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Historically Speaking

Abraham ’s Election at 150

ovember 6 marks the 150th an- By BG John S. Brown dates. The newly emerging Republi- Nniversary of the election of Abra- U.S. Army retired can Party, led by , ham Lincoln to be the 16th President stood staunchly against any extension of the of America. Sec- This month’s “Historically Speaking” of into the territories. Only tional rivalries that had been brewing is the first of about a dozen “Histori- the tiny and newly formed Constitu- for generations quickly boiled over, cally Speaking” articles in the next six tional Union Party led by John Bell accelerating the drift towards civil years recognizing the 150th anniver- consciously sought further compro- war. Although not himself a military sary of the Civil War. mise and the middle ground. When man, President Lincoln would soon the popular vote came in, Lincoln had preside over the bloodiest war in American history. 40 percent, Douglas 29 percent, Breckinridge 18 percent American constitutional processes depend upon the give and Bell 13 percent. This translated into 180 electoral votes and take of political compromise to effectively govern. Po- for Lincoln, 72 for Breckinridge, 39 for Bell and 12 for Doug- litical leaders have long given ground on some issues to las. The vote was almost entirely sectional, with Lincoln gain ground on others—“horse trading across the aisle,” as taking the Northern states, Breckinridge the Southern, Bell the expression goes. By 1860, political debate had collapsed a few states in between, and Douglas Missouri and half of into the singular issue of slavery, however, attended by the . Southern leaders were shocked by the statis- “states’ rights” issue of whether or not a state could em- tics of their defeat and fearful of its consequences for their brace slavery if it so chose. Polarization was so advanced way of life. at the time that neither faction was inclined to give the Northerners and Southerners miscalculated each other slightest ground to the other, and mutual trust had evapo- in the aftermath of the election. Relatively few Northerners rated. Southern leaders were particularly keen on seeing thought the South would actually secede. Talk of slavery extend into nascent American territories before had bubbled off and on for generations, and some mixture these were organized as states. They believed the Constitu- of threat and compromise had always headed it off. In- tion gave—and the recent Supreme Court deci- deed, Lincoln made it clear he was not threatening slavery sion affirmed—this right to “property.” They also feared that the terri- tories, not much suited to plantation agriculture as it was practiced in the South, would opt against slavery if merely allowed to go their own way. The delicate political balance between the number of “slave” states and the number of “free” states was in peril. The election of 1860, which attracted the highest voter turnout to that time and the second highest ever, pre- sented stark choices. The Democratic Party split in two. Northern Democ- rats led by Stephen A. Douglas argued for “,” the right of the population of a territory to choose whether to be “slave” or “free” while becoming a state. led by John C. Breckinridge insisted that slavery be allowed into territories This 1860 cartoon parodies the presidential election: Republican Abra- and new states unconditionally. The ham Lincoln (far left) and Northern Democrat Stephen A. Douglas tear Democrats’ traditional opponents, the at the West, Southern Democrat John C. Breckinridge (center) grabs Whig Party, had already imploded the South and Constitutional Union Party candidate John Bell (far over slavery and presented no candi- right), seeking compromise, tries to glue the country together.

November 2010 I ARMY 77 Participants and a crowd of onlookers mob the U.S. Capitol, Washington, D.C., during Lincoln's inauguration on March 4, 1861.

in states where it already existed, and a proposed constitutional amendment soon circulated, guaranteeing slav- ery’s survival in those states. Southern leaders were too suspicious of aboli- tionists to give this initiative much credence, however. In their view, ex- cluding slavery from the territories was but the first step in exterminating it altogether. Northern leaders knew that most Southern whites did not own slaves and that only a privileged few truly profited from the system. Many hoped that Unionist sentiments among Southern yeoman farmers and city workers would tilt the scales against secession. Substantial frag- ments of , Georgia and Al- abama did, in fact, vote against seces- sion, and the sentiment for secession in the first seven states to secede was

far from unanimous. When Library of Congress later seceded from the Union, famously se- bands, fireworks and rallies stretching far into the night. ceded from Virginia. In the South, however, the argument In February, delegates from the seceding states met at for secession was reframed from a defense of slavery to Montgomery, Ala., and established the Confederate States states’ rights, local patriotism and protecting a way of life. of America. They expected to “go in peace” as they left the More than a few feared slave insurrections that would Union, but made it clear they were willing to “appeal to sweep away white society, slave owners and non-owners arms” if opposed. Lincoln avoided public statements prior alike. In this anxiety, memories of John Brown’s raid on to his inauguration on March 4, 1861, but at his inaugura- Harper’s Ferry loomed large. tion declared: “The power confided to me will be used to If Northerners overestimated Southerners’ inclination to hold, occupy and possess the property and places belong- compromise, Southerners underestimated the North’s will- ing to the government.” He was referring to forts, armories ingness to fight, if necessary, to preserve the Union. Many and custom posts the Confederacy would have to control if Southerners believed that, if presented with unified and de- its declared independence was to be credible. , termined resistance, the North would back down rather for example, dominated the maritime approaches to than resort to arms. War would be mutually destructive to Charleston, S.C. Were it to remain in Union hands, access to the victor and vanquished alike, and there seemed no guar- the South’s greatest port would be conditional. President antee that the North had the stomach to persevere to vic- Lincoln was confident in the righteousness of his cause, but tory. Surely peace-loving citizens and rational business in- determined not to strike the first blow. If war was to come, terests would pull back from the brink. On December 20, he would muster the passion and commitment of an ag- 1860, took its chances and seceded from the grieved people who had been attacked. The next move Union. Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, would be that of the Confederacy. ( and soon followed. Their mood was celebratory, with Recommended Reading: BG John S. Brown, USA Ret., was chief of military history at Levine, Bruce, Half Slave and Half Free: The Roots of the the U.S. Army Center of Military History from December Civil War (New York: Hill & Wang, 1992) 1998 to October 2005. He commanded the 2nd Battalion, 66th Armor, in Iraq and Kuwait during the Gulf War and returned McPherson, James M., Battle Cry of : The Civil to Kuwait as commander of the 2nd Brigade, 1st Cavalry Di- War Era (New York: Ballantine, 1988) vision, in 1995. He has a doctorate in history from Potter, David M., The Impending Crisis, 1848–1861 University. His book, Kevlar Legions: Army Transforma- (New York: Harper, 1976) tion 1989–2005, is forthcoming.

78 ARMY I November 2010