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Muslim schools in Mumbai Desecularization, privatization and segregation of education in urban India van der Kaaij, S.
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Download date:25 Sep 2021 References
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224 instances of of Muslim growth Desecularization meets segregation. Not found external funding by Islamic religious organizations wanting to proselytize through education in Mumbai. Can explain existence, not the schools (with exception of growth due to increase of absolute number people.) 7. Additional notes Separate schools with Islamic norms and values and practices. Desire for Islamic courses, practices and environment at schools. 6. Consequences Provide “safe” schools free of possible Westernization, Christianization, Hinduization, “wrong” teaching of Islam or absence of teaching Islam. There always were and will be people who want to combine religious and secular education. 5. setting INCENTIVE for selecting Muslim up or schools 1: pp en d ix A External funding foundation of schools possible. External funding to poor parents makes the attendance possible. 4. for POSSIBILITY setting up Muslim schools Not found in relation to desecularization. Not found in relation to desecularization. Non-Muslim schools pose an additional to a general threat ‘threat’ emanating from a society by globalization. affected Funding for schools by religious organizations with an intention to proselytize Religious education is perennial. 3. Related Education Factors 5. Socioeconomic insecurity. 4. Political insecurity. 3. Moral Insecurity due to globalization. 2. Active Support. 1. Innate demand. 2. General causal factors of societal trend Desecularization Desecularization Desecularization Desecularization Desecularization 1. Societal trend Overview of Trends, Causal Factors, Possibilities and Incentives for the Existence and Growth of Muslim Schools in the Existence and Growth Causal Factors, Possibilities and Incentives for Trends, Overview of Mumbai
225 Appendix 1 Privatization and desecularization. Privatization. Privatization meets desecularization. Desecularization meets privatization (and segregation). 7. Additional notes Foundation of various types of Muslim schools, increasing pace after economic liberalization and adoption of structural adjustment policies in in 1991. Foundation English schools with Urdu courses. Foundation of new Minority Schools. Foundation of various types of private Muslim schools. Foundation of new schools aimed at the upliftment of the Muslim community. Foundation of private Muslim schools. Foundation of new Muslim schools and new school types. 6. Consequences Starting Muslim schools not limited to higher economic class. Demand for combination of English and Urdu at schools. Aided Minority schools English cannot offer medium. English discourse: English panacea for overcoming backwardness. Starting Muslim schools not limited to higher economic class. Awareness that Muslims Awareness are most educationally deprived community with little use of regular education. 5. setting INCENTIVE for selecting Muslim up or schools Critical mass reached: enough people are able to school fees. afford Constitution allows for private schools. Existing framework facilitates setting up new private schools on same premises and/ or by experienced management. Freedom to set up private and separate Muslim schools. 4. for POSSIBILITY setting up Muslim schools Increased demand for education. Increased demand for English. Ability to pay for education. New normative and legal framework for universalization of education. Long history of private players in education sector. No state monopoly on education. Non-interference, non- stimulation and non- prohibition policy. 3. Related Education Factors 9. Economic growth. 8. New normative and legal neo-liberal framework after economic liberalization and adoption of structural adjustment policies in 1991. 7. Long history of private players in social sectors. 6. Supply (structural) Factors. 2. General causal factors of societal trend Privatization Privatization Privatization Desecularization 1. Societal trend Appendix 1: Continued
226 Appendix Unintended segregation, privatization, desecularization. Three types of segregation, privatization, and desecularization. Privatization. 7. Additional notes Foundation of new Muslim schools. Foundation of new Muslim schools. Demand for private schools. new Self-organization; schools established in late 1990s, post liberalization and post- violence. Ayodyha 6. Consequences Start different types Start different of schools to avoid government impact. Cope with (perceived) discrimination upon admission by starting own schools. Cope with (perceived) discrimination by starting safe haven. Counter negative psychological effects of (perceived) discrimination by starting safe haven and “correct Islamic teachings.” Bad reputation/ reality government Urdu schools. Lack of Urdu and English combination Lack of faith in government commissions and/or grants not coming. Non-implementation of schemes and commission. 5. setting INCENTIVE for selecting Muslim up or schools 4. for POSSIBILITY setting up Muslim schools Suspicion of motives of government during interventions in (government) education. Overt and covert (perceived) discrimination at school admission and in school. Bad reputation government schools. 3. Related Education Factors 12. Distrust of Muslims towards Indian government. 11. Feared disloyalty. 11. 10. Bad reputation government institutions. 2. General causal factors of societal trend Segregation Segregation Privatization 1. Societal trend Appendix 1: Continued
227 Summary
Muslim schools in Mumbai. Desecularization, Privatization and Segregation of Education in Urban India
In the decade prior to the commencement of this research in 2006, Muslim schools received ample attention in popular media, and increasingly so in academic publications. Unfortunately, the empirical basis of most reports was many a time meager, and often absent. Three assumptions about Muslim schools prevailed: that Muslim schools are madrasas, that Muslim schools teach fundamentalist ideologies which may undermine social cohesion, and that Muslim schools are selected because parents have no other options. In this study, I test these assumptions in the context of urban India. Next, I shift the discussion away from the limited scope of inquiry that these assumptions represent: the scope of securitization and Muslim schools as religious schools alone. Instead, I propose to analyze the schools through the lenses of privatization and segregation as well, and raise the following questions. What are Muslim schools in Mumbai really like? Who selects them? Why is the number of Muslim schools in Mumbai growing? In order to answer these questions, between 2008 and 2010 I conducted extensive ethnographic fieldwork in Mumbai. Eight schools were selected as case study schools. At the school level, data was collected via formal and informal semi-structured interviews with teachers and principals, through classroom and school observations, and from documents published by the schools. Further, 76 parents of Muslim schools were interviewed. Original data thus obtained was supplemented with visits to other Muslim and non-Muslim schools, and with interviews with other actors active in the field of education, such as government officials of the municipal corporation. This study is an exploratory study employing a heuristic approach. It seeks to draw out ideas about what factors are related to each other in order to develop an exploratory analytical framework. This framework subsequently needs to be tested in a more quantitative manner. From the data, it emerged that Muslim schools in Mumbai are a highly diverse group of schools. Contrary to popular belief, I observed that certainly not all Muslim schools are madrasas, definitely not all Muslim schools promote fundamentalist ideologies, and parents who select these schools do have other options available to them. The fieldwork data further confirmed that Muslim schools in Mumbai share three characteristics: in addition to being religious (or faith-based) schools, they are private schools and segregated schools. Doing justice to the heterogeneity of Muslim schools in Mumbai, and based on ten indicators related to markers of religiosity, segregation and privatization, I developed a typology of Muslim schools. This typology is meant to be exhaustive, not in terms of school options available to Muslim parents
228 Summary
in India, but in the sense that it covers all school types Muslim parents can opt for should they desire a religiously or culturally Muslim school. The typology lays a solid foundation for a more integrated analytical framework for Muslim schools in Mumbai, and, indeed, possibly faith-based schools more generally. Uncovering why Muslim schools exist and grow in number, fourteen factors were identified. These factors create either an incentive or a possibility to start or select a Muslim school. Although different types of Muslim schools fulfill different needs, and not all fourteen factors are equally important for each school type, taken together they explain the existence and growth of Muslim schools in Mumbai. It was found that most of these factors are related to wider trends of desecularization, privatization, and segregation of society. Moral insecurities—voiced as fears of Westernization, Christianization, or Hinduization, and growing up with the “wrong” Islam and/or a lack of Islam—provide powerful incentives for parents to select (religious and segregated) Muslim schools in Mumbai, and for educators to found them. The same applies to political insecurities. Parents and educators are affected by macro-historical events (such as Partition, riots and the rise of Hindutva) which cut deep wounds at the micro level, influencing perceptions and realities. Parents and educators at Muslims schools seek community- based segregated schools for their children, where they can learn, free from being and/or feeling discriminated against. In addition to feelings of insecurity, the demand for English education, whether or not in combination with Urdu, provides an incentive to choose (private) Muslim schools, as does the desire for having certain religion-based habits and practices at school (such as related to attire, and curriculum and gender segregation). Simultaneously, the existing legal and policy frameworks (historical and in the context of privatization) provide possibilities for (private, religious and segregated) Muslim schools to grow. Various non-religion-based incentives are at play in the growth if Muslim schools in urban India. Nevertheless, an important finding of this research is that parents actively and voluntarily choose Muslim schools for their children’s education, being pulled to it by religious factors. Parents do not select schools despite the schools’ religious character, they choose the schools because of it. Doing justice to the reality of Muslim schools therefore entails acknowledging that the growth of Muslim schools is the result of diverse factors, and not the consequence of either— or primarily—secular or religious motives of the actors involved, nor merely of possibilities available. Different types of Muslim schools fulfill different needs for different types of parents (who cover a wide spectrum in terms of social class, ideology, and aspirations). The growth of the number of Muslim schools, the accompanying discourse found at schools and among parents, the what of the schools and the why of it are the signs and symptoms of much wider trends of desecularization, privatization and segregation in contemporary India. Viewing the
229 Summary
growth of Muslim and other religious schools first and foremost as a result of societal trends, rather than as the seedbed of new ones, will affect our approach to them. Should having Muslim schools—as well as other religious, private and segregated schools—be deemed undesirable, then it is futile to address the issue by limiting the possibilities alone. It is the incentives felt, the moral and political insecurities and the needs of those who set up and select the schools, that require to be acknowledged and addressed.
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Moslimscholen in Mumbai: Desecularisering, Privatisering en Segregatie van Onderwijs in Stedelijk India
In het decennium voorafgaand aan de start van dit onderzoek in 2006, was er in de media veel aandacht voor moslimscholen en ook een toenemend aantal academische publicaties. Helaas was de empirische onderbouwing van de berichten vaak mager, als er al een empirische basis was. Drie veronderstellingen over moslimscholen keerden dikwijls terug: moslimscholen zijn madrassa’s, moslimscholen onderwijzen fundamentalistische ideologieën die de sociale cohesie kunnen ondermijnen, en ouders kiezen voor moslimscholen bij gebrek aan beschikbare alternatieven. In deze studie toets ik deze veronderstellingen voor de context van stedelijk India. Vervolgens richt ik de discussie elders dan de beperkte reikwijdte die deze veronderstellingen vertegenwoordigen. Ik stel voor de scholen te analyseren in het licht van drie maatschappelijke processen (desecularisatie, privatisering en segregatie) om antwoord te vinden op de vragen: Hoe zijn moslimscholen in Mumbai in werkelijkheid? Wie kiest ze? Waarom neemt het aantal moslimscholen in Mumbai toe? Om deze vragen te kunnen beantwoorden, deed ik tussen 2008 en 2010 uitgebreid etnografisch veldwerk in Mumbai. Acht moslimscholen werden geselecteerd om als casusscholen te dienen. Op schoolniveau werd data vergaard via formele en informele semigestructureerde interviews met docenten, schoolleiding, en oprichters van scholen, middels observaties in de klas en op school, en uit schooldocumenten, zoals schoolagenda’s en brochures. Tevens werden 76 ouders van de casusscholen geïnterviewd. De originele data die zo werd verzameld, werd aangevuld met informatie uit bezoeken aan een breed scala van andere moslim- en niet-moslimscholen, en interviews met andere actoren in het onderwijsveld (zoals leden van het gemeentelijk (onderwijs)ambtenarenapparaat). Deze studie is verkennend van aard en hanteert een heuristische aanpak. Het doel ervan is ideeën aan de oppervlakte te brengen over welke factoren aan elkaar zijn gerelateerd, om zo een verkennend analytische kader te ontwikkelen. Dit kader zal vervolgens op meer kwantitatieve wijze moeten worden getoetst. Uit de veldwerkdata kwam naar voren dat moslimscholen in Mumbai bijzonder divers van aard zijn. In tegenstelling tot wat veelal wordt gedacht, zijn niet alle moslimscholen madrassa’s, propageren niet alle moslimscholen fundamentalistische ideologieën, en hebben ouders die voor moslimscholen kiezen ook andere opties tot hun beschikking. Veldwerkdata bevestigde dat moslimscholen in Mumbai drie eigenschappen gemeen hebben: naast religieuze scholen, zijn het ook privéscholen en gesegregeerde scholen. Rechtdoend aan het heterogene karakter van de moslimscholen in Mumbai, en gebaseerd op tien indicatoren verwant aan kenmerken van religiositeit, segregatie en privatisering, werd een typologie ontwikkeld. Deze
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typologie is bedoeld uitputtend te zijn: niet met betrekking tot de opties die moslim-ouders tot hun beschikking staat in India, maar in de zin dat het alle soorten scholen omvat waar moslim-ouders voor kunnen kiezen als zij een school willen die islamitisch is, in religieus of cultureel opzicht. Er zijn 14 factoren die het bestaan, de groei van, en de keuze voor moslimscholen stimuleren en mogelijk maken. De verschillende typen moslimscholen vervullen verschillende behoeften, en niet alle 14 factoren zijn even belangrijk voor elk type afzonderlijk. Niettemin verklaren zij tezamen bestaan en de groei van moslimscholen in Mumbai. De meeste van deze factoren zijn verwant aan de drie bredere maatschappelijke trends van desecularisering, privatisering en segregatie van de samenleving. Morele onzekerheden – zoals de angst verwesterd te raken, voor verchristelijking en hindoeïsering, en voor het opgroeien met de ‘verkeerde’ Islam of een gebrek eraan – vormen een belangrijk motief voor ouders om moslimscholen te kiezen in Mumbai, en voor onderwijsgevenden om deze te stichten. Hetzelfde geldt voor politieke onzekerheden: ouders en onderwijsgevenden, en hun omgeving, worden beïnvloed door macro-historische gebeurtenissen (en de verwerking van deze gebeurtenissen) die diepe wonden achterlaten op microniveau, alwaar percepties en realiteiten worden beïnvloed. Ouders en onderwijsgevenden op moslimscholen zoeken op gemeenschap gestoelde gesegregeerde scholen voor hun kinderen, waar zij zich veilig en vrij van discriminatie weten of voelen. Naast gevoelens van onzekerheid vormen de wens voor ruimte en respect op school voor religieuze gewoonten en gebruiken en de vraag naar onderwijs in het Engels (al dan niet in combinatie met Urdu) motieven voor het kiezen en stichten van privémoslimscholen. Tegelijkertijd bieden bestaande juridische en beleidskaders (in historisch opzicht en in het licht van meer recente privatisering-trends in onderwijs) moslimscholen de mogelijkheid te bestaan en te groeien in aantal. Verscheidene niet-religieuze motieven, wensen en stimuli spelen een rol spelen in de groei van moslimscholen in India. Niettemin is een belangrijke uitkomst van dit onderzoek dat de keuze van ouders voor moslimscholen actief en vrijwillig is. Zij voelen zich tot de moslimscholen aangetrokken door religieuze factoren. Ouders kiezen scholen niet ondanks maar vanwege het religieuze karakter van de school. Wie recht wil doen aan de realiteit van moslimscholen in India erkent daarom dat de groei van moslimscholen gezien moet worden als de uitkomst van een combinatie van ongelijkaardige factoren, en niet van enkel seculiere of religieuze drijfveren. Verschillende soorten moslimscholen bevredigen verschillende behoeften van ouders en onderwijsgevenden. Moslimscholen in Mumbai bedienen niet enkel de armen, noch enkel de diep-gelovigen. Zowel de groei van moslimscholen, het bijbehorende discours op scholen en tussen ouders onderling, het wat van de scholen en het waarom ervan, wijzen naar meer omvangrijke processen. Het zijn de symptomen van veel bredere maatschappelijke trends van desecularisering, privatisering en segregatie in hedendaags India. Beschouwen we de groei van moslimscholen (en andere religieuze
232 Samenvatting
scholen) vooraleerst als het gevolg van maatschappelijke trends (in plaats van als de oorzaak van deze of nieuwe trends) dan beïnvloedt dat onze benadering van de scholen. Indien het bestaan van moslimscholen (en dat van andere religieuze, privé- en gesegregeerde scholen) ongewenst geacht wordt, dan is het noodzaak de onzekerheden en behoeften van hen die de scholen kiezen en oprichten te erkennen en aan te vatten.
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In the early 2000s Muslim schools received ample attention in popular media, and increasingly so in academic publications. The empirical basis of most reports was many a time meager, and often absent. Three assumptions about Muslim schools prevailed: that Muslim schools are madrasas, that Muslim schools teach fundamentalist ideologies which may undermine social cohesion, and that Muslim schools are selected because parents have no other options. This study tests these assumptions in the context of urban India, and finds them to be myths. Then it shifts the discussion away from the limited scope of inquiry that these assumptions represent: the scope of securitization and Muslim schools as religious schools alone. It proposes to analyze the schools through the lenses of privatization and segregation as well, and raises the following questions. What are Muslim schools in Mumbai really like? Who selects them? Why is the number of Muslim schools in Mumbai growing? Based on extensive original ethnographic fieldwork in Mumbai this study not only shows that Muslim schools form a highly diverse category of schools, it also offers a fresh exploratory analytical framework for faith-based schooling and parental school choice for faith-based schools. It illuminates how societal processes of segregation and privatization are instrumental in understanding the existence and growth of Muslim schools in urban India.
Sanne van der Kaaij (1979) obtained an MA in (Non-Western) History from the University of Groningen and an MSc (cum laude) in Contemporary Asian Studies from the University of Amsterdam. She works as a writer and is based in Mumbai, India.