Monitoring and Enforcement in the European Union: Towards a Multilevel Subsidiarity-Based Independent Governance Model
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Smoke with Fire: Financial Crises and the Demand for Parliamentary Oversight in the European Union
Smoke with Fire: Financial Crises and the Demand for Parliamentary Oversight in the European Union Federica Genovese Gerald Schneider University of Essex University of Konstanz [email protected] [email protected] January 21, 2020 Abstract The handling of the 2008 financial crisis has reinforced the conviction that the European Union (EU) is undemocratic and that member states are forced to delegate overwhelming power to a supranational technocracy. However, European countries have engaged with this alleged power drift differently, with only a few member states demanding more parliamentary scrutiny of EU institutions. This article develops a political economy explanation for why only some states have enforced mechanisms to monitor the EU more closely. Our theory focuses on the role of the crisis and the impact of fiscal autonomy in countries outside and inside currency arrangements such as the European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). We argue that, in the aftermath of a severe economic shock, member states outside the EMU possess more monetary and fiscal resources to handle the crisis. These would then demand oversight of EU decision-making if their fiscal sustainability depends on the Union. By contrast, Eurozone states that need policy changes cannot address the crisis independently or initiate reforms to scrutinize the EU. Hence, we argue that during the heated moments of severe economic downturns, parliaments in Eurozone countries discuss supranational supervision rarely. As these legislatures have nevertheless to give in to the popular demand for EU control, they express support for more EU supervision in the infrequent times of debate. We provide evidence for our theory with a cross-national analysis of EU oversight institutions, and a new original dataset of parliamentary debates during the Eurozone crisis. -
Davor Jancic the Barroso Initiative: Window Dressing Or Democracy Boost?
Davor Jancic The barroso initiative: window dressing or democracy boost? Article (Published version) (Refereed) Original citation: Jancic, Davor (2012) The barroso initiative: window dressing or democracy boost? Utrecht Law Review, 8 (1). pp. 78-91. ISSN 1871-515X © 2012 The Author This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/51580/ Available in LSE Research Online: August 2013 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This article is published in a peer-reviewed section of the Utrecht Law Review The Barroso Initiative: Window Dressing or Democracy Boost? Davor Jančić* 1. Introduction: refurbishing EU parliamentary democracy Although historically five years is a negligible period of time, in European integration it can spark impor- tant developments. Such is the case with the so-called Barroso Initiative (the Initiative), named after João Manuel Durão Barroso, incumbent second-term President of the European Commission. The purpose of his Initiative is to reinforce the democratic basis of the Union by involving national parliaments of the Member States more closely in the EU policy-making processes beyond the texts of the founding treaties. -
The Principle of Subsidiarity and Its Enforcement in the EU Legal Order
The Principle of Subsidiarity and its Enforcement in the EU Legal Order The Role of National Parliaments in the Early Warning System Katarzyna Granat HART PUBLISHING Bloomsbury Publishing Plc Kemp House , Chawley Park, Cumnor Hill, Oxford , OX2 9PH , UK HART PUBLISHING, the Hart/Stag logo, BLOOMSBURY and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published in Great Britain 2018 Copyright © Katarzyna Granat , 2018 Katarzyna Granat has asserted her right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 to be identifi ed as Author of this work. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. While every care has been taken to ensure the accuracy of this work, no responsibility for loss or damage occasioned to any person acting or refraining from action as a result of any statement in it can be accepted by the authors, editors or publishers. All UK Government legislation and other public sector information used in the work is Crown Copyright © . All House of Lords and House of Commons information used in the work is Parliamentary Copyright © . This information is reused under the terms of the Open Government Licence v3.0 ( http://www. nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/version/3 ) except where otherwise stated. All Eur-lex material used in the work is © European Union, http://eur-lex.europa.eu/ , 1998–2018. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. -
Review of the Juncker Commission
AT A GLANCE Plenary – October II 2019 Review of the Juncker Commission Prior to his election as President of the European Commission, Jean-Claude Juncker set out the policy priorities that would serve as the political mandate for the Commission's 2014-2019 term of office. Although the new Commission will not take office on 1 November as scheduled, Juncker is due to make a statement during the October II plenary session on his term as President, and a debate will review the work of his Commission. Background In July 2014, President-elect Juncker published an Agenda for jobs, growth, fairness and democratic change to mark a 'new start for Europe'. The aim of those political guidelines was to make a difference and deliver concrete results for citizens on ten priorities, ranging from the digital single market and energy union, to justice and fundamental rights, migration and security. Changes and challenges Since the Juncker Commission took office in November 2014, every year has brought its share of changes and challenges. For example, 2015 started with a series of terrorist attacks, followed later that year by record-high numbers of migrants and asylum-seekers arriving in the European Union. In 2016, the UK's referendum vote to withdraw from the EU, and the election of a new administration in the United States, required the EU to adapt its priorities in several areas, from security and defence to trade. Furthermore, ensuring energy independence, guaranteeing the respect of the rule of law in Member States and strengthening economic and monetary union were additional challenges influencing the agenda and ultimately forcing the Commission to adapt, through its annual work programmes and State of the Union addresses, its response and initiatives to an ever-changing environment. -
Our European Future OUR EUROPEAN
Our European Future European Our OUR EUROPEAN ChartingFUTURE a Progressive Course in the World Ideas contributed by László Andor, Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis, François Balate, Peter Bofinger, Tanja A. Börzel, Mercedes Bresso, Stefan Collignon, Olivier Costa, Emma Dowling, Saïd El Khadraoui, Gerda Falkner, Georg Fischer, Diego Lopez Garrido, Hedwig Giusto, Giovanni Grevi, Ulrike Guérot, Paolo Guerrieri, Lukas Hochscheidt, Robin Huguenot-Noël, Guillaume Klossa, Halliki Kreinin, Michael A. Landesmann, Jean-François Lebrun, Jo Leinen, Lora Lyubenova, Justin Nogarede, Vassilis Ntousas, Alvaro Oleart, Carlota Perez, David Rinaldi, Barbara Roggeveen, Vivien A. Schmidt, Ania Skrzypek, Mario Telò and Britta Thomsen edited by Maria João Rodrigues OUR EUROPEAN FUTURE The Foundation for European Progressive Studies (FEPS) is the think tank of the progressive political family at EU level. Our mission is to develop innovative research, policy advice, training and debates to inspire and inform progressive politics and policies across Europe. We operate as hub for thinking to facilitate the emergence of progressive answers to the chal- lenges that Europe faces today. FEPS works in close partnership with its members and partners, forging connections and boosting coherence among stakeholders from the world of politics, academia and civil society at local, regional, national, European and global levels. Today FEPS benefits from a solid network of 68 member organisations. Among these, 43 are full members, 20 have observer status and 5 are ex-of- ficio members. In addition to this network of organisations that are active in the promotion of progressive values, FEPS also has an extensive network of partners, including renowned universities, scholars, policymakers and activists. Our ambition is to undertake intellectual reflection for the benefit of the progressive movement, and to promote the founding principles of the EU – freedom, equality, solidarity, democracy, respect of human rights, funda- mental freedoms and human dignity, and respect of the rule of law. -
Factsheet: Delivering on the Capital Markets Union
Delivering on the CAPITAL MARKETS UNION #CMU | #InvestEU WHAT IS THE CAPITAL MARKETS UNION? The Capital Markets Union aims to get money - investments and savings - flowing across the EU so that it can benefit consumers, investors and companies. It is part of the Juncker Commission’s ambition to sustain growth in Europe. The Capital Markets Union aims to break down barriers that block cross-border investments in the EU and make it easier for companies and infrastructure projects to get the finance they need, regardless of where they are located. It also sets out to foster sustainable finance by directing investment to environmentally friendly projects. WHY CAPITAL MARKETS UNION MATTERS? More integrated financial markets create a cushion to absorb sudden shocks, and allow risk to be shared by private actors across EU borders, making the Economic and Monetary Union stronger and more resilient. This, in turn, can create an incentive for market participants to use the euro, therefore reinforcing its international role. WHAT ARE THE CURRENT ISSUES? Start-ups and small and High fixed costs EU households Investors European businesses medium-sized enterprises of up to 15% of save heavily, face many highly depend on banks need more funding for the amount raised but do not barriers for their financing (50% innovation and growth makes access make the when inves- of total financing), with (market-based sources of to stockmarkets most of their ting in other few alternative funding finance are currently less especially costly for savings EU countries sources than 15%) small businesses “The Capital Markets Union has a key role to play in strengthening Europe's Economic and Monetary Union and the euro. -
The Economic and Monetary Union
THE ECONOMIC AND MONETARY UNION What is the Economic and Monetary Union? The Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), launched in 1992, involves the coordination of economic and fiscal policies, a common monetary policy, and a common currency, the euro. Whilst all EU Member States take part in the economic union, some countries have taken integration further and adopted the euro. Together, these countries make up the euro area.1 The operations and management of the EMU are designed to support sustainable economic growth and high employment through economic and monetary policy. This involves four main economic activities: • implementing an effective monetary policy for the euro area with the objective of price stability • coordinating economic and fiscal policies in EU countries • ensuring the single market runs smoothly • supervising and monitoring financial institutions2 History Timeline3 1978 The Werner Report sets out a process on how to achieve a monetary and currency union. Governments set up the Exchange Rate Mechanism (ERM) to reduce volatility between European currencies. 1989 The Delors Report maps out the road to EMU in three stages: 1990 Start of 1st stage of EMU: closer economic policy coordination and liberalisation of capital movements. Britain joins the ERM. 1992 Maastricht Treaty setting up the EU and committing EU countries to EMU. 1994 Start of 2nd stage of EMU: creation of the European Monetary Institute (EMI), a precursor to the ECB. Member states are required to work to fulfil the five convergence criteria. 1995 European leaders agree to call the new single currency the euro. Stage 3 of EMU is set out. -
Diversity Europe
October 2019 European Economic and Social Committee Diversity Europe Diversity Europe Group’s Conference Boosting EU in Finland competitiveness 3 pillars for sustainable growth © Shutterstock Foreword This issue: Arno METZLER News from the Diversity p. 3 President of the Diversity Europe Group Europe Group EU – UNSOLVED: Debating ‘New Role p. 6 where do we stand? Models for Societies in Europe’ Dear Colleagues, Highlights of the p. 6 September plenary There are challenging times ahead in session Brussels. The Liberal Professions in p. 8 Brexit is still unresolved, the EU acces- the age of digitalisation sion talks with the Western Balkans (Re- and artificial intelligence public of North Macedonia and Albania) have been voted down and there are still Structuring associational p. 8 questions pending regarding potential life at the EU level EU Commissioners. Group III at the WTO’s p. 9 All of this shows that we need clear structures, the best possible prepara- Public Forum tion of discussions and decision-making and no hidden agendas, behind the back games, vanity nor destruction. Partnership through p. 9 social entrepreneurship What we all request and deserve is a clear vision, EU leadership and cour- age. The EESC and we as GRIII in particular, are entitled to make this demand Empowering women p. 9 because during the elections to the European Parliament we engaged our- through international selves and our organisations, in promoting a positive European vision to trade our fellow citizens and compatriots. We do not want to see all of this turned down for short term little games. The future of the p. -
Chapter 1 the Present and Future of the European Union, Between the Urgent Need for Democracy and Differentiated Integration
Chapter 1 The present and future of the European Union, between the urgent need for democracy and differentiated integration Mario Telò Introduction The European Union has experienced an unprecedented multi-dimensional and prolonged crisis, a crisis which cannot be understood in isolation from the international context, with major global economic changes to the detriment of the West. Opinions differ as to the overall outcome of the European policies adopted in recent years to tackle the crisis: these policies saved the single currency and allowed for moderate growth, but, combined with many other factors, they exacerbated the crisis of legitimacy. This explains the wave of anti-European sentiment in several Member States and the real danger that the European project will collapse completely. This chapter analyses the contradictory trends at play and examines more closely how to find a way out of this crisis – a way which must be built around the crucial role of the trade union movement, both in tackling Euroscepticism and in relaunching the EU. This drive to strengthen and enhance democracy in the euro area, and to create a stronger European pillar of social rights, will not be successful without new political momentum for the EU led by the most pro-European countries. The argument put forward in this chapter is that this new European project will once again only be possible using a method of differentiated integration. This paper starts with two sections juxtaposing two contradictory sets of data. On the one hand, we see the social and institutional achievements of the past 60 years: despite everything, the EU is the only tool available to the trade union movement which provides any hope of taming and mitigating globalisation (Section 1). -
THE JUNCKER COMMISSION: an Early Assessment
THE JUNCKER COMMISSION: An Early Assessment John Peterson University of Edinburgh Paper prepared for the 14th Biennial Conference of the EU Studies Association, Boston, 5-7th February 2015 DRAFT: Not for citation without permission Comments welcome [email protected] Abstract This paper offers an early evaluation of the European Commission under the Presidency of Jean-Claude Juncker, following his contested appointment as the so-called Spitzencandidat of the centre-right after the 2014 European Parliament (EP) election. It confronts questions including: What will effect will the manner of Juncker’s appointment have on the perceived legitimacy of the Commission? Will Juncker claim that the strength his mandate gives him license to run a highly Presidential, centralised Commission along the lines of his predecessor, José Manuel Barroso? Will Juncker continue to seek a modest and supportive role for the Commission (as Barroso did), or will his Commission embrace more ambitious new projects or seek to re-energise old ones? What effect will British opposition to Juncker’s appointment have on the United Kingdom’s efforts to renegotiate its status in the EU? The paper draws on a round of interviews with senior Commission officials conducted in early 2015 to try to identify patterns of both continuity and change in the Commission. Its central aim is to assess the meaning of answers to the questions posed above both for the Commission and EU as a whole in the remainder of the decade. What follows is the proverbial ‘thought piece’: an analysis that seeks to provoke debate and pose the right questions about its subject, as opposed to one that offers many answers. -
Building on the Spitzenkandidaten Model Bolstering Europe’S Democratic Dimension
Road to Sibiu #EURoad2Sibiu Building on the Spitzenkandidaten Model Bolstering Europe’s Democratic Dimension February 2017 What started out as an experiment in 2014, has the potential to be reproduced and What is now widely referred innovation. Critics have questioned its impact on the strengthened, with clear to as the ‘Spitzenkandidaten’ institutional balance of the EU, expressing concerns democratic benefits for process was over a politicisation of the European Commission, the Union. born in unique circumstances. After six years and challenging the extent to which the process of financial and economic crisis that transformed the truly addresses contemporary challenges in the EU’s European landscape and left many Europeans deeply democratic dimension. concerned about their future and that of their children, faith in the European project and in its ability to foster In the run-up to the May 2019 elections, the debate a long-term return to growth and upwards convergence over the Spitzenkandidaten innovation has been among all Member States was severely dented. The reignited, garnering support across the European percentage of citizens with a positive view of the institutions and the Member States. Most recently the EU was on a downward slope, falling from 48% in Irish Prime Minister Leo Varadkar and Croatian Prime September 2006 to 35% in September 2014. Minister Andrej Plenković endorsed the innovation in separate speeches delivered to the European Parliament The need for reinvention was clear. Faced with on 17 January and 6 February 2018 respectively. unprecedented criticism, European leaders recognised that extracting the EU from the crisis would not be What started out as an experiment in 2014, has the enough to win back the hearts and minds of European potential to be reproduced and strengthened, with clear citizens, and that a renewed effort was needed to democratic benefits for the Union, confirming it asthe strengthen the democratic legitimacy of the European right choice for a Europe which is not afraid of House. -
Does Subsidiarity Ask the Right Question?
2. The Union shall also have exclusive competence for the conclusion of an internation- al agreement when its conclusion is provided for in a legislative act of the Union or is INSTITUTIONAL INNOVATIONS necessary to enable the Union to exercise its internal competence, or in so far as its con- clusion may affect common rules or alter their scope. Does Subsidiarity Ask the Right Question? But subsidiarity is not the only principle in the EU Treaty that relates to the distribution of Jörgen Hettne Senior Researcher, SIEPS powers between the EU and Member States. Article 5 TEU contains in fact three fundamen- Fredrik Langdal Researcher, SIEPS tal principles, which each impose limitations on the institutions of the Union: the principles of conferral, subsidiarity and proportionality. The meaning of these principles can be summarised as follows. The principle of conferral controls when the EU is able to act, the principle of subsidiarity when the EU should act and the principle of proportionality how the EU should act. In contrast to the principle of conferral, the principles ubsidiarity was formally introduced in the European Union (EU) with the Maastricht of subsidiarity and proportionality are therefore not concerned with the issue if the EU has the Treaty, which entered into force on 1 November 1993. By introducing this principle, power to do something or not, but rather impose certain conditions on how these powers should SMember States wanted to impose a check on how EU institutions used their powers. The be used. While the principle of subsidiarity regulates whether and to what extent the powers are principle of subsidiarity implies a preference for decisions to be taken as close as possible to to be exercised, the principle of proportionality shall ensure that they do not give rise to actions the people affected, but if more efficient outcomes can be reached at the central level, then that are more extensive than is necessary to achieve the objectives of the Union.