APPENDIX S1
HERITAGE ASSESSMENT FOR BIRD IN HAND GOLD PROJECT
BIRD IN HAND GOLD PROJECT MINING LEASE PROPOSAL MC 4473
ABN | 66 122 765 708 Unit 7 / 202-208 Glen Osmond Road | Fullarton SA 5063
REPORT ON THE BIRD-IN-HAND
HERITAGE ASSESSMENT
FOR A MINING LEASE APPLICATION
Prepared for
Terramin Australia Limited
on Instructions from Mr Matthew Daniel,
Environment & Community Superintendent
By
Dr Philip A. Clarke BSc, BA, MA. Qual., PhD
[email protected] c/- 17 Duke Street, Beulah Park, SA, 5067 Mb: 0448812494
26th May 2016
CONTENTS
Abstract 4
The Brief 4
Methods 5
Disclaimer 5
Part 1: Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Woodside Area 8
Territories 8
Foraging 13
Trade 17
Camps 19
Mythology 22
Aboriginal post-European settlement history 24
Part 2: European History of the Bird-in-Hand Mine 29
Woodside Goldfield 29
The Bird-in-Hand Mine 32
Reefton Heights and surrounding farms 40
Other mines in the Bird-in-Hand Group 46
Recent exploration 49
Executive Summary 51
References 53
Author’s Background 59
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 2 FIGURES
Figure 1: Location of the Terramin exploration tenements (Terramin, 2016). 6 Figure 2: Mineral claim area, enclosed within the yellow boundary, showing 7 the extent of the planned underground works (Terramin, 2016). Figure 3: Aboriginal territories (after Tindale, 1974 and Berndt et al., 1993). 10 Figure 4: Cross section from Saint Vincent Gulf to the Murray River 17 showing Aboriginal environment use (Tindale, 1974, Fig.20, p.61). Figure 5: Plan of a Peramangk campsite (Tindale, 1974, Fig.17, p.56). 20 Figure 6: Ancient river red gum (Eucalyptus camaldulensis) in the central area 21 of the Terramin Mineral Lease, 3rd March 2016. Figure 7: Jinny Christmas (left), a Peramangk woman from the Mount Torrens area, 27 and her family camped along the Murray River (Bellchambers, 1931, figure opposite p.153). Figure 8: Aboriginal men photographed at Mount Barker by William Barlow 28 in 1867. In the 1930s, Coorong man, Milerum, identified them as Peramangk (Tindale, 1974, plates 90-91). Figure 9: Historic mining sites in the vicinity of Woodside (Terramin, 2016). 31 Figure 10: Bird-in-Hand Mine in 1884, with a view looking west towards the 36 Winding House and the tramway to the 20 head stamp battery (Terramin, 2016). Figure 11: Battery house of the Bird-in-Hand Mine, possibly showing 37 the mine‟s owner with his workers in the 1880s (B6255, Woodside collection, State Library of South Australia). Figure 12: Bird-in-Hand Mine, 1934 (B13386, Woodside collection, 39 State library of South Australia). Figure 13: The Pomona pump at the Bird-in-Hand Mine, 1934 39 (B13387, Woodside collection, State Library of South Australia). Figure 14: Reefton Heights and local mine shafts (W.E.L., 1934). 41 Figure 15: Bottle glass fragment at the site of Reefton Heights, 8th March 2016. 45 Figure 16: Shaft opening at the site of Reefton Heights, 8th March 2016. 45 Figure 17: Lone Hand chimney stack, 8th March 2016. 47 Figure 18: Lone Hand battery area, 8th March 2016. 48 Figure 19: Possible „puddler‟ site near the historic Brind Mine that would have 48 been operated with a horse-gin (Terramin, 2016). Figure 20: Work exclusion areas (dashed lines) surrounding river red gums, to 50 provide a protective 5m buffer from the leaf drip line (Terramin, 2016).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 3 Abstract
The Bird-in-Hand prospect is part of Exploration Licence 4303 (EL4303 - see Figures 1 & 2) and is located approximately 25kms east of the Adelaide GPO and roughly 2.7kms east of the Woodside township.1 It is about 35kms north of Terramin‟s existing Angas Zinc Mine (Angas) at Strathalbyn. The title holder and operator is Terramin Exploration Proprietary Limited. Bird-in-Hand is a historic gold mine that operated intermittently between 1882 and 1938.
Records obtained by Terramin Exploration Proprietary Limited (Terramin) show the presence within the EL4303 of two major shafts (approx. 125m deep), three minor shafts (between 8m and 45m deep) and potentially at least five other shafts. Gold mineralisation occurred in the Woodside Goldfield in quartz-sulphide reefs within Umberatana Group quartzite and schist over a distance of about 3kms. Sulphide minerals included pyrite, galena, sphalerite, chalcopyrite and arsenopyrite. Bird-in-Hand was historically one of the major mines within the Woodside Goldfield.
The landholder has stated that there are no scientific or cultural sites present within the planned mining work section of the Bird-in-Hand Mineral Claim area. The register of Aboriginal Sites and Objects, administered through the Aboriginal Heritage Act 1988 by Aboriginal Affairs and Reconciliation at the Department of Premier and Cabinet,2 advised Terramin by letter on the 14th February 2014 that there are no records of Aboriginal sites in the mineral claim area. The only listed Heritage Place in this area is the Lone Hand Gold Mine chimney and flu, but this is not located near any of the planned works.3
The Brief
I was commissioned by Terramin Australia Limited to produce a cultural heritage report for the Bird-in-Hand Mineral Claim area near Woodside. This report is to be used to demonstrate the company‟s awareness of broad cultural heritage issues in the landscape within which
1 Refer to 1:250,000 Map Sheet – Adelaide (SI 5409); 1:100,000 Map Sheet – Adelaide (6628). See the Terramin website (http://www.terramin.com.au/project/bird-hand-gold-project/, accessed 29th March 2016). 2 Aboriginal Affairs and Reconciliation is now part of the Department of State Development. 3 Refer to the Heritage Place Database in the Department of Environment, Water & Natural Resources (http://maps.sa.gov.au/heritagesearch/SearchResultPage.aspx?p_searchtype=LOCATION&p_suburb=WOO DSIDE&p_lga=ALL&p_class=ALL, accessed 30 March 2016).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 4 future mining operations are to take place. The report is not intended to address the requirements of any specific legislation, although in the future it may be drawn upon for such purposes.
The report outlines relevant legislation (state and commonwealth) under which any „Bird-in- Hand‟ heritage issues may have to be considered further. The report covers Aboriginal occupation of the mineral claim area and immediate surrounding country, as well as European occupation and mining history.
Methods
An orientation trip to the mining area with company staff was undertaken on 8th March 2016 in order to assist me to become familiar with the general environment and to take the site photographs used in this report. The company provided me with some written material on the local heritage and mining history. At this stage, due to the circumstances of intensive European land use history and the location of the Bird-in-Hand Mineral Claim being away from major water sources, it is not expected that there will be any need to explore the local Aboriginal archaeology in terms of surface material.
The research in libraries, archives and the Internet took about five days, with two days allowed for writing up. This work was chiefly spread over the March-April 2016 period in order to make sure that key documents were sourced.
The report includes an executive summary. Given that this work is not addressing any specific legal requirement, there are no recommendations made. The report will be the property of the company as the client, with the understanding that the material it contains may be reworked into other documents.
Disclaimer
This report is based upon a review of material available to the author from the 1st March to the 19th May 2016. The author of this report is not responsible for any inconsistencies with any material that may become available subsequent to these dates.
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 5
Figure 1: Location of the Terramin exploration tenements (Terramin, 2016).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 6
Figure 2: Mineral claim area, enclosed within the yellow boundary, showing the extent of the planned underground works (Terramin, 2016).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 7 Part 1: Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Woodside Area
The surviving record of Aboriginal groups who lived in the eastern Mount Lofty Ranges is poor in comparison to the vast amount of information available for neighbouring groups living on the Adelaide Plains and in the Lower Murray (see Figure 3). This is partly due to a lack of an early missionary presence in the region and probably because at the time of European settlement the language and culture of the Aboriginal people living here was seen as being close to that of their neighbours, either the Adelaide Plains or Murray River people.4 For this reason, an overview of Aboriginal life and culture in the region within which Woodside Goldfield sits must be generated by augmenting the sparse historical records with ethnographic data from adjacent regions.
Territories
Museum-based researcher Norman B. Tindale described the people of the eastern Mount Lofty Ranges as the Peramangk,5 which is the orthodox term used today when describing the original Aboriginal inhabitants of the region.6 From his fieldwork with Coorong man, Milerum (Clarence Long), Tindale was able to identify the unnamed men photographed by William Barlow at Mount Barker in 1867 as being Peramangk (see Figure 8).7 This „tribe‟ name is possibly derived from words of the Kaurna language of the Adelaide Plains, peroo for „flesh‟ and maingker for „red colour‟,8 in reference to their distinction as the red coloured warriors that colonists such as Cawthorne had noted.9 Many of the recorded names from the languages of surrounding people refer to the Peramangk as „hills people‟. Among the alternatives Tindale listed is Peramarma, which is a Tangani language term from the Coorong derived from Pe:ra in relation to the ranges which are visible on their northern horizon.10 Tindale also recorded that the Ngaiawang from the Murray River referred to the Peramangk as Wangarainbula, from wangara meaning „hill‟. Similarly, the Yaraldi from the Lower
4 Chilman (1990, pp.12,29) mentioned early recorders lumping the Peramangk in with the Murray River people. Amery (2000, p.5) speculated on the affinities of the language spoken by the Peramangk. 5 Tindale (1974, p.21). 6 Mattingley & Hampton (1988, pp.3,117,133). For other examples refer to the following websites: http://www.adelaidehills.org.au/about-the-adelaide-hills/our-indigenous-history and https://localwiki.org/adelaide-hills/Peramangk_Aboriginal_People (accessed 15th March 2016). 7 Tindale (1974, plates 90-91). 8 Coles & Draper (1988, p.5) and Coles & Hunter (2010, p.17). 9 Cawthorne (1844 [1926, p.46]). Based on Lower Murray word sources, Roberts (2000, p.10) has come up with the differing view that the name really meant „individuals who live near water‟. 10 Tindale (1974, p.21). There is site called Pereira near Woodchester in the southern Mount Lofty Ranges.
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 8 Lakes knew them as Ngurlinjeri, based on ngurle which translated as „hill‟ and „-injeri‟ as „belonging to‟. The exception according to Tindale was the Adelaide Plains people, who used Marimejuna as the name for the Peramangk, from mari for „east‟ and meju for „man‟. A colonist from the late nineteenth century recorded the broad group name Peeita, which was said to mean the „Murray Blacks proper‟ as well as all the people ranging in the Adelaide Hills from North Para River to Encounter Bay.11 The South Australian colonists rarely used Indigenous sourced names for local Aboriginal groups, and so in the southern parts of the eastern Mount Lofty Ranges the Aboriginal people were simply referred to as the „Mount Barker tribe‟ during the nineteenth century.12
Peramangk country according to Tindale was wedge-shaped, taking in the eastern Mount Lofty Ranges from about Myponga in the south to Tanunda in the north, and taking in the areas surrounding the townships of Mount Barker, Hahndorf and Woodside (see Figure 3). Anthropologists Ronald and Catherine Berndt mapped the Peramangk (their „Piramangk‟) as having an extension of their country reaching the Murray River just north of Mypolonga,13 although this was probably a post-European modification due to land succession among surviving clans. According to Tindale, the language and culture of the Peramangk was closely related to the Nganguruku of the Murray River.14 Due to their proximity, the „Hills people‟ would also have had close cultural and ceremonial relationships with the Ngadjuri in the Mid North of South Australia, who were known by the Kaurna of the Adelaide Plains as the Wira meju, meaning „gum tree people‟, in reference to the peppermint gum (Eucalyptus odorata) forests of their country.15 Apparently raiding parties from the Murray River occasionally crossed the Mount Lofty Ranges on their way to the Adelaide Plains to steal wives.16
Individual descent among the Aboriginal groups of the broader region was traced through the male line. Murray River and Lower Lakes people, with their relatively large population, resisted the spread of circumcision and subincision ceremonies from the northern and western groups.17 At the time of first European settlement, some of the Aboriginal people living in the
11 East (1889, p.3). 12 Coles & Draper (1988, p.5). 13 Berndt et al. (1993, pp.23-24, Map1 on p.504). See comments by Simpson (2011, p.8). 14 Tindale (1953, p.5). 15 Tindale (1937, p.152; 1940, p.180). 16 Adams (1902 [1988, p.43]). 17 Clarke (2009, p.145).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 9 eastern Mount Lofty Ranges had started to practice circumcision, but not subincision.18 The Mount Lofty Ranges was on the western edge of the Murray-Darling Basin, which was a frontier between the Central Australian and southeastern Australian religious systems (see Figure 3).
Figure 3: Aboriginal territories (after Tindale, 1974 & Berndt et al., 1993).
For living areas Aboriginal people preferred the relatively open river red gum (Eucalyptus camaldulensis) forest country in the vicinity of Woodside, Hahndorf and Mount Barker, and they generally avoided the stringybark (Eucalyptus obliqua and E. baxteri) forests of the
18 See Tindale (1974, Fig.20, p.61).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 10 higher elevations of the Mount Lofty Ranges. In 1849, explorer and colonist Charles Sturt noted that:
… with the exception of a few scattered families on the northern hills, and in the scrub, the mountain ranges are, and it appears to me have been, almost uninhabited. There are no old or recent signs of natives having frequented the hills, no marks of tomahawks on the trees, or of digging on the flats. The Mount Lofty ranges, indeed, are singularly deficient of animal life, and seem to be incapable of affording much subsistence to the savage, however luxuriant and beneficial the harvest they now yield.19
There is an absence of archaeological records for the central spine area of the Mount Lofty Ranges, both in terms of surface finds and rock art, which is a fact that leads us to conclude that Aboriginal people rarely used this zone for camping or for the daily collection of food.20 An historian recorded that the Aboriginal people who camped along the Mount Barker Creek „avoided barren stringybark forests and deep ravines of the tiers‟.21 Much of their favoured plant food would have been associated with wetlands. For instance, the flat flood plain known as Lartingga-parri, which is on the eastern edge of the Mount Barker township, was a major Aboriginal campsite22 and today is the site of the Laratinga Wetlands project.23 The literature and museum artefact collections provide much more evidence of the nature of Aboriginal use of country along the eastern escarpment of the ranges.
Aboriginal bands residing in the country between the Mount Lofty Ranges and the Murray River moved about seasonally as hunter-gatherers (see Figure 4). Tindale claimed that:
The Peramangk lived much of the year in the vicinity of Mount Barker and on the strip of red gum country running north to [the] Angaston district. In winter they kept to elevations below about 1,200 feet (365 m.) since the wet sclerophyll forests at higher elevations were very cold and wet with a winter rainfall of 45 inches (115 cm.) and more. This rain came to them from the west over the Mount Lofty heights, and as the westerly winds flowed down the eastern slopes toward the Murray plains, it decreased quickly to less than 15 inches (40 cm.). Their own territory was so well watered that they had little occasion to use the mallee- covered limestone flatlands to their east.24
19 Sturt (1849 [1984, p.260]). 20 Clarke (2003, p.115), Ellis (1976, pp.116-117) and Martin (1987, p.10). 21 Schmidt (1983 [cited Coles & Draper, 1988, p.10]). 22 Simpson (2011, p.8). 23 Refer to http://www.mountbarker.sa.gov.au/laratingawetlands (accessed 16th March 2016). 24 Tindale (1974, p.60).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 11 Each of the Murray River groups had country along the river banks, with rights of access to country in the mallee covered hinterlands.25
Some years after European settlement, the colonial records show a modified seasonal movement. In 1851 Rudolf Reimer was a German writing about the attractions of the Colony of South Australia for emigration. Concerning the Aboriginal people he stated:
The number of natives living in the settled districts of South Australia is assumed to be approximately 4000. They are divided into tribes which commonly do not number more than 30-40 heads and they lead a nomadic life. During the summer months, they spend most of their time on the banks of the Murray, where they live on fishing, bird-catching and eggs, and frequently assist colonists in the catching of leeches. With the approach of winter, they move to the proximity of the cities and obtain their subsistence chiefly through begging. … The clothing of the natives consists mainly of opossum skins, which they wear as a cloak … They live in huts which are erected very simply from branches of the gum-trees and so low that they cannot stand upright in them. In such a hut, which is mostly not more than 6-8 feet in diameter 5-6 blackfellows (as the colonists call them) lie together, men and women alike …26
Colonist Captain Dirk Meinertz Hahn observed that:
They have split up into small clans (or tribes, as the English say), with maybe 50 or 60 heads in each company. Each tribe has its own king, and they nearly always wage war against another.27
Each roving band would have contained members from several totemic descent groups or landowning clans, which in practice meant that as a group they had access to the territories of neighbouring groups, particularly in times of hardship.
There are placenames in the eastern Mount Lofty Ranges that are derived from Aboriginal words,28 although many of them appear to be related to the Kaurna language spoken on the Adelaide Plains. Among the possible Peramangk names is Kuitpo, which Tindale said was originally „Kaijepo from Kaije grass and the suffix po = pa used by the Peramangk tribe to indicate a place name‟.29 He also claimed that the placename of Tungkillo was derived from
25 Tindale (1974, p.60). 26 Reimer (1851 [1988, pp.48-49]). 27 Hahn (1838-39 [1964, p.129]). 28 Coles & Draper (1988, p.5), Hossfeld (1926, pp.296-297) and Simpson (2011, pp.6-13). 29 Tindale (n.d., „Kuitpo‟ entry). Note that Cockburn (1908 [1984, p.123]) suggested that the placename had something to do with ochre the Aboriginal people mined in the area.
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 12 the Peramangk word, taingkila, meaning the edible ghost moth grubs (Trictena argentata).30 The origin of the Kangarilla name is uncertain, with published accounts of its original meaning ranging from „the place for kangaroo and water‟ („Kangowirranilla‟),31 „kangaroo and timber‟32 and „two waterholes‟.33 The origin of other placenames that sound Indigenous, such as Kanmantoo,34 are not recorded and may have been borrowed from other places or even devised by Europeans.
Foraging
It was a strategy for Aboriginal people to seasonally burn the vegetation in order to drive out animals for their hunting.35 Hahn recalled that the Aboriginal people in the hills used fire in the summer, and he stated that it occurred:
… when the grass is fully grown in the hills. However, this occupies a whole tribe. They form a circle of about twenty English miles in diameter and light a fire all around this level area and direct it nearer and nearer to the centre of this circle; the long dry grass, brushes and young trees burn furiously, all the wild animals inhabiting this area flee from the fire in their fright and draw nearer and nearer to the centre, where the savages then capture them. This kind of hunt took place during our stay there and burnt for several days.36
Fire was also used to open up the country by removing the understorey to allow easier travelling, safer camping and to promote the future growth of grass for game species.37 An archaeologist has termed this „firestick farming‟.38 Aboriginal people preferred not to walk through dense prickly thickets if they could avoid it. They also wanted to camp in areas cleared of sticks and thorns. Some of the plant foods eaten by Aboriginal people, particularly greens and roots, would have benefited from the opening of the understorey and the build-up of ash produced by bushfires. Frequent burning reduced the fuel load, while creating firebreaks and a vegetation mosaic. This gave the country protection from more serious fires.
30 Tindale (n.d., „Tungkillo‟ entry). See also Simpson (2011, p.11). Tindale (1938; 1966, p.182) provided a description of ghost moth use. 31 Dutton (1846, p.157). 32 Cockburn (1908 [1984, p.112]). 33 Manning (2012, „Kangarilla‟ entry). 34 Cockburn (1908 [1984, p.112]). 35 Clarke (2003, pp.65-67). 36 Hahn (1838-39 [1964, p.133]). 37 Clarke (1991, p.59; 2003, pp.65-67; 2005), Ellis (1974, pp.113-114) and Pyne (1991). 38 Jones (1969).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 13 Analysis of the historical record for South Australia indicates that there was a marked gender division of labour for Aboriginal food production. For example, missionary C.G. Teichelmann stated in 1841 that when Aboriginal people are travelling „the men start first, carrying nothing but a small net bag and hunting implements, - the women, burdened like camels, follow, gather & prepare on the road vegetable food for the night, whilst the men are looking out for meat‟.39 At Echunga, settler Jane Sanders remembered that the local „tribe‟ were:
Not numerous – twenty or thirty, perhaps more, who used to come now & then, to camp for a week or two in convenient distance from the Creek. The men & boys went out hunting Opossums, Kangaroos, Birds &c whilst the women & children caught crawfish [yabbies], dug up roots with a sharp stick, some called Waldies and Tidlars. The first a Dandylion [native dandelion, Microseris lanceolata] the 2nd a species of Vetch[.] Wild Carrots [possibly native sorrel, Oxalis perennans] too and Thistles [Sonchus species] were favourite diet. They used to wade right into the waterholes pulling the crawfish from under the logs & stones & throwing them on the banks to the others.40
As shown by this record, Aboriginal foraging was often a cooperative effort.
In the eastern Mount Lofty Ranges, game animals were hunted, not just for their meat but also for their pelts. Hahn noted that:
I saw there a jacket which had been put together only from the skins of small opossums [brush-tailed and ring-tailed possums] by an aboriginal woman. It was so beautifully sewn that few European women would do better. If you consider the tools with which the job was done, it deserves greater admiration. The thread had been made from kangaroo gut. It could not have occurred to her to make a hole or an eye through the blunt end because the hole was first only pierced by the needle and the thread then thrust through. Every savage, male or female, wears across the shoulders a net artificially made from kangaroo entrails, in which they store the food they obtain by hunting. The men also always carry with them their weapons or armaments fastened crossways over the net. These weapons consist firstly of the spear, a long stick, one end of which resembles an arrow.41
39 Teichelmann (1841, p.7). See also Wilkinson (1848, p.323). 40 Sanders (1907-09, pp.69-70). 41 Hahn (1838-39 [1964, p.131]).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 14 Hahn also described the men carrying a spearthrower and a club, along with a „spade in order to dig up roots from the earth‟,42 although as with other parts of Australia the last mentioned was probably a tool used by women.43
While kangaroos appeared to have been scarce in the region surrounding Adelaide during the early years of European settlement, Hahn believed that they were formerly in larger numbers. He stated that for local Aboriginal hunters „A proof that they must formerly have hunted down many of these animals is given by the many skins still in their possession‟.44 He described groups of ten to twelve men forming a circle to drive the kangaroos to a spot where they could be more easily speared.45 Hahn explained that catching possums in hollow trees required two hunters, when:
One of them climbs the tree and takes his position by the hole where the game has its entrance. The second lights a fire at the foot of the tree. The smoke drives the animal out of its hole, where they then catch it.46
Angas remarked that „A cloak of opossum-fur, or a piece of kangaroo-skin, is worn by the women of the Mount Barker and Adelaide tribes‟, while the Lower Murray people to the south wore cloaks made from sedge matting.47 At Echunga it was recorded that Aboriginal foragers were „Cutting holes in trees for climbing with wadners (a sharp pointed stick) for pulling opossum and parrots out of their holes‟.48 In the eastern Mount Lofty Ranges, archaeologists have found low rock walls that appear to have been used as hunting hides.49
Hahn believed that fish, rather than kangaroos, was a more significant part of the Aboriginal diet, and stated that:
It is more credible that they nourished themselves rather on fish with which the rivers abound. … They build a dam into the river, high enough to let about a foot of water stream over it. Because of this dam, the fish in their run must come close to the surface of the water, where the savages stand in readiness to spear them.50
42 Hahn (1838-39 [1964, p.131]). 43 Clarke (2003, pp.48-49,69-70,80-81,87-88). 44 Hahn (1838-39 [1964, p.133]). 45 Hahn (1838-39 [1964, p.133]). 46 Hahn (1838-39 [1964, p.133]). 47 Angas (1847b, p.85). 48 Sanders (1907-09, p.74). 49 Coles & Hunter (1988, pp.31-33). 50 Hahn (1838-39 [1964, p.133]).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 15 Some favoured food items were insects. Tindale recorded that the Peramangk at Tungkillo ate the:
… „ghost moth grubs‟, i.e. the larvae of the large Hepialid moth (Trictena argentata) whose larvae feed on the roots of the red gum (Eucalyptus rostrata [E. camaldulensis]) in sandy places. … In autumn when the ghost moths emerged this was a favoured feeding place; large fires were built to attract the insects which fly while the first rains are falling; the moths were cooked in ashes and eaten. At other seasons the grubs were taken by inserting a hooked stick upwards of four feet in length into the entrances to the vertical tunnels made by the adult larvae. These tunnels were discovered by scraping off the first three inches of soil along the lines of the roots of the gum trees, which are made visible in dry weather by faint lines and cracks appearing in the soil above them.51
It is likely that grubs extracted from wattle trees were also a major food item in the eastern Mount Lofty Ranges.52
Aboriginal people here would also have utilised many different species of local plant for their food, medicine and for making artefacts. While the historical record is sparse in comparison to that of the Adelaide Plains,53 it was recorded that early Hahndorf settlers ate the yam daisy (Microseris lanceolata), having been taught this practice by the local Aboriginal people.54 In an account of plant use from the settled districts of South Australia, colonist G.B. Wilkinson stressed the importance of edible wattle (Acacia pycnantha) gum, which was available across the Mount Lofty Ranges in January.55
There are colonial images of artefacts made by Aboriginal people from the eastern Mount Lofty Ranges. For example, Angas painted a watercolour of mulabakka, which was „a wooden shield used by the Mount Barker tribes and those of the Murray scrub; it is made of the inner layer of the gum tree‟.56 In his published journal, Angas recorded that „The leaf of the stringy-bark is darker and broader than that of the gum-tree, and the texture of the bark is tough, fibrous, and easily convertible into a species of cordage, for which purpose it is employed by the Mount Barker natives‟.57
51 Tindale (n.d., „Tungkillo‟ entry). 52 Wilkinson (1848, pp.212-213). 53 Clarke (2013). 54 Wittwer (1975 [cited Coles & Hunter, 2010, pp.34-35]). 55 Wilkinson (1848, pp.209-211). Clarke (2013, pp.102,109) provided the identification of this Acacia species. 56 Angas (1847a, plate vi). 57 Angas (1847b, p.43).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 16
Figure 4: Cross section from Saint Vincent Gulf to the Murray River showing Aboriginal environment use (Tindale, 1974, Fig.20, p.61).
Trade
While hunter-gatherers were self-sufficient for most of their daily needs in making a living, some items were exchanged through trade systems. Tindale stated that:
The Lake Alexandrina tribes – Warki, Portaulun, and Jarildekald – did try to maintain contact with the Peramangk, because from time to time they were in need of large red gum bark sheets for their shallow dishlike river canoes. These bark sheets were in short supply along the lower reaches of the Murray River. They had to come to terms sufficiently to trade with the dreaded “Hill People.” The Peramangk would accept the very supple whip-stick mallee spears made by the Jarildekald in return for which they allowed the lake people to come into the nearer parts of the hills and strip off sheets of bark for canoe-making. … There was fear and mistrust of the Peramangk. Accustomed as they were to open country the Murray River people had strong dislike of closed-in forests and hills where one could not see the horizon.58
Historical records suggest that the „Hills people‟ were in regular contact with the Murray River groups. In 1854, colonist Frederick Mackie was visiting Nairne and recorded that:
On our way met two natives, a man and his wife, the man could speak English, he said his name was „Jim Gibs‟, his lubra‟s „Mrs Jim Gibs‟. He was carrying a bundle of cane [probably common reed, Phragmites australis]; on asking what
58 Tindale (1974, pp.60-61).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 17 they were for „to make spears to fight with the natives on the Murray‟ – so that this old feud was still continued even at this period.59
At large ceremonial gatherings in the region, Aboriginal people would have sorted out disputes, arranged marriages and traded.
The whole of southern South Australia would have once been crisscrossed with Aboriginal trade routes. For instance, the Kaurna people of the Adelaide Plains had trade links with the Murray River peoples, such as the Ngaiawang and Nganguruku, and in the winter time they received fire in exchange for such things as skin cloaks, quartz flakes and pigment from Red Ochre Cove near Noarlunga.60 The groups living in the vicinity of Woodside would probably have not needed to receive fire as they apparently had the ability of making it by striking flint against iron pyrites.61 Colonist Hahn described the use of firedrills made from reeds for starting fires in the eastern Mount Lofty Ranges,62 while Echunga settler Sanders stated that they were produced „by rubbing a pointed stick rapidly in the hollow of a dry grass tree [Xanthorrhoea flower stem] till it ignited‟.63 Both such methods may not have easily produced fire in the inclement cold damp weather.
Trade relationships between widely dispersed Aboriginal groups were formalised. Tindale explained that:
The custom of giving of the navel-string emblem at birth, the so-called ngiangiampe, passing it to a family in some clan distant from a clan of one‟s own tribe, or even, in more than a few instances, to one as far away as beyond bounds of the adjoining tribe, was already in operation [in the Creation period]. It involved, when the child moved to maturity, linking with a continuing silent trading system which helped to give him protection in the receipt of materials essential to his welfare, but not obtainable in his own living area. Special rules which prevented his meeting his trading partner, or even speaking to him, afforded protection.64
Initiations also involved established links between dispersed Aboriginal groups. Tindale stated that:
59 May (1922 [cited Coles & Hunter, 2010, p.21]). 60 Tindale (1974, p.73). 61 Tindale (1974, p.73). 62 Hahn (1838-39 [1964, pp.133-134]). 63 Sanders (1907-09, p.59). 64 Tindale (1987, p.10; see also 1981, pp.1871-1872).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 18 It was at initiation time that some older men might lead parties of younger men and youths on tours of country which they would not see at any other time. One known excursion from Peiera [Pereira, site near Woodchester] took such a party across the Mount Lofty Ranges west to Potartang, or Ochre Cove [near Noarlunga]. With the assent of navel-string-partners they would be allowed to carry away parcels of the red ochre which was important for their decorative needs.65
For Aboriginal people, red ochre had both physical and cultural properties.66
During the nineteenth century, Woodchester was an important place for holding ceremonies with participants from the Lower Lakes, Adelaide Plains, eastern Mount Lofty Ranges and probably the Murray River.67 The pigments they required for decorations were often mined in areas associated with the Creation mythology. For instance, in the Mid North of South Australia the Ngadjuri people believed that their ceremonial pigments for dancing and initiations were from derived from two Dog ancestors, the „blood of a reddish-colored one became a reef of red ochre, and the black one‟s blood also was spilled to become a deposit of black wad, or manganese‟.68 It is likely that the Peramangk received ochre from these sites via trade from the north.
Camps
Aboriginal people in southern South Australia built several kinds of shelter, the selection of which depended on the season and the prevailing weather.69 Hahn noted, probably during the dry summer season, that:
Towards sunset, usually sixteen to twenty of them gather, pull down some bushy branches from the trees and lay them in a circle around the company. Then they light a fire in the middle, around which they sleep. On the following morning, each one goes his different way.70
Many of the Aboriginal camps would have been at places that were used at the same time each year, and as such would have been named sites. For instance, a settler established a farming property near Mount Barker in 1839, which was reportedly near an Aboriginal camp
65 Tindale (1987, p.10). 66 Clarke (2003, pp.92-94). 67 Simpson (2011, p.10) and Tindale (1987, p.10). 68 Tindale (1987, p.12; see also 1937, p.150). 69 Clarke (2003, pp.133-135). 70 Hahn (1838-39 [1964, p.130]).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 19 at a place called „Mightpanaleeky‟.71 Similarly, in the early 1850s a settler named his property „Native Valley‟, as it was a site of an Aboriginal camp with a permanent water source set among trees about 8kms east of Nairne.72
Camps were typically placed strategically in open areas with a good view of the surrounding country. Tindale drew a:
… plan of a Peramangk campsite on a creek running east toward the broad plains of the Murray valley over which they had a wide lookout. They were here on their northernmost camp, the hilly country to the north being Ngadjuri territory. The site satisfied their defensive requirement that they would not be approached under cover and would therefore have time to pick up their weapons if strangers drew near. There was no open water but by digging in the sand of the creek there was a good supply.73
Figure 5: Plan of a Peramangk campsite (N.B. Tindale, 1974, Fig.17, p.56).
71 May (1911 [cited Coles & Hunter, 2010, p.22]). 72 Manning (2012, „Native Valley‟ entry). 73 Tindale (1974, p.55).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 20 Camps during the drier months were never set up directly under the ancient river red gums, many of which can still be found in the Woodside area. Tindale remarked that:
In summer, of course, they did not live near these gigantic trees (Eucalyptus camaldulensis) for under stress of summer heat red gum trees have a habit of suddenly throwing off great limbs apparently through buildup of osmotic pressure within their tissues. This was a happening sufficiently frequent to cause fear in them of the trees.74
There are several such ancient river red gums on the Terramin mining lease, which would have probably been mature trees at the time of European settlement (see Figure 6). In earlier times many of these large gumtrees in the eastern Mount Lofty Ranges would have borne the wounds from where bark was removed to make shields and containers, although these scars would have grown over many decades ago.75 Larger trees with hollow bases could also have been used as sheltered winter campsites.76 The creek line running through EL4303 is only intermittently flowing, although it is part of the Onkaparinga River catchment.
Figure 6: Ancient river red gum (Eucalyptus camaldulensis) in the central area of the Terramin Mineral Lease, 3rd March 2016.
74 Tindale (1974, p.60; see also 1981, p.1867). 75 Boehm (1948) and Roberts (2000). 76 Ellis (1976, pp.114,117).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 21 Mythology
Ceremonial exchanges were major events, with the Murray River people receiving and then passing back the Kuri ceremony to Aboriginal groups in the west, including the Mount Lofty Ranges, southern Flinders Ranges and Adelaide Plains, in a cycle (i.e. kuri – „a circle‟) lasting several years.77 In 1952 Tindale recorded an account of another travelling ceremony from Aboriginal man Robert Mason at Swan Reach, who:
… has some knowledge of the district, its names and a smattering of the original language of the Nganguruku tribe which was related to the Peramangk tribe of the eastern Adelaide Hills, among who the Nganguruku made visits as far as the head waters of the Onkaparinga River, especially when they performed a ceremony called the Rainbow Corobori which was an occasion in late winter for visiting, dancing and fighting. At such times the presence everywhere of water made travel easy. The Rainbow Corobori came down the Murray River.78
The Kombo (Rainbow) ceremony, which was chiefly concerned with arranging marriages, travelled annually downstream along the Murray River and then from Mannum across the Mount Lofty Ranges to the mouth of the Onkaparinga River.79 Symbolically, the outer arch of the rainbow was the male principle, and the inner arch the female. The whole rainbow represented the urine stream of a male supreme being.
For the Adelaide Plains people, the twin peaks of Mount Lofty and Mount Bonython were associated with the „ears‟ of an ancestral being known as Ngarna,80 although it is not recorded whether the Peramangk had such a related tradition. The body of the Tjirbruke ancestor from the Adelaide Plains is associated with the Brukunga area of the Mount Lofty Ranges. Tindale recorded that:
His body was turned into stone as a memorial when it became the hill of iron pyrites near Nairne on the eastern slopes of the Mount Lofty Ranges and the place which supplied the hidden fire held in its rock. We learn that his very name has the literal meaning of fire, tjiranggabruke or „hidden fire‟ which, according to informant Karlowan, was one the terms used by the Jaralde [Yaraldi people of the Lower Lakes] for trade pieces of that stone. The Tangane [Tangani people of the Coorong] term linked with the stone, as given by Milerum [Clarence Long], is baruke meaning „fire‟. … The Tjirbruki mining area, called by the Aborigines
77 Angas (1847b, pp.102-108; 1847a, plate vi), Chilman (1990, p.12), Clarke (2003, pp.100-101) and Teichelmann & Schürmann (1840, p.14). 78 Tindale (1953, p.5). 79 Tindale (1930-52 [cited Clarke, 2009, p.145]). 80 Chilman (1990, pp.14-15), Clarke (1991, p.63), Martin (1987, p.9) and Simpson (2011, pp.10-12). Also spelled as „Nganno‟ and „Ngarno‟.
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 22 Barukungga was on Section 1887, Hundred of Kanmantoo, and is now part of the township of Brukunga. It was on a hill about fifty metres above the north/south flowing Dawsley Creek.81
Historian Tom Dyster claimed that the Peramangk „had plentiful supplies of this [iron pyrites] material in the valleys around present day Nairne, Dawsley and Native Valley‟.82 The twin peaks of the Mount Barker summit was seen by Lower Murray people at Lake Alexandrina, who did not practice circumcision, as an ancestral man from the north who was lying down with his knees up being initiated (circumcised).83
Aboriginal people in general feared the spirit beings with who they shared the landscape.84 In 1851, German emigrant G. Listemann reported from an area probably near Hahndorf that:
If one of them [local Aboriginal people] has died, they seek, by making a lot of noise and by leaping, to prevent the evil spirit Tong Kinjargall to take possession of the same. It appears that a kind of funeral procession which procedes [sic.] interment of the body, has a similar function.85
In Aboriginal Australia, artists honoured their spiritual ancestors by referring to their associated mythologies in rock paintings and engravings, often done at or near important ceremonial places.86 The eastern Mount Lofty Ranges is a zone rich in Aboriginal art, with a recent study documenting 72 such sites, although in the case of the engravings they are in some cases many thousands of years old.87 The region is also well known for its reniform (kidney-shaped) slate scrapers, many of which have emu foot prints carved onto them, which archaeologists believe were used as tools for removing flesh from the insides of mammal skins.88
81 Tindale (1987, p.11). Clarke (1991, pp.66-68) provided a reanalysis of the recording of this mythology. Variations of the spelling of Tjirbruki in the literature include Chirr-bookie and Tjilbruke. 82 Dyster (1981, p.12). 83 Clarke (1994, p.115). 84 Clarke (2003, pp.22-25). 85 Listemann (1851 [1988, p.55]). The spelling of the spirit being made be incorrect, as Wilkinson (1848, p.324) referred to a South Australian „devil‟ named „Tong Kingariall‟. 86 Clarke (2003, chapter 2). 87 Coles & Hunter (2010). See also Blair (1997), Chilman (1990, pp.43-51), Coles & Draper (1988, pp.34-40), Gara & Turner (1986), Mountford (1957, 1960), Preiss (1964), Stirling (1902), Teusner (1963) and Tindale & Sheard (1927). 88 Edwards (1963).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 23 Aboriginal post-European settlement history
The earliest impact of European settlement upon the Aboriginal inhabitants of southern South Australia probably occurred before face to face contact, with the arrival of smallpox from the eastern colonies in the early nineteenth century.89 Hahn noted that „Smallpox must often rage among them as most of them carry thick scars from it‟.90 After European settlement in 1836, Aboriginal people were quick to adopt European materials. Hahn for example noted several examples of this. He claimed that „They are fond of greasing their hair with fat and dyeing it, as well as the whole head, by using the (dampened) dust deposited when two bricks are rubbed together‟.91 Hahn also stated that „They are very fond of what ever is gaily coloured and bright, such as coloured bits of broken glass or shining metal‟.92
European settlement interfered with Aboriginal use of the land, as shown in the descriptions of the German Lutherans arriving in the hills. Iwan stated that:
As they afterwards began to clear the area of Hahndorf and set about building their houses, they soon noticed that they were being regarded as unwelcome intruders. And that is all the less surprising since there happened to be a particularly large and deep waterhole in the proximity of Hahndorf, in which the natives liked to swim, and where they were in the habit of holding their corroborees (dances).93
The Aboriginal site mentioned above would have been the Bukartilla swimming hole in the Onkaparinga River, around which the Lutherans at Hahndorf settled.94
Overall, European settlers found the Aboriginal people of the eastern Mount Lofty Ranges to be benign. Hahn considered that:
These people seem very good-natured, at least those living in the region of the Onkaparinga River. The general opinion is that beyond the Murray they are less well-disposed‟.95
An historian remarked that at Hahndorf:
89 Chilman (1990, pp.4,6,36-38) and Stirling (1911). 90 Hahn (1838-39 [1964, p.129]). 91 Hahn (1838-39 [1964, p.129]). 92 Hahn (1838-39 [1964, p.130]). 93 Iwan (1931 [1988, p.50]). 94 Fox (2002, p.10), Simpson (1983, p.59) and Simpson (2011, p.6). 95 Hahn (1838-39 [1964, p.132]).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 24 There appear to have been no fatal incidents during these early years, though there is one record of an Aboriginal‟s throwing a spear at a white woman who some days before had „refused to give food to a number of natives who had come begging.‟ As the woman backed into the doorway the spear hit the door post. The mark could be seen for many years.96
These occurrences appear minor when compared to the frontier conflict recorded in parts of South Australia, such as the West Coast and Mid North.97 On some occasions in the early decades of European settlement when there was a shortage of available labour, farmers employed local Aboriginal people to help bring in the harvest and to thresh sheaves.98
In the 1842, several hundred Aboriginal people were camped near Mount Barker,99 although it is likely that this number included people from the Murray River region. Large gatherings of mixed people must have been common in this early colonial period. In 1844, colonist Walter Patterson at Nixon‟s Mill near Littlehampton had to lock up his family for protection as a large group of Aboriginal people assembled for a fight.100 Known as the „Battle of Windmill‟, it involved a clash between groups from the Lower Murray and presumably a group derived from the local hills and adjacent Murray River. The city of Adelaide was a major attraction for Aboriginal people who formerly lived in the surrounding regions. Among the estimated one hundred Aboriginal people that were camped near the home of colonist/artist William A. Cawthorne on 21st December 1842 near the Torrens River in Adelaide were an armed party from Mount Barker that were challenging the local group.101 Cawthorne stated in his diary for the 27th January 1843 that nearly all the Mount Barker people were then camped in Adelaide. He claimed that:
… if you ask them „You Mount Barker [man]‟, „No‟ they say and then again „No‟ and explain themselves thus – „long time ago me Mount Barker Man, now me long time set down at Adelaide, me now Adelaide man.‟102
The identity of the Aboriginal people in southern South Australia was changing rapidly. Through the nineteenth century, disease continued to decimate the Indigenous population in the areas surrounding Adelaide. For example, a settler at Echunga recorded the events
96 Simpson (1983, p.59). 97 Bull (1878, chapters 12-13,27-32,48-50) and Foster et al. (2001). 98 Coles & Draper (1988, pp.2-3), Mattingley & Hampton (1988, p.117) and Simpson (1983, p.71). 99 Schmidt (1983 [cited Coles & Hunter, 2010, p.22]). 100 Dyster (1981, pp.11-12). 101 Cawthorne (1842 [cited Coles & Hunter, 2010, pp.25,27]). 102 Cawthorne (1843 [cited Clarke, 1991, p.66]).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 25 surrounding the death of King John from consumption, who was the husband of Mount Barker Mary.103
Analysis of the historical record suggests that the Aboriginal inhabitants of the eastern Mount Lofty Ranges had largely moved away from the region by the 1850s.104 It that European settlement forced the „hills people‟ to merge with Aboriginal groups living along the Murray River, as their cultural affinities were stronger with this area. In the 1930s, museum researcher Norman B. Tindale recorded in his field notes the reminiscences of elderly Aboriginal people who had stated that the „People at Mt Barker were difft [different]. Spoke Korowalin [Murray River dialect]. Came in from Mannum‟.105 He claimed that „The northern branch of the Peramangk tribe who formerly lived here [Tungkillo area] spent their last days along the Murray River and about Mannum and Purnong‟.106 It is also possible that some Peramangk individuals merged with the Adelaide Plains people.107 In the first few years of the twentieth century there are records of Aboriginal people camping near towns in the Adelaide Hills, and performing corroborees and selling artefacts, on their way to the city for rations.108 While parties from the Aboriginal reserve near Wellington camped at places such as Echunga, Bridgewater and Aldgate on their way through, others from the Murray River (possibly the Manunka mission) stayed on the edge of towns such as Mount Barker and Grunthal (Verdun) during their journey to Adelaide. At least on some occasions the trips to the city were for receiving the blankets that the government gave out to Aboriginal people on the Queen‟s birthday.109 Later, restrictive Aboriginal welfare legislation in South Australia, commencing with the Aborigines Act of 1911, stopped such free movement across the country.110
During the first half of the twentieth century, welfare restrictions forced Aboriginal people in southern South Australia to mainly live in government-controlled mission stations, such as Point Pearce on Yorke Peninsula and Point McLeay (Raukkan) on Lake Alexandrina.111 This resulted in the intermarriage of Aboriginal families that had originated from formerly distinct
103 Sanders (1907-09, pp.70-72). 104 Coles & Draper (1988, p.3) and Hossfeld (1926, p.293). 105 Tindale (1934-37, p.158). 106 Tindale (n.d., „Tungkillo‟ entry). 107 See Gale (1966, Figure 1, p.25). 108 Hemming (1987) and Martin (1987, pp.148-149). Chilman (1990, p.5) also noted Aboriginal people from the Murray River passing through Peramangk country to Adelaide during historic times. 109 Chilman (1990, pp.31,34) and Sanders (1907-09, p.73). 110 Clarke (1994, pp.265-267,400). 111 Berndt & Berndt (1951) and Gale (1966).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 26 language groups, which means that today many Indigenous people have genealogical links stretched across the state. The contemporary Aboriginal people who claim Peramangk ancestry include individuals from the families of Jerry Mason and Richard Hunter.112 In the case of the Mason family, they derive their Peramangk ancestry through Jinny Christmas (see Figure 7), who was born c.1840-42 and had married a Marditjali-speaking man from east of the Murray River who was known as King Jerry.113 The Hunter family also have genealogical connections to the Masons, as well as to Queen Monart whose traditional connection to country appears to have included sections of the Murray River and the country to the east towards Mount Barker.114 As people today gain more understanding of their family history, it is possible that other individuals will emerge to claim their Peramangk heritage. At this stage there are no registered native title claims in the eastern Mount Lofty Ranges.115
Figure 7: Jinny Christmas (left), a Peramangk woman from the Mount Torrens area, and her family camped along the Murray River (Bellchambers, 1931, opposite p.153).
112 Coles & Hunter (2010, p.11), Simpson (2011, p.19) and Tindale (1987, p.5). Chilman (1990, p.6) mentioned a contemporary Peramangk descendant, without naming who they were. 113 Chilman (1990, pp.40-2). P.A. Clarke genealogical research notes (in author‟s possession). 114 P.A. Clarke genealogical research notes (in author‟s possession). For information on Queen Monart, refer to „The Man on the Land. A Round Trip‟ (Register, 17th June 1910, p.3), „The Murray Bridge. Laying of the foundation-stone by the Governor‟ (South Australian Register, 4th December 1873, p.4) and Hodder (1893, vol.2, pp.67-68). 115 Refer to databases maintained by the National Native Title Tribunal (http://www.nntt.gov.au/searchRegApps/NativeTitleRegisters/Pages/Search-Register-of-Native-Title- Claims.aspx, accessed 30 March 2016).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 27
Figure 8: Aboriginal men photographed at Mount Barker by William Barlow in 1867. In the 1930s, Coorong man, Milerum, identified them as Peramangk (Tindale, 1974, plates 90-91).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 28 Part 2: European History of the Bird-in-Hand Mine
James Johnston arrived in South Australia on the Buckinghamshire in 1839, and became one of the original holders of land within the Onkaparinga Special Survey.116 In the early 1840s he bought from the Crown the land called Section 5030, which consisted of eighty-three acres, and then later laid out of portion of it for a township he named Woodside after a village in Scotland. Prior to the survey, the Europeans who occasionally visited the Woodside area were mainly shepherds employed by the South Australian Company.117 After the declaration of the Hundred of Onkaparinga, in June 1852 Corporal William Dawson of the Royal Sappers and Miners surveyed the area, including where the Bird-in-Hand Mine would later be.118 Johnston settled at nearby Oakbank, where he established a malt house and brewery. It was reported in 1860 that the South Australian Company had received payment for land along the northern edge of Section 5261, which contains the site of Two-in-the-Bush‟ Mine, for a road.119 Existing in relatively close proximity to Adelaide, the Woodside area was one of the first parts of South Australia to be developed for agriculture.120
Woodside Goldfield
Since the arrival of the first British settlers to South Australia in 1836, the mines in the Mount Lofty Ranges have produced a wide range of commodities, such as building stone, clay and slate for the rapidly growing city on the nearby Adelaide Plains.121 Among the metalliferous materials that were mined are copper, silver, lead, zinc, gold and pyrite. The Wheal Gawler, which opened in 1841 at Glen Osmond, was Australia‟s first metalliferous mine and heralded a mining boom that led to the discovery of many further deposits, such as the important copper deposits at Kapunda in 1842 and Burra in 1845.122 This mining boom, much of it later centred in the Mount Lofty Ranges to the east of Adelaide, saved the economy of the struggling new Colony of South Australia.
116 Cockburn (1908 [1984, pp.164,244]). The Onkaparinga Special Survey announced on p.3 of The South Australian Government Gazette, no.221, Thursday, March 31, 1842. 117 Committee of the „Back to Woodside‟ (1927, p.6). 118 Surveyor Field Book 41 & 149 (https://www.sailis.sa.gov.au, accessed 20 May 2016). 119 „District Councils. Onkaparinga, October 30‟ (Mount Barker Courier, 9th November 1883, p.3). 120 Griffin & McCaskill (1986, p70). 121 Kerr (2011). For the register of Heritage Places refer to the Department of Environment, Water & Natural Resources (http://maps.sa.gov.au/heritagesearch/HeritageSearchLocation.aspx, accessed 31 March 2016). 122 Dutton (1846, chapters 10-12) and Mudd (2009, section 7.1.1).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 29 The first recorded production of gold in South Australia was in 1846 from the Victoria Mine near Castambul, 18kms northeast of Adelaide.123 While the discovery of rich specimens created much excitement, the mine failed to live up to expectations and less than 1kg of bullion was produced and so interest waned. Alluvial gold was then discovered in the Onkaparinga River in 1849. In 1851, the South Australian Government offered a £1000 reward for discovery of a payable goldfield, which was claimed in 1852 by the discoverers of alluvial gold in what was officially proclaimed as the Echunga Goldfield.124 In the nineteenth century it was South Australia‟s most important goldfield, and produced an estimated several hundred thousand ounces. The field (principally the Old Echunga and Jupiter Creek Diggings) stretches from Hahndorf in a south-westerly direction for 15kms to the Mount Bold Reservoir. In hills east of Adelaide gold was discovered in the Barossa in 1868, followed by finds at Para Wira in 1869 and at Birdwood in 1870.125 The associated historic sites for many of these old mines are formally registered by the state government as Heritage Places, with Jupiter Creek being a Historic Reserve.126
Gold was economically important for other Australian colonies prior to Federation, but by the end of the 1860s there was little alluvial gold to be easily found in New South Wales and Victoria.127 From the 1870s there were attempts to mine gold commercially in more remote places across Australia, such as at Pine Creek in the Northern Territory. From the early 1880s goldfields were found in the Kimberley of Western Australia and at Mount Morgan in Queensland. Then from the late 1880s and during the 1890s, goldfields were discovered at Arltunga in Central Australia and at Kalgoorlie in Western Australia. It was during this late nineteenth century period of mining that the Woodside Goldfield was established (see Figure 9).
The finding of gold in the Woodside district occurred long after the gold rushes of the 1850s in eastern Australia. In early 1880 a farmer named Mitchell was using explosives to help clear his property of tree roots when he made the first discovery of gold in what became the Woodside Goldfield.128 He uncovered a mass of quartz and gold worth £300, and after
123 Mudd (2009, section 7.2.1), Office of Minerals & Energy Resources South Australia (2001, p.2) and Willis (2008). 124 Mudd (2009, section 7.2.1) and Office of Minerals & Energy Resources South Australia (2001, p.2). 125 Office of Minerals & Energy Resources South Australia (2001, pp.2-4). 126 Pring & McHenry (2009). 127 Mudd (2009, section 7.2.1) and Keesing (1971, pp.6-8). 128 Drew (2011, p.26).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 30 several other rich specimens were removed several shafts were sunk and £650 of gold was extracted. In July 1881 the Woodside Gold Mining Company was formed, with its shareholders including the copper kings, Sir Thomas Elder and Mr Barr Smith.129 The company wound up in late 1882 due to disappointing results. Soon afterwards, several promising quartz reefs were discovered a few kilometres east of Woodside. Total recorded gold production for the Woodside Goldfield is nearly 30,000oz, with more than 23,000oz coming from three mines – Bird-in-Hand (10,500oz), New Era and Eureka.130
Figure 9: Historic mining sites in the vicinity of Woodside (Terramin, 2016).
129 „Adelaide Telegrams‟ (Wallaroo Times & Mining Journal, 2nd July 1881, p.3); „Mining‟ (Mount Barker Courier, 16th December 1881, p.3); „Mining‟ (Adelaide Observer, 28th January 1882, p.23). 130 McLean (2007b, p.5).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 31 For geologists and miners, the Woodside Goldfield has:
… gold-bearing quartz-sulphide lodes cut across Adelaidean siltstone and sandstone; examples are at New Era, Blackbird, Two-in-the-Bush, Ridge and Bird-in-Hand Mines. Eureka Mine is within calc-silicate rock. Lodes in the western part of the field contain appreciable amounts of chalcopyrite and galena, whereas lodes in the eastern part contain mainly pyrite with the quartz.131
Gold mineralisation occurs within quartz-sulphide reefs in weathered Precambrian metasediments.132 The Bird-in-Hand line of reefs extends northwards for about 4kms with the Bird-in-Hand Mine located at the centre. The Main Reef dips at about 45º to the east and was worked from the vertical Main Shaft with drives to the ore body at six levels.
The Bird-in-Hand Mine
Between commencing in 1881 and winding down in 1935, the Bird-in-Hand Mine (Section 5278, mindep no.5761) was operated at various times by the following companies:
• Bird-in-Hand Gold Mining Company Ltd. • Woodside Consols Gold-Mining Company NL. • Great Eukaby and Bird-in-Hand Mining Company. • The Woodside Consolidated Syndicate Ltd. • Woodside Gold Mining Syndicate. • Woodside Consolidated Gold Mining Company. • Bird-in-Hand Gold Mines NL.133
Mining activity started in July 1881 when prospector David McCracken discovered two gold bearing reefs on a section owned by James Shepherd, to the east of Woodside.134 After an initial crushing of 12t that yielded 22oz of gold, the Bird-in-Hand Gold Mining Company was formed on the 28th November 1881 and the Bird-in-Hand Mine established.135 The company leased Section 5278 from Shepherd for 50 years, with nominal rent and a 5% royalty to be paid on the gold produced. The development of the Bird-in-Hand Mine eventually led to the establishment of other mines in its vicinity.
131 Office of Minerals & Energy Resources South Australia (2001, p.5). See also McLean (2007c) and Willis (2008). 132 Fradd & Morris (2015, p.1). 133 Fradd & Morris (2015, p.5). 134 Drew (2011, p.26) and McLean (2007a). 135 Fradd & Morris (2015, p.5).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 32 Mining at the Bird-in-Hand site began in late 1881 with work on the Main Shaft, and then in January 1882 a 10-head stamp battery and small steam engine from the Langlands Foundry in Melbourne began operation on the Ridge Mine section, as this was where water was sourced.136 Captain Henry Cock from the Bendigo Goldfields in Victoria was appointed manager and the mine employed about seventy men.137 In November 1882 it was reported that „The large red-gum blocks for the stamper beds weighing a ton or two apiece have just been transported to their resting place, and the delivery of the machinery will begin in a few days‟.138 It is possible the red gums mentioned were cut from local trees.
South Australian newspaper editorials expressed much enthusiasm for the prospects of the Bird-in-Hand Mine, although there were initially some concerns about the company‟s share price. In February 1882 a newspaper claimed that the Bird-in-Hand was „the premier gold mine of the colony‟ and reported that:
Speaking of the Bird-in-Hand, the crushing is going on very well, and the amalgam taken away promises a good return. There are many who estimate it at rather over than under 2 oz. of gold to the ton, and we believe the lowest estimate made is 11/2 oz. Even if no higher than this is obtained, it will give a splendid return, and prove the mine to be highly payable. We believe the quantity of amalgam already taken from the ripple-tables is considerably over 400 ounces. Every one interested will be anxious to know the result when the gold is retorted, and, indeed, every one concerned in gold mining in South Australia must be watching with some degree of interest for the ultimate returns. This mine is proving itself the premier gold mine of the colony, and yet, even after crushing had commenced and the show of amalgam was so satisfactory, the price of shares fell 10 per cent. This fact illustrates our first statement, that the price of shares is not a reliable criterion of the value of prosperity of a mine.139
The anticipated yields were high. In another paper from later the same month it was stated that:
The very satisfactory yield of 416 ozs. of gold from 280 tons of stone raised at the Bird-in-Hand Mine, followed by the smaller but also satisfactory crushing at the Alma Mine, should give a stimulus to the gold mining industry in South Australia. We believe our ranges have an abundance of precious metal if men will only work earnestly for it, and are content patiently to await results.140
136 Fradd & Morris (2015, p.8). 137 „Mining Intelligence‟ (South Australian Weekly Chronicle, 12th August 1882, p.16). 138 „Woodside Mines‟ (South Australian Weekly Chronicle, 25th November 1882, p.23). 139 „Our Mining Article‟ (Mount Barker Courier, 10th February 1882, p.3). 140 Editorial (Adelaide Observer, 25th February 1882, p.21).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 33 Then in March 1882, it was observed that:
The people in the Lobethal and neighbouring districts naturally take a great interest in the mining operations that are being carried on in their vicinity, for if the Bird-in-Hand proves a lasting concern, as there is every probability that it will, there can be little doubt that other paying mines will be discovered in that direction, and among the beneficial results of such a development of mineral wealth the increase of population and progress of trade in that part of the colony will not be the least important.141
There were high hopes that the Bird-in-Hand and other mines in the Woodside Goldfields would stimulate a boost for the local hills economy.
The second crushing at the Bird-in-Hand Mine was even better than the first. It was reported that:
The results of the second crushing at the Bird-in-Hand mine were brought to the city on Monday, April 3. ... The second crushing, which lasted 448 hours, was even more satisfactory, 527 3/4 ounces of gold having been obtained from 311 tons of stone. The results are contained in a large cake of retorted gold, and seven ingots of smelted gold, and will be on view to-day in the window of Mr. Hugo Fischer‟s shop, in King William Street.142
It was expected that the success of the mines in the Woodside Goldfields would bring about a physical transformation of the rural landscape. An observer claimed:
I could not help remarking to a friend as we rode across the hills between the Bird-in-Hand and the Bremer that the day was not far distant when that tract of country would be dotted over with mining townships, and though little prospecting has yet been done there, I am more than ever persuaded that that day will come, and our miners are steadily doing what they can to bring it about.143
At the Bird-in-Hand in May 1883, a new 20-head battery powered by a 40hp steam engine from Martin & Company of Gawler was erected (see Figures 10 & 11).144 This was the largest battery erected in South Australia up till then and it was said to be of „an improved character, and is similar in construction to those which are employed on many of the
141 Editorial (South Australian Advertiser, 28th March 1882, p.4). 142 Editorial (South Australian Advertiser, 4th April 1882, p.4). 143 Correspondent, „Woodside Mines‟ (South Australian Advertiser, 27th October 1882, p.9). 144 Drew (2011, p.26), Fradd & Morris (2015, p.10) and McLean (2007a). See also „Correspondent. Epitome of General News‟ (Christian Colonist, 11th May 1883, p.3).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 34 Californian mines‟.145 A small steam engine was also installed at the Main Shaft for hauling and operating pumping equipment, although this was finally found insufficient for getting ground water out of the mine. An elevated tramway about 120m long was built from the landing brace at the Main Shaft to convey ore to the battery house. As with many mine sites, there were tragedies. On the 4th July 1884 it was reported in the newspaper that „Joseph Chapel, a man employed at the Bird-in-Hand gold mines was killed yesterday while working at the stops, knocking away the timber. He had his neck broken‟.146
John Warren, an experienced Cornish mine captain from the Paramatta Mine near Moonta, was placed in charge of the mine in 1886.147 With the aid of a Government subsidy of £3000, the company purchased a 50-inch Cornish pumping engine from the Bon Accord Mine near Burra, along with other equipment. Ore production was suspended while work was concentrated on the sinking of a new engine shaft, named the Victoria, to intersect the reef about 60m below the deepest workings, which by this time had been almost worked out. By early 1888 the Victoria Shaft had reached the 60 fathom level (110m), although difficulty occurred when much water was encountered in a crosscut at that level.148 Additional pumps were fixed in the shaft and a 360m long drainage passage was constructed at the 34m level, which reduced the load on the pumping engine. All water in the Victoria Shaft was removed by June, which allowed work at the 60 fathom level to be recommenced. In spite of the progress made, difficulties in raising development capital forced the closure of the Bird-in- Hand Mine in July 1889, leaving the engine shaft still 36m from the Main Reef. The mine was closed as business interest, local capital support and personnel were drawn into the silver boom at the newly discovered Broken Hill mining region of western New South Wales.
The Bird-in-Hand Mine was reworked from 1891 under a Cornishman known as Captain Craze, and he started by dewatering it over eighteen days to allow an inspection.149 On 29th May 1893, it was reported that
145 Editorial (South Australian Register, 15th April 1882, p.4). 146 Editorial (Narracoorte Herald, 4th July 1884, p.3). 147 Drew (2011, p.26). See also „The Woodside Group of Gold Mines. Testing by Deep Boring‟ (Mount Barker Courier, 17th February 1933, p3). 148 Drew (2011, p.27), Fradd & Morris (2015, p.7) and McLean (2007a). See also „Woodside Gold Mining Syndicate‟ (Express & Telegraph, 4th February 1893, p.6); „Unwatering Problem Believed Solved‟ (Mount Barker Courier, 13th October 1933, p.2). 149 „Sale of Woodside Mines‟ (Adelaide Observer, 27th December 1890, p.15); „Bird In Hand Mine (By Telegraph)‟ (South Australian Register, 30th May 1891, p.7).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 35 Captain Craze met with a serious accident to-day at the Bird-in-Hand mine. He was on the tramway leading from the shaft to the battery, and through a piece of timber snapping he fell into the battery, breaking his arm near the wrist, and sustaining several bruises on his side and face. He was unconscious when picked up but soon recovered. Mr. Craze was driven home by Mr. A. Pfeiffer, and he is now under the care of Dr. McLeod.150
Work in the mine was slow due to persistent problems with machinery and ground water. At the general meeting for the Bird-In-Hand Gold Mining Company shareholders in May 1885 it was reported that „the directors believed there was plenty of gold in the mine, but they recognised more than ever that from the treacherous nature of the ground, owing to water, great expense would be entailed in developing it‟.151 The Woodside Consolidated Syndicate purchased the mine in 1896.152 It was again dewatered and test crushings were carried out on reef material. Although no further mining was carried out then, the old tailings dumps were cyanided in 1897. The Cornish engine was still in place in 1901, but presumably was removed for scrap sometime afterwards.
Figure 10: Bird-in-Hand Mine in 1884, with a view looking west towards the Winding House and the tramway to the 20 head stamp battery (Terramin, 2016).
150 „Accident to Captain Craze‟ (Express & Telegraph, 30th May 1893, p.2). 151 „Bird-In-Hand Gold Mining Company‟ (South Australian Advertiser, 30th May 1885, p.5). 152 Drew (2011, p.27). See also „Mining at Woodside‟ (South Australian Register, 5th January 1897, p.3); „The Woodside Properties. A Comprehensive Scheme‟ (Chronicle, 16th January 1897, p11); „The Woodside Group of Gold Mines. Testing by Deep Boring‟ (Mount Barker Courier, 17th February 1933, p.3).
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Figure 11: Battery house of the Bird-in-Hand Mine, possibly showing the mine’s owner with his workers in the 1880s (B6255, Woodside collection, State Library of South Australia).
The expected boom from the Woodside Goldfields never occurred. Reporting on this period in these goldfields some fifty years later, a newspaper correspondent reminisced that:
It was some time in 1882 that Woodside deluded itself into a belief that it was a Ballarat in embryo; when prospectors stumbled across “traces,” and “experts” pronounced the interior of Old Earth to be “promising.” It has been promising ever since. It is still promising. … But Woodside long ago gave up dreams of El Dorado. And South Australia is still waiting for its mine.153
According to this writer, optimism had been particularly high with the Bird-in-Hand Mine.
While there were well known problems with extracting the gold from the Bird-in-Hand Mine, the water in the shafts was regarded by some as a valuable asset. During an inspection by a party of potential mining investors in 1897 „It was noticed as the party approached the mine that various farmers have taken advantage of the flow of water from the mines to irrigate patches of their land, which were covered with beautiful green plots of maize, sorghum, and
153 Our Special Representative, „Early Days In and About Woodside‟ (Chronicle, 5th October 1933, p.44).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 37 marigolds‟.154 In 1927 the Commonwealth Government bought the Bird-in-Hand Mine for the nearby Woodside (Inverbrackie) Army Barracks and it was used as its water supply from 1933 to 1967.155 On SA Water land on the Bird in Hand Road there was once a water treatment plant, although earth infill was placed there to level the area.156 Such areas are routinely filled in for environmental reasons. While the Mines Department was said to have no records of the amount of water removed from the mine when it was working, it was acknowledged that „it was one of the “wettest” mines in the State‟.157
The mine was re-opened by the Bird-in-Hand Gold Mines NL in 1933 and the water was pumped out of the old workings to enable them to be cleared, restored and the engine shaft deepened by 18m (see Figures 12 & 13).158 The engine house was converted for use as a switch room, engineers‟ quarters, change house and assay laboratory. The company wound up in July 1935, but the mine continued to be worked by tributers until 1938. The engine house and chimney were demolished in the 1950s, an occurrence which has denied the current landscape of much physical evidence for the mine‟s former significance. The Bird-in- Hand Mine was the largest on the Woodside Goldfield. The total estimated production of the Bird-in-Hand Mine was 22,584.88 tonne of ore, yielding 327,918.96 grams (10,544 ounces) of gold bullion, at a grade of 14.52 g/t gold.159
154 „Woodside Mines. The Bird-in-Hand Group. Inspection of the Property‟ (Express & Telegraph, 17th February 1897, p.3). 155 „Water at Woodside‟ (Register News Pictorial, 19th April 1929, p.10). 156 See Figure 9 of this report for the site of the „Old SA Water pump house‟. 157 Committee of the „Back to Woodside‟ (1927, p.23).. 158 Pring & McHenry (2009, p.41). 159 Drew (2011, p.28), Fradd & Morris (2015, p.8) and Pring & McHenry (2009, p.41).
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Figure 12: Bird-in-Hand Mine, 1934 (B13386, Woodside collection, State library of South Australia).
Figure 13: The Pomona pump at the Bird-in-Hand Mine, 1934 (B13387, Woodside collection, State Library of South Australia).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 39 Reefton Heights and surrounding farms
With the discovery of gold on the southern edge of Woodside in 1881, it was anticipated that considerably more accommodation for the mine employees would be required. In 1882 the township of Reefton Heights was surveyed on the Bird-in-Hand Mine property. By early August 1882 an advertisement for the land sales appeared in the local hills newspaper, appealing to „speculators, investors, miners, sharebrokers, tradesmen, brewers, wine and spirit merchants, and others interested in the development of our goldfields‟.160 It was stated in another newspaper that „Near to the mine the township of Reefton Heights has been laid out, and the scenery observable from the heights is certainly very beautiful‟.161
It was arranged for the Reefton Heights land to be auctioned off on the 17th August 1882 in the Adelaide Town Hall. The editorial in the local hills newspaper was enthusiastic and claimed that:
The township is situated on the hills in the immediate vicinity of the famous Bird- in-Hand gold mine at Woodside, and, as the success of the Company who are working that splendid reef is now assured, township allotments which will be available for the erection of workmen‟s cottages for the accommodation of those miners engaged by the different Companies in the locality will prove profitable investments.162
The sale occurred with moderate interest from buyers, and on the 2nd September 1882 the balance of the land at Reefton Heights was auctioned off, with all but six of the allotments sold.163 In October 1883 the Wesleyans approved the building of a church in the new town.164 Many of the residential structures that were built were probably temporary, or at least constructed from materials that were easy to remove and reuse elsewhere. For instance, in January 1886 it was reported that an inquest had been held concerning „the fire which occurred on Sunday at Reefton Heights, by which a miner‟s tent, occupied by Mrs. Thomas, was, with its furniture and entire contents, destroyed.‟165
160 „Auctions‟ (Mount Barker Courier, 4th August 1882, p.2). 161 „Mining Intelligence‟ (South Australian Weekly Chronicle, 12th August 1882, p.16). 162 „Reefton Heights‟ (Mount Barker Courier & Onkaparinga & Gumeracha Advertiser, 11th August 1882, p.2). 163 „Land Sale‟ (South Australian Register, 6th September 1882, p.4). 164 „Wesleyan Intelligence‟ (Mount Barker Courier, 12th October 1883, p.3). 165 „Mining Intelligence‟ (South Australian Register, 29th January 1886, p.5).
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Figure 14: Reefton Heights and local mine shafts (W.E.L., 1934).
Relationships between landowning farmers and miners sometimes became strained. In 1884 William Tucker formally declared in the Mount Barker Courier his intentions to impound or destroy any stray livestock and to prevent trespassers entering his farm, which included Sections 5246, 5256 and part of Section 5249 of EL4303. His notice stated:
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 41 ALL HORSES, CATTLE, and SHEEP, found TRESPASSING on Sections 5245, 5257, 5258, 5256, 5246, 5295, 5139, part 5249, and 5297, Hundred of Onkaparinga, and Sections 1862, 1882, Hundred of Kanmantoo, will be IMPOUNDED; all PIGS, GOATS, DOGS, and POULTRY found thereon will be DESTROYED; and ALL PERSONS TRESPASSING thereon will be PROSECUTED after the date hereof. WILLIAM TUCKER, July 9th, 1884. Woodside.166
William Tucker was born in Cornwall, England in about 1834, and immigrated to South Australia with his parents sometime prior to 1855.167 He became a tenant farmer in the Woodside area. Wild animals were also considered a problem in the area, as it was later reported that property owner Henry A. Timmins of Nairne had been fined £1, with costs of £4 4/, for failing to destroy rabbits on his land, which included Section 5278 (Reefton Heights).168
In 1885 Tucker was in court to sue a miner for damages. In the local newspaper it was stated that:
WILLIAM TUCKER v. WILLIAM JOHNSON. - This was an action brought by William Tucker, of near Woodside, farmer, against William Johnson, of Woodside, miner, to recover £10 damages for trespass upon portion of the road between Sections 5250 [current site of Mr Graham Day‟s farm] and 5278 [Reefton Heights], Hundred of Onkaparinga, and removal of certain gold-bearing wash dirt and earth containing minerals therefrom. The defendant pleaded not guilty.169
As a land owner in South Australia Tucker had also became involved in mining. During the court case it was recorded that:
For the plaintiff it proved that Tucker had applied to the Government for permission to mine under a certain road situated between his two sections of land, and that the Surveyor-General had written to him stating that he could mine under the road under the provisions of clause 40 of the Agricultural Crown Lands Amendment Act of 1884; and that payments had been made to the Crown for such right; and that a person in the plaintiff‟s employ saw the defendant on the road and saw him take away certain washdirt.170
166 „Notice‟ (Mount Barker Courier, 1st August 1884, p.2). 167 Ancestry.com. 168 „Mount Barker Local Court. Thursday, June 12‟ (Mount Barker Courier, 13th June 1919, p.2). 169 „Woodside Local Court. Monday, July 13‟ (Mount Barker Courier, 17th July 1885, p.3). 170 „Woodside Local Court. Monday, July 13‟ (Mount Barker Courier, 17th July 1885, p.3).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 42 In spite of the above evidence, the case was decided in favour of the defendant, as the plaintiff only had rights to mine under the surface of the ground. In 1886 the Onkaparinga Council considered closing the portion of road between Sections 5297 and 5249 (which includes the sites of the Honeysuckle Shaft and Ridge Main Shaft) and to transfer the land to William Tucker, although this did not happened until 1892.171
With the mine‟s closure in 1889, some of the Reefton Heights town buildings were sold off and removed for erection elsewhere.172 A few families evidently remained at Reefton Heights as farmers, as it was reported in October 1897 that „another old colonist‟, Gottfried Pfeiffer, had died there.173 The Pfeiffer family were long-time residents in the Woodside area, with A. Pfeiffer recorded as an elected member for the Woodside ward of the Onkaparinga Council during the 1880s.174 The mines had an impact on local affairs, as in 1887 it was reported at the council meeting that:
Mr. Pfeiffer asked for compensation for land taken from section No. 5262; £2 0s. 6d. to be allowed. Attention was directed to injury being done by Mining Companies to property; Clerk to consult Mr. von Doussa [local lawyer].175
Later in 1890, Pfeiffer had argued on the council that landholders, such as himself, required better protection from the implications of the Mining on Private Property Act, 1888.176 The public road on the north edge of the Terramin property is called „Pfeiffer Road‟.
In late 1894 the South Australian Company sold off a number of their tenant farms in the Onkaparinga and Tungkillo districts. All the leases for the land offered for sale were set to expire on the 25th March 1895. While land prices in the colony had slumped, the auction was successful for the buyers, many of them local tenant farmers. It was reported that „The result of the sale – 2,499 acres sold for £13,730, or an average price of just on £5 10s. per acre,
171 „District Councils. Onkaparinga, May 15, 1883‟ (Mount Barker Courier, 17th December 1886, p.3); „The Southern Districts. Onkaparinga, September 5‟ (Mount Barker Courier, 9th September 1892, p.3). 172 „Extracts form “History of Scott‟s Creek,” by C.J. Hill Esq.‟ (Mount Barker Courier, 22nd September 1949, p.6). 173 „Our Weekly News – Budget‟ (Mount Barker Courier, 29th October 1897, p.3). See also „Obituary. Death of an Old Colonist‟ (Chronicle, 30th October 1897, p.21). This person was probably Johann Gottfried Pfeiffer who was born in 1822, Brandenburg, Prussia (Ancestry.com). 174 For example see „Country Intelligence‟ (Mount Barker Courier, 5th September 1884, p.2) and „District Council Nominations‟ (Mount Barker Courier, 21st June 1889, p.3). This person was probably the son of Gottfried Pfeiffer known as Johann Adolph Pfeiffer, who was born 1857 at Lobethal, South Australia (Ancestry.com). 175 „District Councils. Mount Barker‟ (Mount Barker Courier, 4th February 1887, p.3). 176 „Meeting at Woodside‟ (Mount Barker Courier, 18 April 1890, p.3).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 43 speaks for itself‟.177 Relevant to the EL4303 was the sale of Lot 8, which included Section 5256 and the sites of the shafts for the Black Bird, Lone Hand and Brind mines, and Section 5246 where the present Terramin site office and the Bird in Hand Winery are located. The land agent described Lot 8 (402 acres) as:
… that of the late Mr. Wm. Tucker [died 13th April 1894, Woodside] - that it was one of the best situated in the district, and a finer grass farm could not be found. The whole was splendidly watered, and there were 20 acres of rich swamp land suitable for the growth of root crops. The sections were sheep-proof fenced, and the property was the pick of the sale. A reserve was placed on the minerals. Commencing at £5, five-shilling bids were made up to £6 15s., and at £7 Dr. Esau became owner of “the best farm in the district,” for which, as was fitting, the highest price of the day was paid.178
German immigrant Dr. Esau was the district medical doctor and a prominent member of the local Woodside horse racing and shooting community.179 Lot 9 included Section 5261, within which the Two-in-the-Bush mine shaft is situated, which was then occupied by tenant farmer Mr J.G. Meiglich.180 At the sale, Meiglich purchased the 262 acres of land for £5 6s per acre.
In 1902 the minutes of the Onkaparinga Council Meeting noted the „Surveyor to be instructed to take steps to close road on northern and western boundaries, section 5278 [Reefton Heights]‟. In 1920 at the Council‟s meeting it was recorded that „An application from the Defence Department was received, to have portion of unused road between sections 5249 and 5250 [western border of Mr Graham Day‟s farm], Woodside Ward, closed for the purpose of boring for water‟.181 With mining in the Bird-In-Hand group largely suspended, many of the local roads were probably no longer required.
Today, only a few remnants of the Reefton Heights homes remain on the site, although it is be expected that more archaeological traces would be found under the ground in some places. During my site inspection of the Reefton Heights site on the 8th March 2016 I was shown cement building foundation slabs, a recently exposed shaft and the stone foundations of a building in the woodland, where there was also a small amount of metal and glass material on
177 „An Important Land Sale. South Australian Company‟s Farms‟ (Mount Barker Courier, 2nd November 1894, p.3). 178 „An Important Land Sale. South Australian Company‟s Farms‟ (Mount Barker Courier, 2nd November 1894, p.3). William Tucker‟s death details recorded in the Ancestry.com website (http://person.ancestry.com.au/tree/4525425/person/-1589079566/facts, accessed 22 May 2016). 179 Dr Hermann C.F. Esau died on the 11th August 1901 („The Late Dr Esau‟, Register, 13th August 1901, p.3). 180 „Auctions‟ (Mount Barker Courier, 19th October 1894, p.2; 26th October 1894, p.2). 181 „District Councils. Onkaparinga‟ (Mount Barker Courier, 5th November 1920, p.3).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 44 the surface (see Figures 14 & 15). No major works are being considered for the Reefton Heights area, although I am informed that they may be minor infrastructure placed within the SA Water site, which has already been disturbed by modern earthworks so that heritage preservation here should not be required. The rural landscape surrounding the Bird-in-Hand Mine has changed in recent decades, with new areas of indigenous vegetation regrowth and eucalypt woodlots. The establishment of the Bird in Hand Winery, located on the western edge of EL4303, is part of this transformation. The owners of this business have stated that:
The Adelaide Hills property was purchased and planted in 1997 by the Nugent family. The site was once a dairy farm. The cellar door operates from the old cheese and yogurt factory. The two big silos were used as grain storage for the cattle.182
Figure 15: Bottle glass fragment at the site of Reefton Heights, 8th March 2016.
182 Bird in Hand Winery website (http://www.birdinhand.com.au/celebrate/faq/, accessed 22 May 2016).
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Figure 16: Shaft opening at the site of Reefton Heights, 8th March 2016.
Other mines in the Bird-in-Hand Group
The northernmost mine in the Bird-in-Hand group was Two-in-the-Bush; then Bird-in-Hand, followed in order southwards by Bird-in-Hand Extended, Ridge, Nest-Egg, and Fountain Head.183 In total, about 200 men were employed. The Two-in-the Bush Mine in the northern part of EL4303 was established in 1882, although work was suspended in 1886 due to poor crushing results and a heavy inflow of water after producing 397oz from 2230t.184 The Lone Hand Mine (see Figures 16 & 17) appears to have been established in this period,185 although by October 1885 it was reported that the mine owners had difficulties paying their workers.186 The Bird-in-Hand Extended Mine on the southern edge of Reefton Heights was worked by
183 H.Y.L. Brown, „Gold at Woodside‟ (Mount Barker Courier, 2nd February 1883, p.3), Drew (2011, p.28), Fradd & Morris (2015, pp.13-34), McLean (2007c) and „Mining Intelligence‟ (South Australian Weekly Chronicle, 12th August 1882, p.16). 184 Fradd & Morris (2015, pp.33-34) and McLean (2007a; 2007c). 185 Fradd & Morris (2015, p.20) and McLean (2007a; 2007c). 186 Express & Telegraph, 26th October 1885, p.3.
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 46 five men in 1882, but was mainly a prospecting venture.187 Operations at the Ridge Mine in the southern third of EL4303 commenced in May 1882, using the second-hand battery and plant reinstalled from the nearby Bird-in-Hand Mine.188 Several shafts were sunk on the reef, with the deepest being 64m. Between 1882 and 1885 there was 2722t of ore treated by the battery, which yielded 517oz of gold. Also in 1882, the Nest Egg Mine to the south of EL4303 was opened, with three shafts working on the 1m wide quartz lode.189 Although pumping and hauling machinery were installed, the water proved difficult to control and the company was wound up by 1884. Further south, the Fountain Head Mine also operated during the 1882 to 1884 period, but work ceased here due to the lack of finance.190
Between 1934 and 1935 all of these late nineteenth century mines in the vicinity of the Bird- in-Hand were taken up by the Bird-in-Hand Gold Mines NL.191 Mining at the Blackbird Mine site appears to have commenced in this period.192 Old workings were cleaned out, dewatered with new pumps and in a few cases shafts extended, although gold values were poor. Tributers worked the area from the shallow shafts up until 1938.193 Other twentieth century gold mining ventures in the Mount Lofty Ranges include a gold mine at Deloraine near Kersbrook in 1909.194 Also, gold was recovered as a by-product from the Kanmantoo copper mine between 1969 and 1976.195
187 Fradd & Morris (2015, p.13) and McLean (2007a; 2007c). 188 Fradd & Morris (2015, p.29) and McLean (2007a; 2007c). 189 Fradd & Morris (2015, pp.23-34) and McLean (2007a; 2007c). 190 Fradd & Morris (2015, p.20) and McLean (2007a; 2007c). 191 „Bird in Hand Mine Floated‟ (Mail, 27th January 1934, p.5) and „‟Bird-in-Hand Co. Winds up‟ (News, 12th November 1935, p.12). 192 Fradd & Morris (2015, p.13). 193 Drew (2011, p.28) and McLean (2007a). 194 Mclean (2007b, pp.2-3), Office of Minerals & Energy Resources South Australia (2001, p.5) and Willis (2008). 195 Office of Minerals & Energy Resources South Australia (2001, p.5). See also http://www.mining- technology.com/projects/kanmantoo-mine/ (accessed 31st March 2016).
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Figure 17: Lone Hand chimney stack, 8th March 2016.
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Figure 18: Lone Hand battery area, 8th March 2016.
Figure 19: Possible ‘puddler’ site near the historic Brind Mine that would have been operated with a horse-gin (Terramin, 2016).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 49 Recent exploration
The Bird-in-Hand Mine was explored by Capricorn Resources in 1997, and then between 2005 and 2008 Maximus Resources Ltd drilled a series of holes to intersect the Bird-in-Hand reef below the original workings.196 This established a total resource of 237,000oz (598,000t @ 12.3g/t indicated and inferred) at depth between 100m and 430m below the surface. A mineral claim was subsequently registered in August 2008 on the condition that pump tests, aquifer recharge tests and feasibility studies be carried out prior to a mineral lease application. The local Woodside community had expressed concerns over possible lowering of the local water table, which is about 30m below the surface compared with a potential mine depth of 500m. Maximus Resources Ltd focussed on other nearby old gold mines to develop a target of 800,000 to 1.1Mt @ 15-20g/t gold.
In late 2013, Terramin purchased the Project as part of a portfolio of other Adelaide Hills exploration tenements.197 Terramin revised and released a Bird-in-Hand Resource (2013 Resource) estimate of 557,000 tonnes at 13.0g/t gold for 233,000 ounces. A scoping study on the high grade resource was completed by Terramin in early December 2013 and this confirmed that it can be mined safely and economically. The proximity of the Project to Terramin‟s existing mining and processing facilities at Angas will permit road haulage along existing sealed road infrastructure. Terramin plans to undertake mining on an owner/operator basis.
196 Willis (2008). See also Fradd & Morris (2015, p.8) and Pring & McHenry (2009, p.41). 197 Refer to http://www.terramin.com.au/project/bird-hand-gold-project/ (accessed 29th March 2016).
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Figure 20: Work exclusion areas (dashed lines) surrounding river red gums, to provide a protective 5m buffer from the leaf drip line of each tree (Terramin, 2016).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 51 Executive Summary
Today, the landscape of EL4303 is largely rural. In the past it would have been part of an Aboriginal clan estate for the Peramangk people of the eastern Mount Lofty Ranges, although there are no records indicating whether they had significant sites in the vicinity. The model of Aboriginal use discussed in this report suggests seasonal use of the land, with the main camping places being at major waterholes along the Onkaparinga River, such as Bukartilla at Hahndorf. While the eastern escarpment of the Mount Lofty Ranges is rich in Aboriginal rock engraving and painting sites, the only exposed natural rocks I could find in the area have rough friable surfaces which would have been unsuitable for such activity. Furthermore, there are no recorded quarries for stone tools within EL4303 and no examples of Aboriginal worked stone fragments were sighted during my site inspection. The finding of any surface Aboriginal material within EL4303 is extremely unlikely given the nature of former Aboriginal use of the area, along with its subsequent history of intense mining activities and town construction during the late nineteenth century. In the unlikely case that suspected Aboriginal material, such as stone artefacts or human bone, is uncovered during any future mining operations then this should be immediately reported to the Principal Heritage Officer at Aboriginal Affairs and Reconciliation, as per the Aboriginal Heritage Act, 1988 regulations. Since there are no current native title claims registered for the eastern Mount Lofty Ranges region, there is not a claimant group which requires consultation concerning the mining development.
There are some physical relics of various mining structures within EL4303 today, although much of the original infrastructure would have been removed for salvage during the early twentieth century. The battery and chimney stack associated with the Lone Hand Mine in the northern section of EL4303 are the most prominent historic markers in the landscape (see Figures 16-17), and together these are already protected as a registered Heritage Place.198 The possible puddler site near the Brind shaft (see Figure 19) is not close to the proposed works, although it may require the implementation of protective measures, such as fencing. The area of Reefton Heights in the centre of EL4303 would have once been covered in temporary houses for the mine workers, although it is now chiefly clothed by native vegetation regrowth. This woodland does contain some ruins in the form of building foundations and
198 State Heritage ID 12863, Heritage Number 15253 (http://maps.sa.gov.au/heritagesearch/HeritageItem.aspx?p_heritageno=15253, accessed 30 March 2016).
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 52 shaft openings, surrounded by scattered loose material, such as metal and glass. Since no major mining activities by Terramin are planned to take place at the surface of this woodland at Reefton Heights, then there is no apparent threat to this heritage. The minor work that might take place within the SA Water site of Reefton Heights does not pose any serious risk to the local mining heritage. There remains a possibility that undisturbed soil beneath the ancient river red gums on Terramin land might contain Aboriginal stone tools and a variety of historic European items, particularly those made from metal and glass. For this, and other more environmental reasons, it is best that these trees are left completely alone. At some stage in the future an archaeologist might usefully conduct an investigation of the soil under the canopy.
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 53 References
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CONFIDENTIAL REPORT FOR TERRAMIN AUSTRALIA LTD Page 59 Author’s Background
Dr Philip Clarke has an academic background in biology, geography and anthropology. After studying at the University of Adelaide, he started working in the Aboriginal ethnographical collections at the South Australian Museum in 1982. Dr Clarke‟s initial research interests were chiefly on Aboriginal use of plants as foods, medicines and materials for making artefacts. This eventually broadened out to Aboriginal perception and use of the land, with a particular focus on the cultural geography of southern Australia. This research produced a Doctor of Philosophy thesis and a series of publications on Aboriginal ethnobotany, mythology, Pidgin English and contact history. During 1998-2000, Dr Clarke‟s major task was curating the Australian Aboriginal Cultures Gallery Project at the South Australian Museum. In the period 2000-2003 he worked as a consultant performing ethnographic mining clearances in the Goldfields. Since 2010, Dr Clarke has been engaged as an anthropologist consultant for various Aboriginal organisations, such as the Northern Land Council based in Darwin. He has authored five major books and numerous articles in professional journals on the Indigenous use of the environment. Since permanently leaving the Museum in late 2011, Dr Clarke has worked fulltime in private practice as a consultant anthropologist.
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