicultural studies, environmentalism, feminism, and gay rights-- the PC debate has spread into newsrooms, movie studios, and even the halls of Congress. Critics, mainly on the right, claim that only the "correct" views on these and other sensitive issues can be expressed--on campus, in print, on film, or in electoral politics--without evoking extreme, stifling reactions from activists seeking to make their opinions into an enforced orthodoxy. They cite a litany of woes about how, in venues where the left is most powerful, those expressing even mildly divergent views are treated poorly. In response, liberals call these charges overblown, and insist that their efforts to hold people accountable for what they say and write are justified by legitimate moral concerns.