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Politician Overboard: Jumping the Party Ship
INFORMATION, ANALYSIS AND ADVICE FOR THE PARLIAMENT INFORMATION AND RESEARCH SERVICES Research Paper No. 4 2002–03 Politician Overboard: Jumping the Party Ship DEPARTMENT OF THE PARLIAMENTARY LIBRARY ISSN 1328-7478 Copyright Commonwealth of Australia 2003 Except to the extent of the uses permitted under the Copyright Act 1968, no part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means including information storage and retrieval systems, without the prior written consent of the Department of the Parliamentary Library, other than by Senators and Members of the Australian Parliament in the course of their official duties. This paper has been prepared for general distribution to Senators and Members of the Australian Parliament. While great care is taken to ensure that the paper is accurate and balanced, the paper is written using information publicly available at the time of production. The views expressed are those of the author and should not be attributed to the Information and Research Services (IRS). Advice on legislation or legal policy issues contained in this paper is provided for use in parliamentary debate and for related parliamentary purposes. This paper is not professional legal opinion. Readers are reminded that the paper is not an official parliamentary or Australian government document. IRS staff are available to discuss the paper's contents with Senators and Members and their staff but not with members of the public. Published by the Department of the Parliamentary Library, 2003 I NFORMATION AND R ESEARCH S ERVICES Research Paper No. 4 2002–03 Politician Overboard: Jumping the Party Ship Sarah Miskin Politics and Public Administration Group 24 March 2003 Acknowledgments I would like to thank Martin Lumb and Janet Wilson for their help with the research into party defections in Australia and Cathy Madden, Scott Bennett, David Farrell and Ben Miskin for reading and commenting on early drafts. -
Introduction to Volume 1 the Senators, the Senate and Australia, 1901–1929 by Harry Evans, Clerk of the Senate 1988–2009
Introduction to volume 1 The Senators, the Senate and Australia, 1901–1929 By Harry Evans, Clerk of the Senate 1988–2009 Biography may or may not be the key to history, but the biographies of those who served in institutions of government can throw great light on the workings of those institutions. These biographies of Australia’s senators are offered not only because they deal with interesting people, but because they inform an assessment of the Senate as an institution. They also provide insights into the history and identity of Australia. This first volume contains the biographies of senators who completed their service in the Senate in the period 1901 to 1929. This cut-off point involves some inconveniences, one being that it excludes senators who served in that period but who completed their service later. One such senator, George Pearce of Western Australia, was prominent and influential in the period covered but continued to be prominent and influential afterwards, and he is conspicuous by his absence from this volume. A cut-off has to be set, however, and the one chosen has considerable countervailing advantages. The period selected includes the formative years of the Senate, with the addition of a period of its operation as a going concern. The historian would readily see it as a rational first era to select. The historian would also see the era selected as falling naturally into three sub-eras, approximately corresponding to the first three decades of the twentieth century. The first of those decades would probably be called by our historian, in search of a neatly summarising title, The Founders’ Senate, 1901–1910. -
Bicameralism in the New Zealand Context
377 Bicameralism in the New Zealand context Andrew Stockley* In 1985, the newly elected Labour Government issued a White Paper proposing a Bill of Rights for New Zealand. One of the arguments in favour of the proposal is that New Zealand has only a one chamber Parliament and as a consequence there is less control over the executive than is desirable. The upper house, the Legislative Council, was abolished in 1951 and, despite various enquiries, has never been replaced. In this article, the writer calls for a reappraisal of the need for a second chamber. He argues that a second chamber could be one means among others of limiting the power of government. It is essential that a second chamber be independent, self-confident and sufficiently free of party politics. I. AN INTRODUCTION TO BICAMERALISM In 1950, the New Zealand Parliament, in the manner and form it was then constituted, altered its own composition. The legislative branch of government in New Zealand had hitherto been bicameral in nature, consisting of an upper chamber, the Legislative Council, and a lower chamber, the House of Representatives.*1 Some ninety-eight years after its inception2 however, the New Zealand legislature became unicameral. The Legislative Council Abolition Act 1950, passed by both chambers, did as its name implied, and abolished the Legislative Council as on 1 January 1951. What was perhaps most remarkable about this transformation from bicameral to unicameral government was the almost casual manner in which it occurred. The abolition bill was carried on a voice vote in the House of Representatives; very little excitement or concern was caused among the populace at large; and government as a whole seemed to continue quite normally. -
Imagereal Capture
FEDERAL DEADLOCKS : ORIGIN AND OPERATION OF SECTION 57 By J. E. RICHARDSON* This article deals with the interpretation of section 57 of the Con- stitution, and the consideration of deadlocks leading to the framing of a section at the Federal Convention Debates in Sydney in 1891 and in the three sessions held at Adelaide, Sydney and Melbourne respectively in 1897-8. It also includes a short assessment of the operation of section 57 since federation. Section 57 becomes explicable only after the nature of Senate legislative power as defined in section 53 is understood. Accordingly, the article commences by examining Senate legislative power. The two sections read: '53. Proposed laws appropriating revenue or moneys, or imposing taxation, shall not originate in the Senate. But a proposed law shall not be taken to appropriate revenue or moneys, or to impose taxation, by reason only of its containing provisions for the imposition or appropriation of fines or other pecuniary penalties, or for the demand or payment or appropriation of fees for licences, or fees for services under the proposed law. The Senate may not amend proposed laws imposing taxation, or propoaed laws appropriating revenue or moneys for the ordinary annual services of the Government. The Senate may not amend any proposed law so as to increase any pro- posed charge or burden on the people. The Senate may at any stage return to the House of Representatives any proposed law which the Senate may not amend, requesting, by message, the omission or amendment of any items or provisions therein. And the House of Representatives may, if it thinks fit, make any of such omissions or amendments, with or without modifications. -
Queen's Or Prince's Consent
QUEEN’S OR PRINCE’S CONSENT This pamphlet is intended for members of the Office of the Parliamentary Counsel. Unless otherwise stated: • references to Erskine May are to the 24th edition (2011), • references to the Companion to the Standing Orders are to the Companion to the Standing Orders and Guide to Proceedings of the House of Lords (25th edition, 2017), • references to the Cabinet Office Guide to Making Legislation are to the version of July 2017. Office of the Parliamentary Counsel September 2018 CONTENTS CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION CHAPTER 2 QUEEN’S CONSENT Introduction. 2 The prerogative. 2 Hereditary revenues, the Duchies and personal property and interests . 4 Exceptions and examples . 6 CHAPTER 3 PRINCE’S CONSENT Introduction. 7 The Duchy of Cornwall . 7 The Prince and Steward of Scotland . 8 Prince’s consent in other circumstances . 8 Exceptions and examples . 8 CHAPTER 4 GENERAL EXCEPTIONS The remoteness/de minimis tests . 10 Original consent sufficient for later provisions . 10 No adverse effect on the Crown. 11 CHAPTER 5 THE SIGNIFICATION OF CONSENT Signification following amendments to a bill. 13 Re-signification for identical bill . 14 The manner of signification . 14 The form of signification . 15 CHAPTER 6 PRACTICAL STEPS Obtaining consent. 17 Informing the Whips . 17 Writing to the House authorities . 17 Private Members’ Bills. 17 Informing the Palace of further developments . 18 Other. 18 CHAPTER 7 MISCELLANEOUS Draft bills . 19 Consent not obtained . 19 Inadvertent failure to signify consent . 19 Consent in the absence of the Queen. 20 Consent before introduction of a bill . 20 Queen’s speech . 20 Royal Assent . -
Australia's System of Government
61 Australia’s system of government Australia is a federation, a constitutional monarchy and a parliamentary democracy. This means that Australia: Has a Queen, who resides in the United Kingdom and is represented in Australia by a Governor-General. Is governed by a ministry headed by the Prime Minister. Has a two-chamber Commonwealth Parliament to make laws. A government, led by the Prime Minister, which must have a majority of seats in the House of Representatives. Has eight State and Territory Parliaments. This model of government is often referred to as the Westminster System, because it derives from the United Kingdom parliament at Westminster. A Federation of States Australia is a federation of six states, each of which was until 1901 a separate British colony. The states – New South Wales, Victoria, Queensland, Western Australia, South Australia and Tasmania - each have their own governments, which in most respects are very similar to those of the federal government. Each state has a Governor, with a Premier as head of government. Each state also has a two-chambered Parliament, except Queensland which has had only one chamber since 1921. There are also two self-governing territories: the Australian Capital Territory and the Northern Territory. The federal government has no power to override the decisions of state governments except in accordance with the federal Constitution, but it can and does exercise that power over territories. A Constitutional Monarchy Australia is an independent nation, but it shares a monarchy with the United Kingdom and many other countries, including Canada and New Zealand. The Queen is the head of the Commonwealth of Australia, but with her powers delegated to the Governor-General by the Constitution. -
Leadership and the Australian Greens
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Research Online @ ECU Edith Cowan University Research Online ECU Publications Post 2013 1-1-2014 Leadership and the Australian Greens Christine Cunningham Edith Cowan University, [email protected] Stewart Jackson Follow this and additional works at: https://ro.ecu.edu.au/ecuworkspost2013 Part of the Leadership Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons 10.1177/1742715013498407 This is an Author's Accepted Manuscript of: Cunningham, C., & Jackson, S. (2014). Leadership and the Australian Greens. Leadership, 10(4), 496-511. Reprinted by permission of SAGE Publications. Available here. This Journal Article is posted at Research Online. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/ecuworkspost2013/26 Leadership and the Australian Greens Christine Cunningham School of Education, Education and the Arts Faculty, Edith Cowan University, Australia Stewart Jackson Department of Government and International Relations, Faculty of Arts, The University of Sydney, Australia Abstract This paper examines the inherent tension between a Green political party’s genesis and official ideology and the conventional forms and practices of party leadership enacted in the vast bulk of other parties, regardless of their place on the ideological spectrum. A rich picture is painted of this ongoing struggle through a case study of the Australian Greens with vivid descriptions presented on organisational leadership issues by Australian state and federal Green members of parliaments. What emerges from the data is the Australian Green MPs’ conundrum in retaining an egalitarian and participatory democracy ethos while seeking to expand their existing frame of leadership to being both more pragmatic and oriented towards active involvement in government. -
Sub-National Second Chambers and Regional Representation: International Experiences Submission to Kelkar Committee on Maharashtra
Sub-national Second Chambers and regional representation: International Experiences Submission to Kelkar Committee on Maharashtra By Rupak Chattopadhyay October 2011 The principle of the upper house of the legislature being a house of legislative review is well established in federal and non-federal countries like. Historically from the 17th century onwards, upper houses were constituted to represent the legislative interests of conservative and corporative elements (House of Lords in the UK or Senate in Bavaria or Bundesrat in Imperial Germany) against those of the ‘people’ as represented by elected lower houses (e.g. House of Commons). The United States became the first to use the upper house as the federating chamber for the country. This second model of bicameralism is that associated with the influential ‘federal’ example of the US Constitution, in which the second chamber was conceived as a ‘house of the states’. It has been said in this regard that federal systems of government are highly conducive to bicameralism in which a senate serves as a federal house whose members are selected to represent the states or provinces, with each constituent state provided equal representation. The Australian Senate was conceived along similar lines, with the Constitution guaranteeing each state, again regardless of its population, an equal number of senators. At present, the Australian Senate consists of 76 senators, 12 from each of the six states and two from each of the mainland territories.60 The best contemporary example of a second chamber which does, in fact, operate as an effective ‘house of the states’ is the German Bundesrat, members of which are appointed by state governments from amongst their members, with each state having between three and six representatives, depending on population. -
Reference of Bills to Australian Senate Committees
Papers on Parliament No. 43, June 2005 Reference of Bills to Australian Senate Committees With particular reference to the role of the Selection of Bills Committee JOHN VANDER WYK and ANGIE LILLEY John Vander Wyk is Clerk Assistant (Committees) in the Department of the Senate, and was previously Clerk Assistant (Table). In the latter position he was secretary to the Selection of Bills Committee. Research support and appendices by Angie Lilley Programming Officer in the Senate Table Office DEPARTMENT OF THE SENATE Published and printed by the Department of the Senate, 2005 Papers on Parliament is edited and managed by the Research Section, Department of the Senate. Edited by Kay Walsh All inquiries should be made to: Assistant Director of Research Procedure Office Department of the Senate Parliament House CANBERRA ACT 2600 Telephone: (02) 6277 3164 ISSN 1031–976X ii Contents 1 Introduction 1 2 Some Preliminary Considerations 2 3 An Historical Perspective 4 Standing order 196A (1934) 5 Legislative and general purpose standing committees (1970) 5 Sessional order (1978) 6 Informal reviews (1982 and 1984) 7 Select Committee on Legislation Procedures (1988) 8 4 The Selection of Bills Committee 11 Establishment of the committee (1990) 11 Operations 15 Formative years 17 Meeting times for committees to consider bills 21 Committees to which bills referred 23 Stages for the reference of a bill 23 Reporting dates 26 5 Consideration of Bills by Standing and Select Committees 31 Minority/dissenting reports 32 Recommendations 32 Types of amendments -
3. Scrutiny Mechanisms
3. Scrutiny Mechanisms Contents Summary 53 Policy development and legislative drafting 55 Drafting and policy development 55 Explanatory material 56 Consultation on draft Bills 57 Parliamentary scrutiny processes 58 Senate Standing Committee on Regulations and Ordinances 58 Senate Standing Committee for the Scrutiny of Bills 60 Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights 61 Senate Standing Committee on Legal and Constitutional Affairs 62 Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security 63 Parliamentary Joint Committee on Law Enforcement 64 Other review mechanisms 65 Australian Human Rights Commission 65 Independent National Security Legislation Monitor 65 Australian Law Reform Commission 65 Efficacy of guidance materials and pre-legislative processes 66 Efficacy of scrutiny and review mechanisms 67 Overlapping parliamentary scrutiny 67 Statements of compatibility and explanatory memoranda 69 Time constraints and parliamentary consideration of Committee reports 71 Review bodies 75 Conclusion 75 Summary 3.1 Existing and proposed laws are scrutinised for compatibility with rights and principles, including the traditional rights and freedoms identified in the Terms of Reference for this Inquiry, at a number of stages and by a number of different agencies, bodies and institutions. This chapter outlines some of these processes for testing compatibility, with a particular focus on scrutiny of draft legislation by parliamentary Committees, and considers how the processes may be improved. 3.2 Scrutiny of laws for compatibility with rights may be seen as part of a ‘democratic culture of justification’—that is, a culture in which ‘every exercise of public power is expected to be justified by reference to reasons which are publicly 54 Traditional Rights and Freedoms available to be independently scrutinised for compatibility with society’s fundamental commitments’.1 3.3 Such scrutiny can provide a check on legislative interferences with rights. -
Bicameralism
Bicameralism International IDEA Constitution-Building Primer 2 Bicameralism International IDEA Constitution-Building Primer 2 Elliot Bulmer © 2017 International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) Second edition First published in 2014 by International IDEA International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. The electronic version of this publication is available under a Creative Commons Attribute-NonCommercial- ShareAlike 3.0 (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0) licence. You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the publication as well as to remix and adapt it, provided it is only for non-commercial purposes, that you appropriately attribute the publication, and that you distribute it under an identical licence. For more information on this licence visit the Creative Commons website: <http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/> International IDEA Strömsborg SE–103 34 Stockholm Sweden Telephone: +46 8 698 37 00 Email: [email protected] Website: <http://www.idea.int> Cover design: International IDEA Cover illustration: © 123RF, <http://www.123rf.com> Produced using Booktype: <https://booktype.pro> ISBN: 978-91-7671-107-1 Contents 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................. 3 Advantages of bicameralism..................................................................................... -
Todd Farrell Thesis
The Australian Greens: Realignment Revisited in Australia Todd Farrell Submitted in fulfilment for the requirements of the Doctorate of Philosophy Swinburne University of Technology Faculty of Health, Arts and Design School of Arts, Social Sciences and Humanities 2020 ii I declare that this thesis does not incorporate without acknowledgement any material previously submitted for a degree in any university or another educational institution and to the best of my knowledge and belief it does not contain any material previously published or written by another person except where due reference is made in the text. iii ABSTRACT Scholars have traditionally characterised Australian politics as a stable two-party system that features high levels of partisan identity, robust democratic features and strong electoral institutions (Aitkin 1982; McAllister 2011). However, this characterisation masks substantial recent changes within the Australian party system. Growing dissatisfaction with major parties and shifting political values have altered the partisan contest, especially in the proportionally- represented Senate. This thesis re-examines partisan realignment as an explanation for party system change in Australia. It draws on realignment theory to argue that the emergence and sustained success of the Greens represents a fundamental shift in the Australian party system. Drawing from Australian and international studies on realignment and party system reform, the thesis combines an historical institutionalist analysis of the Australian party system with multiple empirical measurements of Greens partisan and voter support. The historical institutionalist approach demonstrates how the combination of subnational voting mechanisms, distinctly postmaterialist social issues, federal electoral strategy and a weakened Labor party have driven a realignment on the centre-left of Australian politics substantial enough to transform the Senate party system.