JOHN DENHAM: NEW LETTERS AND DOCUMENTS

HILTON KELLIHER

IT was inevitable that the fundamental divisions made in English society by the Civil Wars should affect the ranks of the poets and playwrights, and unsurprising that the former largely and the latter almost entirely would adhere to the king's party. Not that, from our more distant vantage-point at least, the literary advantage lay with the larger faction. When the lines were drawn the Parliamentarians could muster Milton, Marvell, the young Dryden, and, proximum longo intervalloj the elderly George Wither, who had done his best work in the reign of James L Edmund Waller occupied an unenviable position between the two camps; while Cowley, Denham, Fanshawe, Lovelace, Quarks, and Suckling, along with the dramatists Davenant, the two Killigrews and Shirley, are the most notable of those who either served Charles I or his successor in exile or suffered directly on their behalf. Among the latter party John Denham (fig. i) occupied in political terms a moderately distinguished place, acting as agent at home and as envoy abroad to both Charles Stuarts in turn. As a poet he is chiefly remembered as the author of Cooper^s Hill^ the first great topographical poem in the language, and he is sometimes said to be the one who did most to promote the transition of English verse from the Metaphysical to the Augustan mode. The purpose of the present rather disjointed notes is to supplement the very different but equally indispensable accounts given by his earliest biographer, John Aubrey,^ and his latest, Brendan O'Hehir,^ with some letters and documents that have recently come to light, more especially relating to his life in exile on the Continent between September 1648 and March 1653. By way of introduction it will be as well to summarize, with a few comments, his early years. ^ John, only son of Sir John Denham, one of the barons of the Exchequer, was born in Dublin about 1615 or 1616, during his father's tour of duty in Ireland, and matriculated from Trinity College, Oxford, on 18 November 1631 at the age of 16, as of'Horseley parva' (Little Horkesley) in Essex. Since 1599 the college had been under the rule of the forthright President Ralph Kettel who on one occasion publicly rebuked Denham in chapel for not repaying a loan made to him by John Whistler,"^ a Trinity man who had kept close links with the college and served as Recorder of Oxford 1627-46 and as Member of Parliament in 1628. Years later Josias Howe, a fellow of the college who had been a contemporary of Denham's, told John Aubrey, who had himself gone up to Trinity in 1642, that the poet had been 'the dreamingst young fellow; he never expected such things Fig. I. Sir John Denham as a Knight of the Bath: water-colour by George Perfect Harding (d. 1853) after an oval portrait by an unidentified artist, c.1661-9. British Museum Department of Prints and Drawings 1948.3.15.12(36): reproduced by permission of the Trustees of the British Museum. The original portrait was purchased at the sale in 1742 of the Earl of Oxford's pictures from Wimpole Hall by Philip Dormer Stanhope, 4th Earl of Chesterfield: it hung in the Toets Room' in Chesterfield House, Mayfair, after completion of the building in 1749, and was still in the family in 1808 from him, as he has left the world'. Denham's marriage in London on 25 June 1634, at the early age of 19, sufficiently explains his failure to be admitted formally, at the ceremonies that took place on 14 July that year, to the Batchelor of Arts degree for which Anthony Wood tells us^ he had already been examined, that is, had acted as respondent in the disputations held in the Schools in the preceding February or March. It is, moreover, clear that Denham had no real need to take his degree since he had already, on 26 April 1631, entered his name at Lincoln's Inn and was looking forward to a lucrative practice as a lawyer. The early date of his subscription, preceding matriculation at Oxford, is accounted for by the fact that the regulations of the Inns of Court required seven or eight years' 'learning and continuance' in the house before one could be called to the Bar, though in practice the required exercises generally occupied only the three years immediately previous to the call.^ Denham need not therefore have taken a chamber in Lincoln's Inn until at the earliest the New Year of 1636, and in the meanwhile is assumed to have set up house with his father at 'The Place' in Egham. His father died early in January 1638/9 and three weeks later, on the 29th, Denham became a barrister. What little is known of Denham's conduct at the Inns of Court comes from Aubrey's conversations with contemporaries of the poet there. The amusing story that he tells of a high-spirited practical joke played on the inhabitants of London may, however, have originated rather later in Denham's career than Aubrey was led to believe.

He was generally temperate, as to drinking; but one time when he was a Student of Lincolnes- Inne, having been merry at the Taverne with his Camerades, late at night, a frolick came into his head, to gett a playsterers brush and a pott of Inke, and blott-out all the Signes between Temple-barre & Charing-crosse, which made a strange confusion the next day, and 'twas in Terme time, but it happened that they were discovered, and it cost him and them some moneys; this I had from R. Estcott Esq that carried the Inke-pott.

This 'R. Estcott' is most unlikely to have been the Richard Estcott identified by Aubrey's first modern editor^ as the man who, having matriculated from Exeter College, Oxford, in 1612, became barrister-at-law of Lincoln's Inn in 1620. This man, who had served as Member of Parliament for his native Launceston, made his will on 12 July 1636, still describing himself as of Lincoln's Inn, esquire: it was proved by his widow Alice on 12 January 1636/7. ^ Estcott bequeathed his books to the first of his sons who should turn to the study of law, and it appears that his eldest son Richard entered his name at his father's Inn on 23 February 1639/40.^ This must in all probability have been Aubrey's informant, and the clear implication is that Denham's prank was the work of a barrister of at least one year's standing. Be this as it may, Wadham Windham, who was almost three years Denham's senior in the profession and was to become a Justice of the King's Bench after the Restoration, told Aubrey that Denham had been 'as good a Student as any in the House', though he was 'not suspected to be a witt'. This latter assertion lends some colour to the remark of Edmund Waller as quoted by Aubrey regarding Denham's only original play. The Sophy, allegedly performed at some unknown date by the King's Men at Blackfriars and printed in August 1642, that with it he 'broke-out like the Irish rebellion: threescore thousand strong before any body was aware'.^° In fact, as might be expected, it is clear that he had been writing verses for some time past. The date of the earliest version of Cooper's Hill, a justly famous topographical poem that set a fashion by interweaving its description of the scenery around Windsor with moral and political reflections, is not certain, though the piece was printed at the same time as The Sophy. However, about May 1641 he is assumed to have composed his poem On the Earl of Strafford's Tryal and Death, this being a trial at which he had acted as one of the few witnesses for the defence. Further verses attributed on good grounds to Denham, though unclaimed by him, commemorate Sir George Croke who died in the following February and who had, with Denham's father, been one of the five judges who ruled for John Hampden after his trial in 1637. It is at this juncture, when poetry and politics were already running hand in hand for tbe young lawyer, that we encounter the only indication of his movements during the earliest days of the first Civil War. A letter^^ written from Nottingham on 22 July 1642 by Edward Hyde and addressed to the Countess of Carnarvon begins thus: 'I baue receaued two very greate blessings these two last dayes; both your Ladysbipps letters, the one yesterday at Beverly, the other this day at Nottingham by MT Denham. . .'. The principal business of Hyde's letter concerns the securing for the king's party of some important person, most probably Lady Carnarvon's father, the Earl of Pembroke, ^^ who was at tbis time in London, whither the countess was then travelling. Hyde was of course in the retinue of the king who, having moved his court to Beverley on 7 July, 'made a short progress into the adjacent counties of Nottingham and Leicester, to see what countenance they wore, and to encourage those who appeared to have good affections to his service. . .'.^^ He arrived at Nottingham on 21 July and was in Leicester on the following day. Whence and for what precise purpose Denham had journeyed to the king at Nottingham—one month before the royal standard was raised in that city—can only be surmised. It seems likely, however, that he had come directly from the countess's house at Wing in Buckinghamshire, which lay only fifteen miles on the north-eastern or Nottinghamshire side of his wife's manor of Horsenden (which he is said to have fortified for tbe king during the Wars).^'^ The publication by Thomas Walkeley of Cooper's Hill on 5 or 6 August may suggest either that Denham was returning from London or possibly that he went there bearing Hyde's reply to the countess's letter which is directed simply 'For my Lady Carnaruan'. From this point Denham's career to the beginning of his long exile in 1648 may be briefly outlined. ^^ In October Charles I appointed him High Sheriff of Surrey, and in November, following the withdrawal from Farnham Castle of the Parliamentary garrison under its commander George Wither, made him governor there. The removal of goods from Wither's house nearby by members of the royalist garrison resulted in the older poet's pursuit of a long and on the whole successful attempt to seek reparation from the estates of the younger. In December 1643 Denham lost the stronghold to Sir William Waller, was subsequently imprisoned for a while and then joined the king at Oxford. The next four years were passed here and in Dartmouth until its surrender in January 1645/6, in prison for private debts and, for some twelve months from May 1646, abroad, chiefly at Paris in attendance on Henrietta Maria. Thereafter, under pretence of wishing to compound for his delinquency, he returned to England to be with the king in his confinement and was implicated in the attempted escape to the Isle of Wight. In December 1647 he petitioned at last to compound and was permitted to live relatively unmolested in London where he acted as agent for royalist correspondence until, 'being discovered by [the Parliamentary party's] knowledge of Mr. Cowleys hand', he was again forced to flee to the Continent. One item that illustrates Denham's later claims to have been acting as a forwarding- agent for royalist correspondence both at home and abroad during these years is a hitherto unpublished letter^*^ that he wrote from London to James Butler, Marquis (and later ist Duke) of Ormonde, at St Germains; it is written entirely in his own hand, dated 28 February [1647/8] and signed with his code-initials 'M. K.'. In the following transcript all abbreviations and contractions have been silently expanded.

My Lord I had giuen your Lordship an account of that receit, and deliuery of your letters by the last post but that they came not to my hands, till I had answered, the other packett, as likewise of your Lordships other packett, which came from Diepe by this time. I hope you haue receiued a particular account of your owne busines by M^ Lane, and I shall only giue your Lordship this of my selfe, that if I may bee any way seruiceable to your Lordship here, you cannot lay your Commands upon any man that is more ready to obey them then Your Lordships most humble and faithfuU seruant Fe 28*'^ M K

This was followed soon after by an exchange regarding the composition of some differences between the Irish Lords Broghill and Inchiquin who were then in Munster. Carte remarks^"^ that the Earl of Holland 'and other friends of [Broghill] laboured to bring about this reconciliation', but that he 'would trust nobody in the affair but the marquis of Ormonde and his friend Mr. Denham, who carried on the correspondence between them'. Precisely when and where Denham's acquaintance with Ormonde had begun is not known, but further evidence of their friendship emerges from some new letters printed and discussed below. That Denham remained for a considerable period a principal agent for the transmission of royalist correspondence, and something of a force in the king's affairs, is confirmed by his recurrence in cipher-keys surviving among the papers of Sir Edward Nicholas, Secretary of State under both Charles I and his son. Apparently the earliest in date of these ciphers is a numerical one used between Nicholas and James Livingstone, Viscount Newburgh, which from other names that figure in it seems to belong to a period between September 1647 and August 1648: here Denham occurs as '674'.^^ At this time Livingstone, who had a house at Bagshot near Windsor, was in constant communication by cipher letters with the captive Charles I, while Denham, as remarked above, was acting as agent for the king's correspondence at home and abroad, having been 'furnisht with nine several Cyphers in order to it'.^^ Even after his departure from England and his subsequent return early in 1653 Denham's name appears in several royalist ciphers. That of Nicholas with Richard Boyle, 2nd Earl of Cork, and Joseph Jane, who wrote an answer to Milton's Eikonoklastes, seems to belong to early 1649, though after the execution of Charles I, and in this Denham figures as '419'.^o It may not be possible to identify the source of another cipher^^ that was in use between May and September 1651, shortly before the Battle of Worcester, in which 'Mr Rudwick' denotes the poet, who was then in Poland; but he appears as 'Mr Dunton' in one that Nicholas shared with Major Nicholas Armorer ('Mr Alton') after 8 October 1653, when both Denham and Armorer were in England.22 In a cipher dated 9 February 1653/4 with Lieutenant-General Middleton, Captain-General of the royalist Highlanders, who was then at the Hague awaiting embarkation for Scotland, Denham is given the rather unfortunate name of'Mr Dunce':^^ this was evidently the cipher that Hyde had instructed Middleton to agree with Nicholas on 6 February.^^ A later cipher between the same parties, possibly dating from about March 1655, gives Denham as '724^.25 Finally, at some unknown date Nicholas's son John, going by the name of 'Will Peters', took Charles II a cipher in which Denham is referred to as 'Drackton';^*^ while an intercepted code preserved among the papers of Cromwell's Secretary of State, John Thurloe, and possibly deriving from Lord Inchiquin during the later 1650s, gives him the pseudonym of 'Dent'.^*^ These details, though unimportant in themselves, shed some light on the persons with whom he was involved during the Interregnum. During the Civil Wars, despite the fact that Denham was undoubtedly very well off, his own extravagances no less than the claims laid on his estates by Wither and the Parliamentary Commissioners were placing a considerable strain on his resources. Josias Howe bore witness to Denham's predilection for gambling even while at Trinity, and the vice seems merely to have strengthened its hold on him during his days at Lincoln's Inn. Aubrey asserts that he played away some £1,500 or ^£2,000 left in ready money by his father, and then all the plate. Even as late as 1646, according to this account, he could still lose £200 in a single night at 'New-cutt'. This addiction was compounded by a careless attitude towards his debts: more people than John Whistler were to become aware of this. Denham's petition of December 1647 mentions some £4,040 charged against his estates, and debts contracted in or before 1640 were still outstanding ten years later. ^^ Evidence of his rash expenditure comes from a new source. At some time between 1653 and 1660 Richard Symonds, the royalist antiquary, kept a notebook, written partly in Italian, in which he jotted down details of the estates and incomes of contemporaries. The entry^^ under Denham's name reads: 'spese. 2000^ per Annum in 3 anni—a fatto. ma cerca da viuere con domandare di uno [sc. ed altro] 10? &c.' Clearly this entry, which may perhaps date from 1653 or 1654, relates to a period at least ten years before, when Denham had been in a position to dissipate £2,000 over each of three years, though at the time of its writing he was reduced to begging trifling sums from acquaintances. The source of this information is not recorded, as it is in other cases mentioned by Symonds, but there is no reason to doubt its reliability. At all events, shortly after his departure for the Continent, Denham's Surrey estates were saved from sequestration: one manuscript listing the 'Returnes of Seuerall Traitors Estates from the Commissioners for Compoundinge at Haberdashers Hall' records, under the entries for that county, 'John Denham discharged to the Commissioners for Compoundinge at Gouldsmith hall by order the 22^^ of September 1648'.^° This manuscript also includes^^ a survey dated 10 January 1650/1 of the manor of Horsenden, formerly the property of Denham's deceased wife, in which it is valued at £281. 15.4^. per annum. A further estate at Wissington or Wiston in Suffolk was set at £100 annually, the tenant at the time being one Edmond Ward.^^ Between August or September 1648 and March 1653 Denham was in exile, acting as special envoy to Charles, while still Prince of Wales, in Scotland, and, wben Charles II, in Poland, as well as courier between the new king and his mother. Some newly discovered documents permit the construction of a fuller timetable of his activities and a clearer picture of his contacts at this time.^^ It was William Murray, ist Earl of Dysart, who on 5 or 7 September 1648 advised Charles to entrust Denham with an answer to the letters lately received from the Committee of Estates and the Assembly of Scotland, from wbich kingdom he had himself recently returned.^ That the date really was September, despite a puzzling slip^^ made by Edward Hyde, Charles I's Secretary of State in exile, is confirmed by a draft^^ written in tbe prince's own hand of a letter to the Committee, no less than by the notes^^ taken by his secretary Robert Long on 11/12 September. This draft, which is docketed in another band to 13 September, is apparently a preliminary version of the letter bearing the same date that was captured three years later at Worcester. ^^ After commiserating with the Scots over their defeat at Preston in August, Charles offers to come to tbeir aid with a force of his own, concluding:

... we are fully satisfyed of your good intentions, and shall with all confidence ioyne with you as we haue directed, our trusty and welbeloued John Denham esq. the bearer hereof, to giue you full assurance in our name, to whom we intreate you to giue creditt in all that he shall say to you from us.

It was on the 13th also that the prince drew up and presented to Denham his formal instructions, along with a letter for William, Earl of Lanerick, or Lanark, later 2nd Duke of Hamilton. The precise extent and details of Denham's sojourn in Scotland are not known, but he was back at the Hague by at the latest the etid of January 1649, wben he is recorded as having gone to Paris with the Duke of York who arrived there in the middle of February.^^ O'Hehir surmises with substantial accuracy that he 'soon returned . . . and continued to act as a courier between the Queen and the new king, who set out in May to visit her at Paris'."*^ It is in fact not certain that Denham returned to the Hague before May, for be may instead have remained in Paris where he would have had the opportunity of meeting, perhaps for the first time, his fellow-poet Abraham Cowley, secretary to Henrietta Maria's private secretary, Henry Jermyn. That he did return to the Hague in May, however, is confirmed by tbe survival of a set of'Instructions for Mr Denham', dated 10 May 1649 and signed at the bead by the queen, wbo also added her cipher at the foot.'^^i This document, which is copied in Cowley's neat and regular hand, is printed in full in the Appendix (below, pp. 18-19). From it we learn that Denham was to visit the new king and to assure him of Henrietta Maria's wholehearted support for his plan of embarking for Ireland, adding, however, that sbe had relinquished her earlier design of helping him with funds by pawning some of her jewels since she was led to believe that 'the meanes for [his journey] could not bee wanting'. Denham was also to visit the Prince of Orange and to ask his help in hastening Charles's departure, and to call with greetings from the queen on Cornifix Uhlefeldt,^^ ^j^^ Danish Ambassador to the States General. As soon as the day was fixed for tbe king's departure for Paris, where he was to see his mother before embarking for Ireland, Denham was to return and notify her so that Lord Jermyn could meet the king on the road to instruct him in how to deport himself at the Louvre. Nevertheless, because of the queen's special concern for royalist interests in Scotland, Denham was to be prepared above all else to go over there, 'for that yow are, by having had the managing of many things with some of that nation, very like to bee acceptable to them, and trusted by them . . .'. This last recommendation harks back to Denham's commission"^^ from Prince Charles in the previous September, mentioned above, by which he was charged with moving the Scots at Edinburgh to assist in the war against Parliament. The full purport of the remaining instructions from Henrietta Maria is only to be understood by placing them in their historical context. By February 1649 Charles's continued stay at the Hague, prolonged by the favour of his brother-in-law the Prince of Orange against tbe wishes of his advisers, was becoming every day more compromising for the States General who continued to maintain diplomatic relations with his father's executioners. Among Charles's retinue were some who none the less recommended his remaining there; some who favoured his going to Scotland, where he had already been proclaimed king and whence he had received deputations; and others who urged bim to take up the Marquis of Ormonde's invitation to land in Ireland, following the establishment of a general peace between the royalists and the Irish rebels. Charles himself, with the support of his Secretary of State Edward Hyde, favoured the latter course, though fearful that the Scots might feel themselves slighted. In this plan he was encouraged also by his mother and by her secretary and confidant Henry Jermyn who for a time himself proposed accompanying the king. Henrietta Maria was, moreover, anxious to meet her son before he should embark, partly through a desire to influence his choice of counsellors, though in this she had unknowingly already been frustrated. It was therefore decided that he should visit her at Paris, unwilling as he was to return to the French Court, and that Jermyn should meet him on the way in order to instruct him how best to demean himself there. This was a change of plan, for Jermyn himself was originally to go to the Hague: a letter'^ from Paris, dated i/ii May 1649, records that 'upon second thoughts Mr. Denham is sent by the Queen to the King instead of'Lord Jermyn . . .'. The retraction, mentioned in Denham's instructions, of the queen's earlier offer^^ to sell some jewels in order to raise money towards her son's expedition followed on a report that, besides receiving a loan from the Prince of Orange, Charles had been given 10,000 pistoles, 'if not pounds', by Prince Rupert, as the spoil from captured vessels.'^ That the size of this sum was much exaggerated, however, was known at the Louvre by early June,'^'' by which time Charles had set out for Paris, travelling by Breda and being duly met on the way by Jermyn. On 26 May/5 June Lord Hatton wrote that His Majesty, 'as Mr. Denham brings word, was to sett forward on Thursday last . . .\'^ that is, on 24 May/3 June; and it is therefore clear that Denham had started for the Hague on or shortly after 10 May N.S., arriving in time to witness Charles's embarrassment at the murder by royalist soldiers of Isaac Dorislaus, special envoy from the English Council of State to the States General. He returned to Paris by 5 June. Though at the time it was resolved that 'the King shall not stay heere a whole weeke',^^ in the event he was to remain at the Louvre until mid-September, having in consequence of Cromwell's arrival in Ireland been obliged to relinquish his design and set sail instead for Jersey. Most probably Denham too stayed in Paris during this period, for he obtained from Charles at the time of the latter's departure the spontaneous offer of the post of Surveyor-General of the Works after the Restoration.^'^ What Denham did for the next twelve months has hitherto remained a mystery, but it is now clear that he returned to live at the Hague. Thus much may be gathered from two letters written in late 1651 (fig. 2) and early 1652 that survive among the Ormonde (Carte) Papers in the Bodleian Library. ^^ Both because these letters are almost the only autograph documents of Denham to have come to light from the course of his life before the Restoration,^^ and because they are of a more personal nature than anything else that survives from his hand, they merit close attention. The letters are addressed to a minor but intriguing figure in Caroline history. Lady Isabella Thynne, whose name does not appear in any of the published accounts of Denham's career, though it is now possible to show that she had fairly close ties with him and his family. They are printed here with common abbreviations expanded throughout, but following Denham's own spelling and peculiarities of punctuation, including the ubiquitous comma where nowadays we should expect a fullstop.

Madam Hague Dec: 27^'^ [1651] Euery day since wee came into these parts wee haue expected the Kings Orders to goe forward towards Paris, which made me resolue to haue kissed your Ladyships hands before you should heare from any other hand of our arriuall here, but the King hauing sent new Orders to M"" Crofts to goe to the Marquiss of Brandenbourg to Cleue, which is about 5 daies iourney from hence, my iourney to Paris vi^ill bee retarded till his returne, for though I am detache from him I will not loose the conuenience of his coach to Paris, but especially that I may bee ready at his arriuall there to attend the seruing of My Lord and Lady of Ormond, to whom though you are pleased so farr to do the Office of a freind, as to lay your commands upon me in their behalfe, and though your commands may absolutely dispose of me, yet I am so particularly a seruant to them both and so much concerned both in their signall merits and suffering, that nothing cann add to the zeale I haue to serue them, and M"" Crofts pretends to bee so much their seruant also that there is as little need of my soUicitation to him, as of your Ladyships to me, but I wish they had found halfe so good a soUicitor here, for till wee were upon our way homeward wee neuer heard of their warrant, and that was in a letter from D'" Morley to me, there was indeed a mention of a warrant in a former letter of My Lord Jermyns to M^ Crofts, but no summe mentioned the King hauing charged M^ Crofts with other warrants to the summe of 15000^, his whole receit scarce amounting to the halfe of it many of which were sent to Dantzig and most of them satisfied there, for all the rest that mett us here, they are likewise satisfied with this one General! answer, that there is not wherwithall to ;^. 2. The first page of Denham's letter to Lady Isabella Thynne, dated from the Hague, 27 December 1651. Bodleian MS Carte 29, fol. 45: reproduced by permission of the Curators of the Bodleian Library satisfy any one of them, but I may uenture to tell your Ladyship as a uery great secret and so I desire it may remaine to all the world hut My Lord and Ladye of Ormonde (because the knowledge of it will disoblige all others that are concerned) that there yet is something left, and if my Lord will prepare my Lord Jermyn (who I beleiue is uery much his seruant) not presuming that there is, but in case that any thing bee remaining when M'^ Crofts comes to Paris, to see his turne first serued, I hope they will bee in some measure satisfied, and truly this is all the seruice that I can possibly do them, more then being ready to bee their sollicitor when wee come thither. For my owne particular you will find that after the deduction of a years expence here upon the hopes of what I should receiue in Poland, and of another yeares there after I had receiud it, you will not accuse my mesnage, but as for merchandize I neuer durst uenture to improue my talent that way, especially that of furrs in Poland, which not being a natiue commodity of the Place, and euery one using them, I beleiue are dearer there then in any other part of the world, M^ Crofts indeed meeting with My Lord Culpeper who came laden with those commodities bought some tayls of him to make muffs, but now that they are made up it proues so ridiculous a bargaine that hee cannot make halfe his money of them againe, but if I may know your Ladyships pleasure whither you desire a muffe or skinns for your neck, I will try how I cann play the merchant for you, at Amsterdam which they say is the best place / I am most unfainedly Madam Your Ladyships most faithfull and humble seruant J Denham. [verso] For my lady Isabella Thynne

Madam I haue long promised my selfe the happines of kissing your Ladyships hands, from which I am now diuerted by the importunity of my freinds in England, who call me thither to saue the small remainder of my estate from sale, and consequently of my poore family from ruine, My name being only put into the exceptions for being supposed to haue been ioynd in Commission in the Embassy to Poland, from which I shall uery easily cleere my selfe / To your Ladyship I need giue no other mark of it, then that my Lady of Ormonde has not her money, which if I either had had a part in the Commission, or an Interest in him that had it, should haue been long agoe payd, but now I can hardly giue her so much hopes of it, as I did by my last to your Ladyship, for the King hath since confirmd to M^" Crofts a gift of 600^^ for his seruice, and has allowd all his accounts, without examination and being at that liberty, I beleiue hee will account back to the date of his Commission, which was euer since I had the honour to see your Ladyship at Paris, and consequently will proue a very long score, but this I beleiue hee desires not to haue made known. As to the inquiry you were pleased to make, whither hee had disposed of any money upons warrants since hee receiued my Lady of Ormonds, I beleiue hee has not, for finding his brother and sister here in uery great want, and as farr ingaged as they could bee upon their warrant which hee was to pay, hee refused neuertheless to pay it, but lent them a good part of the summe upon bond, but where hee will seeke his payment I know not, as to the rest of his busines here, and especially his accounts, I am a meere stranger, and cannot so much as guesse, whither hee will bring any part of the summ hee receiud, to Paris or not, howsoeuer, when hee comest hither, there will bee nothing lost by inquiring that way which I first proposed, but I desire it may bee with the same caution This inclosed I receiud the last night in another to myselfe, I hope you will pardon me the liberty of

II breaking it open, if shee had still had the happines to haue been in your Ladyships Care, I beleiue the style would haue been better, though it may bee the hand not so good. Tomorrow M-- Crofts parts from hence towards Paris, by him you shall heare more at large from Madam Feb 8^^ [1652] Your most faithfuU and most humble seruant [unsigned] [verso] For my Lady Isabella Thynne

In fixing dates for these two new letters we go some way towards clearing up the rather vague chronology of Denham's movements between the middle of 1650 and the early months of 1652. Tbe best starting-point is provided by Edward Hyde's account of the Polish embassy." When the King went to Jarsy in order to his journey into Ireland, and at the same time that he sent the Chancellor [i.e. Hyde] into Spain, he sent likewise the Lord Culpeper into Mosco, to borrow money of that duke [side-note: 1649/Sept 20]; and into Poland he sent Mr. Crofts upon the same errand. The former returned whilst the King was in Scotland, and the latter about the time that the King made his escape from Worcester [1652/Feb. 22]. And both of them succeeded so well in their journey, that he who received least for his majesty's service had above ten thousand pounds over and above the expense of their journeys. But, as if the King had been out of all possible danger to want money, the lord Jermin had sent an express into Scotland, as soon as he knew what success the lord Culpeper had at Mosco and found there were no less hopes from Mr. Crofts, and procured from the King (who could with more ease grant than deny) warrants under his hand to both his ambassadors, to pay the monies they had received to several persons; whereof a considerable sum was made a present to the Queen, more to the lord Jermin, upon pretence of debts due to him, which were not diminished by that receipt, and all disposed of according to the modesty of the askers. ... So that when the King returned in all that distress to Paris, he never received five hundred pistoles from the proceed of both those embassies . . . From tbe evidence of Crofts's surviving accounts for the Polish embassy,^ and from Denham's remark to Lady Isabella that these would be found to stretch 'back to the date of his Commission, which was euer since I had the honour to see your Ladyship at Paris', it is clear enough that Crofts had been charged with going to Poland by Charles when the king was setting out for Jersey, in September 1649. It is equally clear that the year of expenses contracted by Denham at the Hague 'upon the hopes of what I should receiue in Poland' must be reckoned from the same date, for it was apparently September 1650 before they actually entered the Polish hinterland. That they were still in the port of Danzig in mid-August may be inferred from Denham's remark in the earlier letter to the effect that they had met with Lord Colepepper who was bringing furs from Moscow, for Colepepper had intended to be at Danzig by the 15th of that month, to dispose of his purchases there. ^^ Moreover, a joint letter^^ of Jermyn and his secretary Cowley, most probably written to Colepepper and dated 3 September, carries Cowley's postscript 'Yesterday my lord receiued your letter from Dantzick. I desire you to present my most humble service to Mr Denham...'. Theirs was not, as it happens, tbe earliest commission

12 granted by Charles, for in May 1650 Sir John Cochrane, who was himself in Danzig, had written that the 'Kings Commissarie is now returned from Warshaw . . .'.^^ Cochrane had been charged with persuading the town authorities to exact pretermitted customs from the English merchants there, an action that caused the latter to petition the Council of State in July.^^ By August, nevertheless, he was said to have obtained a 'great sume of mony in Polland and does nott Intend to giue it to Mf Craftes unless further order [come] from your Majestie . . .'.^^ According to the account given in the earlier of Denham's letters, he and Crofts remained in Poland for a year, and would not therefore have returned to the Hague before September 1651, as O'Hehir rightly suggests.^ That they were still in Warsaw in July is made certain by the affair of the forged royal letter, purporting to relieve Charles's subjects in Poland from further exactions, that was produced by John Molleson, turned into Latin and printed by the Poles,"^^ and celebrated in Denham's verses 'On My Lord Croft's and my Journey into Poland'. ^^ From Croft's accounts it is clear that, probably on the way back, they visited Konigsberg (now Kaliningrad), on the opposite side of the Bay of Danzig, and there received money from another envoy working in Lithuania and East Prussia. It is possible, in fact, that their arrival at the Hague did not take place until much nearer the date of Denham's first letter, namely 27 December, since its principal purpose, which was to let the Marquis of Ormonde know what his chances were of obtaining from Crofts the money promised him by Charles, ^^ would scarcely have admitted much delay. The dating of these two letters to the winter of 1651/2 is therefore assured, and Denham's remark in the later one about 'my freinds in England, who call me thither to saue the small remainder of my estate from sale' clearly refers to the fact that in July 1651 his name had been enrolled in an act for the sale of delinquents' property. By this. Wither was permitted to sell lands formerly belonging to Denham, to the annual value of £150.^Fielder, too, had been granted a seven-year lease of Little Horkesley on 17 October, and since Wither was able to purchase it outright in March 1652 we may perhaps assume that Denham was in the event unable or unwilling to return, as he intended, to prevent this. We know, however, that he did return a year later; and it seems unlikely to be mere coincidence that following his reappearance in England early in 1653 Wither was ejected from the estate. From Denham's confident assertion that he would 'uery easily cleere [him] selfe' before the Council of State from the charge of having been 'ioynd in Commission in the Embassy', and from his evident lack of any say in the disposal of the money collected, it is obvious that he had not been an equal partner with Crofts in the venture. His having been allowed to accompany the other may have been a further tribute to the esteem in which his diplomatic skills were held by the king, or perhaps a consolation for his not having been offered the post of resident to the States General after the death of Sir William Boswell.^^ What he has to say of their success in Poland roughly bears out Clarendon's remarks quoted above, though a more accurate statement is comprised in Croft's own accounts for the king: of 66,959 florins received in Poland, 24,693 at Danzig, 2,000 at Konigsberg, and 10,292 from Lithuania and Prussia, 1,296 were returned to the envoy who brought the latter sum, 76,492 were paid out upon the king's warrant and 24,860 were 'spent for M»" Denham and my selfe from the 20. of September 1649 ... to the 22. of February 1652 [i.e. 1651/2]...'. Equally evident from the letters, however, is Denham's dislike or jealousy of Crofts whom he represents in the worst possible light, confidently assuming that he would present the very fullest demand for expenses to his distressed master, and pointing out his miserly treatment of his own brother and sister (probably to be identified as his sister Elizabeth and her husband Sir Frederick, later ist Baron, Cornwallis). His relations with the addressee of the letters (fig. 3), and with the Ormondes, were considerably better. Lady Isabella Tbynne (1623-57),*^ one of the five children of Henry Rich, ist Earl of Holland, was the wife of Sir James Thynne of Longleat, a wealthy landowner and Member of Parliament, whose collateral descendants were to become Marquises of Bath.^*^ At the court of Charles I she was conspicuous for her beauty and intelligence, and was one of the principal ladies who interested herself in political intrigue.^^ To Dorothy Osborne she was 'my Lady Izabella that speaks & looks and sings & play's & all soe Prittily', though she added 'why cannot I say that she is ... free from fault's .. .?'^^ Aubrey put it more pointedly when he remarked that she 'could not subdue one thing'. Carte's account of her affair with the Marquis of Ormonde, by whom she is said to have had a son, is probably true in essence, though his dating it to about 1629, 'just before his marriage', when Isabella was only six years old, seems to be an absurd attempt to redeem the marquis's reputation.'''^ In March 1642/3 Lady Isabella applied for a pass to go to the king at Oxford,"'^ thus preceding her husband who arrived there the following year only to be disabled for his pains. While there she resided at Balliol, and Aubrey later recalled hearing her play the lute in Trinity grove,''^ doubtless an experience similar to that which prompted the verses of Waller by which she is still best remembered. Of My Lady Isabella, Playing on the LuteJ^ During October and November 1646 she was correspond- ing with Edward Hyde, who was then in Jersey, on topics tbat included the whereabouts of 'honest D^ M[orley]','^* of whom more is to be said. The execution of her father six weeks after tbat of the king excited little public sympathy, though it must have been a bitter blow to her. Her own involvement at this time in some royalist plot brought her into danger, for by a report of 5 May 1649 we learn tbat 'My Lady Isabella Thynne and Mrs. Howard are escaped from [the rebels]',''^ evidently travelling to Caen,^^ where she renewed a friendship with the Marchioness of Ormonde that is said to have been unaffected by the latter's discovery of her husband's infidelity. In the following March she accompanied the marchioness and the new king to Beauvais, to wait upon the queen,*^"^ returning by late April."^^ Hyde's question 'can any body perswade her going home upon those tearmes? ... It is a horrid thing that noe freinds in England should haue Charity enough to prouide for her',"^^ probably refers to events following on the break-up of her marriage, that eventually led to her formal separation from Sir James in November 1653. By mid-December 1650 Lady Isabella bad reached Paris, for Lord Hatton wrote: 'I believe the Lady Isabella (who is one of Dr. Morley's Elect Ladies) hath converted [her balf-brother-in-law William Coventry] and that his being of the Presbyterian Faction hath rendered him so acceptable at the Louvre.'so George Morley, the future Bishop of Winchester and a cousin of Denham's, is mentioned in the later of the two new letters. Fig. J. Lady Isabella Thynne, aged 15 to 18 years: life-sized portrait by Sir Anthony Van Dyck and his studio, ;:. 1638-40. Reproduced by permission of Messrs. Christie, Manson, and Wood from their sale-catalogue of 22 November 1985, lot 95. This portrait was passed down through the sitter's sister Mary to her descendants the Earls of Breadalbane in an unbroken line until the early """-" "*" this century Tbis report of his Presbyterian leanings was in fact mistaken,^^ though no doubt his relationship to Denham would have helped to strengthen his links with Lady Isabella. By August 1652 Hatton could observe that it 'is to me very strange and unexpected news that the Lady Denbigh', a Catholic convert and the poet Richard Crashaw's erstwhile patroness, 'should be by the Queen disrespected and the Lady Isabella the only gracious woman . . .'.^^ In September of the following year, hovi^ever, she returned finally to England, though as late as January 1654/5 she is known to have been keeping up a correspondence with Ormonde. ^^ Possibly her separation from court politics hastened her death in Queen Street, London, at the early age of 33. Some degree of familiarity between this lady and Denham is suggested by his not scrupling to break open a letter addressed to her, though the observation that 'if shee had still had the happines to haue been in your Ladyships Care, I beleiue the style would haue been better, though it may bee the hand not so good' shows fairly conclusively that the writer was one of his daughters, Anne or Elizabeth. Denham's first wife, Anne Cotton, had died in 1646 or 1647, and by 1650 their three children, including a son John, all still minors, were officially under the guardianship of Colonel John Fielder.^This gentleman was a person of some importance among the Parliamentarians, having followed in Denham's footsteps as Governor of Farnham Castle in 1645^^ and in Waller's, apparently, as Member of Parliament for St Ives two years later.^^ From a place on the Committee for Compounding, in which he distinguished himself by his zeal, he rose in 1651 to the Council of State itself. ^"^ Along with George Wither he was a principal beneficiary of the sequestration of Denbam's lands. In April 1650, wben Denham was allowed one-fifth of his estates in Surrey and Essex, a further fifth was granted to Fielder as trustee for the poet's children, while in October a seven-year lease of Little Horkesley was confirmed to him.^^ In addition, he was among those appointed on i March 1652/3 to examine Denham on the latter's return from the Continent.^^ The fact that his name ceases to figure in official records after April 1653 probably means that he died at about this time.^ At all events, it is evident that his legal guardianship, or rather trusteeship, of Denham's children did not entail their living with him, and that Denham, at or before his departure abroad in August or September 1648, had committed at least one of the girls to the care of Lady Isabella, whose marriage was a childless one. This in itself argues a fairly close acquaintance between tbe families; and a further link is provided by the fact that at this period Denham sold his house in Egham to Jobn Thynne,^^ second son of Sir John Thynne of Longleat and Church Stretton, Shropshire, and thus first cousin to Lady Isabella's busband Sir James.^^ Moreover, in August 1648 this John compounded for lands in Egham that, he alleged, had been conveyed to him by Denham for a debt of £30.^^ It remains to say something of Denham's relations with the Marquis of Ormonde and his family, whose fortunes are the principal subject of his letters to Lady Isabella. Reference has been made above to his earlier, if rather impersonal, correspondence with Ormonde on Irish affairs, and at this later period a genuine concern for his financial plight is apparent from the advice and confidential information that he gives. In June 1651 Daniel O'Neile had told the Marquis that 'I have moved his Majesty to allow you 1000/.

16 out of what Money Mr. Crofts gets in Poland', he with great chearfullness told me, he would send by Mr. Sands who goes to him to let you have that sum, if he could spare it'.^ When, after the Battle of Worcester, Charles returned to France, Ormonde, leaving his family in Caen, accompanied him to Paris, where he lived in considerable straits, being 'forced to put himself in pension at the rate of a pistole a week, and to walk the streets on foot, which was no honourable custom at Paris'.^^ For some reason the promised warrant had not reached Poland, though Denham recalled that it had been mentioned, without a specific figure being given, in a letter of Jermyn to Crofts, and again in one from George Morley that he himself had received while on his way back to the Hague. By 8 February he indicates that the marchioness had secured a fresh warrant and presented it to Crofts. We must hope that this was duly honoured, though if so the relief could have been only temporary, since in August 1652 the marchioness travelled to England to raise money and to secure her own estates from sale or dispersal following the subjugation of Ireland by Cromwell.^^ Denham's friendship with the family survived well beyond the Restoration, for on 19 October 1664 Sir Christopher Lyttleton reported to Lord Hatton that the (by then) duke 'lodges now in Sf John Denhams house in Scottland yard'.^*^ It is not the purpose of these notes to pursue in any detail Denham's career beyond his return to England in February or March 1652/3. Suffice it to say, by way of conclusion, that from this time he appears to have lived under the protection of Philip, 5th Earl of Pembroke, that he continued to act as agent for royalist correspondence and affairs, suffering imprisonment and the restraints customary for royalists during the Inter- regnum, and that he is known to have travelled abroad twice. At the Restoration he succeeded Inigo Jones as Surveyor-General of the King's Works, in which capacity he was responsible for the building of Greenwich Palace, Burlington House, and his own house and offices in Scotland Yard, though his greatest achievement was to initiate the paving of London's streets. Honours, lands, and distinctions came his way in plenty: be was made a Knight of the Bath and elected Fellow of the Royal Society, then newly founded. In May 1665, at the age of 50, he married a beautiful heiress of 23, but in the following year endured a temporary lapse into insanity. His wife's subsequent affair with the Duke of York was followed, in January 1667, by her death, poison being widely suspected. Nevertheless it was in this year that Denham produced his elegy on Abraham Cowley, translated two fifteenth-century Latin poems by Domenico Mancini on the cardinal virtues and a passage from Homer's Iliad, and completed the translation of Corneille's Horace that Katherine Phillips, the 'matchless Orinda', had left unfinished at her death. ^^ A certain John Starkey, writing on 4 February 1667/8 to his patron Sir Willoughby Aston at Madeley, Staffordshire, supplements the account given by Pepys of the first performance of this drama: 'This nigbt there is a play Acted at Court by the Dutchess of Monmouth Countess of Castlemain and others, the Countess is adornd with Jewells to tbe Value of 200 ooo.'i the Crowne Jewells being taken from the tower for her. there are none but the Nobility admitted to see it. The play is Madam Phillips' translation of Corneiles Horace, finished by S^ John Denham.'^^ One year after this, during his last illness, Denham surrendered his post to his deputy, Christopher Wren. The date of bis

17 death is conjectured ^°° to have been Friday, 19 March 1668/9, but Starkey, writing on the 20th, says 'This morning S^ John Denham dyed'.^^^ He was buried three days later in Poet's Corner, Westminster Abbey.

APPENDIX (Add. MS. 19399, fols. 72-73b)

Instructions for Mf Denham May 10 1649. HENRIETTE MARIE R Yow are to make all the diligence yow shall be able to attend the King our Sonne, and having delivered him your Letters shall make him know the great contentment wee have received by his last by the Lord Percy touching the resolution of his speedy parting for his iourney towards Ireland, and yow shall with your utmost skill endeavour to make it evident to him that his said parting is become, if possible, more necessary then ever, and that hee ought not to loose any one minute that can bee saved, and thereupon, if it bee not donne already, to presse him to name a positive day for it beyond which noe occasion how pressing soever, shall prevaile with him to stay. Yow are to let him know that wee have endeavoured this month past and more, upon the consideration of the necessities of his parting and the difficulties, to have provided him with as much helpe towards his moving as wee could, and that at last not beeing able to procure any money, but by chance somewhat else that might have given him some little credit wee were resolved to have sent the Lord Jermin therewith unto him to have served him with it, and with what else might have depended upon his diligence for his said moveing, but finding by the Letters from himselfe, the Prince of Orange and others, and by my Lord Percies account of things that the resolution for his parting was absolutely taken, and knowing besides that the meanes for it could not bee wanting, wee did think fit to change our purpose of sending the Lord Jermin since hee could have served but for that which would bee resolved without him. Yow are to acquaint him that the meanes wee had found to have given him a little credit was by the getting into our hands 3 or 4 Rubies that were in pawne for some monies here, which, since wee have learnt that hee is furnished by another way, and that there is yet noe resetlement for our subsistance from this Court, but on the contrary our pressing wants continuing upon us, and perhaps that theise Rubies would not have raised presently much money in Holland, wee have not thought it necessary to send them to him. Yow are to visit our Sonne the Prince of Orange from Us, and acquaint him with the full effect and substance in all particulars of your Instructions, and to ask of him, if yow find cause, his helpe for the hastning of the King's parting. Yow are to intreat our dearest Sonne the King to send yow back to Us as soon as hee shall have named a day for his remove, and to let him know that as soon as wee shall hear of his being upon the way wee shall send the Lord Jermin to him, who shall before goe to this Court, and consort there in what manner our said dearest Sonne the King is to governe himselfe touching the visiting of the King our dearest Nephew, and the Queen Regent, and shall attend him with the orders in that behalfe, and all things necessary for his knowledge before wee shall see him.

18 6 Yow shall acquaint our dearest Sonne the King and his Councell that according to our former opinions in relation to Scotland upon the resolution which wee conceived soe necessary to bee taken for his goeing into Ireland, wherein wee have soe frequently declared the importance of reconciling our freinds of the Scotch Nation to that Councell, wee doe again desire that all possible care might bee used in that particular, and were therefore better pleased that yow should now make this iourney then any other, for that yow are, by having had the managing of many things with some of that nation, very like to bee acceptable to them, and trusted by them; soe that whatsoever the King and his Councell shall think fit to appoint yow to doe in order to the end mentioned, yow are to let them know yow are ready for it, and they are desired to give yow credence with the Scots. 7 Yow are from Us to visit the Ambassadour of Denmark, and to assure him on our part of the great esteem wee have of his person and the iust sence of that affection which hee hath alwayes showed to Us, and to our dearest Sonne the King, the continuance whereof wee most earnestly desire, and that hee would beleive wee shall bee most ready upon all occasions to make appear to him our acknowledgement for it; and if his wife bee with him, yow are to visit, and make a complement to her from Us. HR [Endorsed:] M^ Denhams instructions from y^ Queen. May. 10. 1649 Num. 106

1 Bodleian, MS. Aubrey 6, fols. 105, 105b. 13 The Life of Edward Earl of Clarendon . . . Quotations given below are taken directly from Written by Himself (Oxford, 1857), vol. i, p. 134- this manuscript. 14 VCH Bucks., vol. ii, p. 253. 2 Harmony from Discords (Berkeley, 1968). 15 O'Hehir, op. cit., chapter iii, pp. 54-82. 3 Ibid., pp. 4-16. 16 Bodleian, MS. Carte 22, fol. 20; and see 4 Joseph Foster, Alumni Oxonienses . . . 1500- O'Hehir, op. cit., p. 79 and n. 53. 1J14 (London, 1892), vol. iv, p. 1611; Mary 17 Thomas Carte, The Life of James Duke of Frear Keeler, The Long Parliament, 1640-1641 Ormonde (Oxford, 1851), vol. iii, p. 370. (Philadelphia, 1954), pp. 387-8; and VCH 18 Egerton MS. 2550, fol. 63. Oxford, vol. iv, pp. 79, 148, 151-2, 463. 19 Denham, Poems and Translations (London, 5 Athenae Oxonienses, ed. Philip Bliss (London, 1668), dedication 'To the King': in Banks, ed. 1817), vol. iii, cols. 823-4. cit., p. 60. 6 Wilfrid R. Prest, The Inns of Court under 20 Egerton MS. 2550, fol. 44. Elizabeth I and the Early Stuarts^ 1^90-1640 21 Ibid., fol. 32. (London, 1972), pp. 133-5. 22 Ibid., fol. 14; and G. F. Warner (ed.), The 7 Brief Lives, ed. Andrew Clark (Oxford, 1898), Nicholas Papers, Vol. II, Camden Society, NS vol. i, p. 220 n. 1 (1892), pp. 22, 66. 8 PCC Wills 5 Goare. 23 Egerton MS. 2550, fol. 15b. 9 Lincoln's Inn, Records (London, 1896), vol. i, 24 W. Dunn Macray (ed.), Calendar of the Claren- p. 242. don State Papers (Oxford, 1869), vol. ii, p. 310. 10 The Poetical Works of Sir John Denham, ed. 25 Egerton MS. 2550, fol. 73. T. H. Banks, 2nd edn. (1969), pp. 156-8. 26 Ibid., fols. 81b, 83b. 11 Stowe MS. 142, fol. 47. 27 Add. MS. 4166, fol. 130b. 12 British Museum, Catalogue of the Siome MSS. 28 Cal. Comm. Compounding, part iii, pp. 1790, (London, 1895), vol. i, p. 97. 1791; and O'Hehir, op. cit., p. 77. 29 Harley MS. 991, fol. 8b. 67 Mary Frear Keeler, op. cit., pp. 360-1. 30 Add. MS. 19678, fol. 62. 68 Lady Anne Fanshawe, Memoirs, ed. John Loftis 31 Ibid., tbls. 8b-9. (Oxford, 1979), p. 115; and Fraser, op. cit, 32 Ibid., fol. 58b. p. 56. 33 O'Hehir, op. cit., chapter iv, pp. 83-112. 69 D. Osborne, Letters, ed. G. C. Moore Smith 34 Ibid., p. 83 and n. i. (Oxford, 1928), p. 100. 35 O. Ogle and W. H. Bliss (eds.), Calendar of the 70 Carte, Life of Ormonde, vol. iv, pp. 701-2. Clarendon State Papers (Oxford, 1872), vol. i, 71 HMC, 5th Report (1876), Appendix, p. 76. P- 459- 72 Brief Lives, ed. cit., vol. ii, pp. 24, 25. 36 Add. MS. 19399, fols. 65-66b. 73 Edmund Waller, Poems, ed. G. Thorn-Drury 37 O'Hehir, op. dt., p. 84 n. 2. (London, 1893), p. 90. 38 Historical Manuscripts Commission, Pepys 74 Bodleian, MS. Clarendon 28, fol. 297 {CaL MSS. (1911), p. 272. Clar. S.P., vol. i, p. 344). 39 F. C. Turner, Jame^ //(London, 1948), p. 22. 75 Carte, Collection of Original Letters, vol. i, 40 O'Hehir, op. cit., p. 85. p. 286. 41 Add. MS. 19399, fols. 72-3. 76 Ibid., p. 290; and Cal. Clar. S.P., vol. ii, p. 59. 42 Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon, The History 77 Carte, Collection of Original Letters, vol. i, of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in England p. 290; and Cal. Clar. S.P., vol. ii, p. 45. (Oxford, 1888), vol. V, pp. 37-9. 78 Ibid., p. 55. 43 O'Hehir, op. cit., pp. 83, 84. 79 Bodleian, MS. Clarendon 39, fol. 117b {Cal. 44 Carte, A Collection of Original Letters and Clar. S.P., vol. ii, p. 50). Papers concerning the Affairs of England 80 Nicholas Papers, Vol. I, p. 208. (London, 1739), vol. i, p. 281. 81 Cal. Clar. S.P., vol. ii, p. 65. 45 CaL Clar. S.P., vol. ii, p. 6; and State Papers 82 Nicholas Papers, Vol /., p. 306. Collected by Edward^ Earl of Clarendon (Oxford, 83 W. Dunn Macray (ed.). Calendar of the 1773)) vol. ii, p. 479. Clarendon State Papers (Oxford, 1876), vol. iii, 46 CaL Clar. S.P.^ vol. ii, pp. 7, 10. PP- 5. 9- 47 G. F. Warner (ed.). The Nicholas Papers, Vol. /, 84 O'Hehir, op. cit., p. 77. Camden Society, NS xl (1886), p. 127. 85 Cal. S.P. Dom. 1644-1645, p. 397. 48 Ibid., p. 129. 86 House of Commons, Members of Parliament 49 Ibid. (London, 1878), part i, p. 487. 50 O'Hehir, op. cit., p. 85. 87 Cal. S.P. Dom. f 649-1650, p. 373; and Cal. S.P. 51 Bodleian, MS. Carte 29, fols. 45-6 (letter dated Dom. 1651, pp. 44, 45. 'Dec: 27^^') and fols. 223-4 (letter dated 'Feb 88 CaL Comm. Comp., part iii, p. 1790. 89 CaL S.P. Dom. 1652-1653-, p- 193. 52 O'Hehir, op. cit., pp. 92 n. 22, 168, 202, 246-7. 90 Ibid., p. 264. 53 History of the Rebellion, ed. cit., vol. v, p. 233. 91 O'Hehir, op. cit, pp. 81, 82. 54 Bodleian, MS. Clarendon 42, fols. 415, 416. 92 Beriah Botfield, Stemmata BotevUliana (Lon- 55 Add. MS. 37047, fol. 159. don, 1858), p. 59. 56 Sotheby's sale-catalogue 2 April 1973, lot 231. 93 Cal. Comm. Comp., part iii, p. 1790. 57 Add. MS. 37047, fol. 126. 94 Carte, Collection of Original Letters, vol. ii, 58 Cal. S.P. Dom. 1651, p. 273. PP- 3^1 32. For an account of Sandys's journey 59 Add. MS. 3704^, fol. 173b. see Add. MS. 38847, fols. 48-52. 60 Op. cit., p. 90. 95 Carte, Life of Ormonde, vol. iii, p. 626. 61 Add. MS. 4162, fol. 208b. 96 Winifred Lady Burghclere, The Life of James nt 62 Poetical Works, ed. cit., pp. 107-10. Duke of Ormonde (London, 1912), vol. i, p. 427. 63 O'Hehir, op. cit., p. 90 n. 17. 97 Add. MS. 29577, fol- 44b. 64 Ibid., p. 98. 98 O'Hehir, op. cit., pp. 233-9. 65 Ibid., p. 89. 99 Add. MS. 36916, fol. 62rcf. P. W. Souers, The 66 J. Evelyn, Diary, ed. E. S. de Beer (Oxford, Matchless Orinda (Cambridge, Mass., 1931), 1955), vol. ii, pp. 549-50 n. 9; Antonia Fraser, p. 229. Weaker Vessels (London, 1984), pp. 56, 222, 100 O'Hehir, op. cit., p. 253. 292-3- 101 Add. MS. 36916, fol. 132. 20