Contributions from The Museum of History and Technology Paper 63 The Penitente Moradas of Abiquiu Richard E. Ahlborn Introduction Penitente Organization Origins of the Penitente Movement The History of Abiquiu The Architecture of the Moradas Interior Space and Artifacts Summary Smithsonian Institution Press Washington, D.C. 1968 347-895 : 1969 O - U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE Documents. U.S. Qovernment Printing Office For sale by the Superintendent oJ Washington, D.C. 20402 - Price 75 cents Figure 26. Cross {ctuz). Size: 706.7 centimeters high, 73.6 wide. Date: First quarter of 20th century: Origin: .^biquiu: Onesimo Martinez. LocATior; South : morada, center room. Manufacture: Indigo blue designs (stencilled?). Richard E. Ahlborn THE PENITENTE MORADAS OF ABIQUIU By the early igth century, Spanish-speaking residents of vil- lages in northern New Mexico and southern Colorado felt the need for a brotherhood that would preserve their traditional social and religious beliefs. Known as "brothers of light," or penitentes, these Spanish-Americans centered their activities in a houselike building, or morada, especially equipped for Holy Week ceremonies. For the first time, two intact moradas have been fidly photo- graphed and described through the cooperation of the peni- tente brothers of Abiquiii, New Mexico. The Author: Richard E. Ahlborn is associate curator in the Division of Cultural History in the Smithsonian Institu- tion's Museum of History and Technology. Introduction This study describes two earthern buildings and Spain's former colonies—Mexico, Argentina, and the their special furnishings—humble but unique docu- Philippines—the penitentes in the mountainous region ments of Spanish-American culture. The two struc- that extends north of Albuquerque into southern Col- tures are located in Abiquiu, a rural, Spanish-speaking orado are remarkable for their persistence. village in northern New Mexico. Known locally as After a centurv and a half of clerical criticism ' and moradas, they ser\'c as meeting houses for members of a flagellant brotherhood, the penitentes. I. Beginning in 1820 with the report of ecclesiastic visitor The pendente brotherhood is characteristic of Niiio de Guevara, the Catholic Church has continued to frown critical study by a church- Spanish culture in New Mexico (herein called Hispano upon penitente activities. .\ modern man: Father Angf.lico Chavez, "The Penitentes of New to indicate its derivation from Hispanic traditions in Mexico," New Mexico Historical Review (April 1954), vol. in Mexico). Although penitential activities occurred 22, PP- 97-123- PAPER 63: THE PENITENTE MORAD.'>iS OF ABIQUHJ 123 : , extracultural pressures against the movement, physi- Edmonson names each officer and lists his duties evidence of penitente activity, although scattered cal The head of the chapter is the hermano mayor. He is and diminished, still survives. As intact, functioning assisted in administrative duties by the warden [celador] artifacts, the penitente moradas at Abiquiu are valu- and the collector (mandatario) , and in ceremonial du- ties by an assistant (coadjutor) , reader (secretario) able records of an autonomous, socio-religious brother- blood-letter (sangredor) and flutist (pitero). An official hood and of its place in the troubled history- of called the nurse (enfermero) attends the flagellants, Spanish-American culture in the Southwest. and a master of novices (maestro de novios) super- This paper maintains that penitentes are not cul- vises the training of new members." deviant or aberrant but comprise a movement turally In an early and apparently biased account of the based firmly in Hispanic traditions as shown by their penitentes. Reverend AlexandarDarley,^ a Presbyterian architecture and equipment found at Abiquiu and by missionary in southern Colorado, provides additional previously established religious and social practices. terms for three officers: picador (the blood-letter), Also, this paper presents in print for the first time a regador or rezador (a tenth officer, who led prayers) complete, integrated, and functioning group of and mayordomo de la muerte (literally "steward of penitente artifacts documented, in situ, by photographs. death") . As host for meetings between penitente chap- indebtedness in this study to local residents is My ters, the mayordomo may be a late 19th-century inno- first, for inspiration, from Rosenaldo Salazar immense: vation that bears the political overtones of a local and his son Regino, who introduced me of Hernandez leader.'' to penitente members at Abiquiu and four times ac- Having less influence than individual officers are the moradas. singular oppor- companied me to the The penitente members-at-large, numbering between thirty tunity to measure and to photograph interiors and and fifty in each chapter. Through the Hispano family artifacts is due wholly to the understand- individual system of extended bilateral kinship, however, much but proud, penitentes themselves. The task ably wary of the village population is represented in each local in the moradas was of identifying religious images penitente group. E. Boyd, Curator of the Spanish- expertly done by Edmonson's study in the Rimrock district demon- in the Museum of New Mexico Colonial Department strates the deep sense of social responsibility felt by responsibility for accuracy and at Santa Fe. The final penitentes for members and their extended family cir- interpretation of data, of course, is mine alone. cles. "Special assistants were appointed from time to time to visit the sick or perform other community services which the brotherhood may undertake." ^ At Penitente Organization other times of need, especially in sickness and death, the general penitente membership renders invaluable Penitente brotherhoods usually are made up of Span- service to the afflicted family. In addition, penitente ish-speaking Catholic laymen in rural communities. welfare efforts include spiritual as well as physical Although the activities and artifacts vary in specific de- comfort such as wakes, prayers and rosaries, and the tails, the basic structure, ceremonies, and aims of singing of funereal chants (alabados) . At Espanola in penitentes as a cultural institution may be generalized. November of 1965, I witnessed penitentes contribut- Full membership is open only to adult males. Female ing such help to respected nonmembers: grave digging, relatives serve penitente chapters as auxiliaries may financial aid, and a rosary service with alabados. who clean, cook, and join in prayer, as do children on occasion, but men hold all offices and make up the membership-at-large. 1. Monro S. Edmonsox, Los Manilas: A Study of In- Penitente membership comprises two strata distin- stitutional Values (Publ. 25, Middle American Research In- stitute; New Orleans: Tulane University, 1950), p. 43. guishable by title and activity. In his study of Hispano 3. Alexander M. Darlev. The Passionists of the South- institutional values, Monro Edmonson notes that west (Pueblo, i8g3). Boyd, Curator of the Spanish-Colonial Department. penitente chapters are divided into these two groups: 4. E. Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe. states that Jesus Trujjillo (i) common members or brothers in discipline, her- in 1947 furnished information on other penitente officers, manos disciplantes; and (2) officers, called brothers of including one man who uses the matraca and one who acts as a sergeant at arms. light, hermanos de luz. 5. Edmonson, loc. cit. 124 BULLETIN 250: CONTRIBUTIONS FROM THE MUSEUM OF HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY ) , These spiritual services, however, are peripheral to penitentes used via crucis processions to dramatize the the principal religious activity of pcnitentes—the Passion, portrayed in every Catholic church by the obsei-vance of the Lenten Passion and death of Jesus. fourteen Stations of the Cross. Penitentes also main- During Holy Week, prayer meetings, rosaries, and via tained Catholic Lenten practices by holding tenebrae processions crucis with religious images are held at the services, the tinieblas rites mentioned above, and by morada and at a site representing Calvary [calvario) flagellation. the local cemetery. usually On Good Friday, vigils are These parallels between Catholic and penitente kept and the morada is darkened for a service known religious observances caused Edmonson to theorize that tiniehlas. as las The ceremony of "the darkenings" "the autonomous movement originated within the consists of silent prayer broken by violent noise making. Church." " Variations, however, between the two Metal sheets and chains, wooden blocks and rattles are religious traditions led Edmonson to discover "an im- manipulated to suggest natural disturbances at the portant thread of religious independence and even moment of Jesus' death on the cross. This emphatic apostasy in New Mexican history." ^'' Edmonson's portrayal of His last houi-s is recalled also by acts of study of 1950 has established the persistence of peni- contrition and flagellation in penitcnte initiation rites, tente activity in Hispano culture. punishments, and Holy Week processions. Three and a half centuries earlier, in 1598, Spanish Penitentes use physical discipline and mortification settlers made a courageous thrust into the inhospitable as a dramatic means to intensify their imitation of Jesus' environment of New Mexico. Through the 17th and sufTering.* Heavy timber crosses [madcros) and cactus 18th centuries, Spanish setdement along the upper whips {disciplinas) are