1 a Resolution Denouncing the Murder of George
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By D. Watkins ONE BOOK BALTIMORE ONE BOOK BALTIMORE 2020 DISCUSSION GUIDE Introduction: a Seat at the Table Summary: D
We Speak for Ourselves by D. Watkins ONE BOOK BALTIMORE ONE BOOK BALTIMORE 2020 DISCUSSION GUIDE Introduction: A Seat at the Table Summary: D. Watkins discusses his experience not feeling like he is part of the “black elite.” He explores how many of the famous people that are asked to speak about the black experience, don’t even understand the black experience. He creates the idea that there are two vastly different black narratives in America and the “black elite” create challenges for the non-black elite. Key Terms Pre-Reading Questions • Black Elite- a group of black people who have found • Have you ever felt out of place before? Where were you? Why did you feel out of economic success and often times speak on behalf of all place? black people. They however are disconnected from the • Often times people speak on behalf of other people, for example the student body struggles many people in the black community president might talk to the school principal on behalf of the rest of the students. Is experience on a daily basis. there anyone you would trust (famous or not famous) to speak on behalf of you? • Fearful Black Nerd- a black person who becomes o Have you ever had someone speak on behalf of you that you didn’t successful by distancing themselves from the community actually agree with? they grew up in, and then uses their success to oppress During Reading Questions other black people. • What is the “black elite?” Why does D. Watkins feel out of place at their event? • Black Lives Matter- a grassroot organization with an • Tia and D. -
Download a PDF of the Toolkit Here
This toolkit was created through a collaboration with MediaJustice's Disinfo Defense League as a resource for people and organizations engaging in work to dismantle, defund, and abolish systems of policing and carceral punishment, while also navigating trials of police officers who murder people in our communities. Trials are not tools of abolition; rather, they are a (rarely) enforced consequence within the current system under the Prison Industrial Complex (PIC) for people who murder while working as police officers. Police are rarely charged when they commit these murders and even less so when the victim is Black. We at MPD150 are committed to the deconstruction of the PIC in its entirety and until this is accomplished, we also honor the need for people who are employed as police officers to be held to the same laws they weaponize against our communities. We began working on this project in March of 2021 as our city was bracing for the trial of Derek Chauvin, the white police officer who murdered George Floyd, a Black man, along with officers J. Alexander Kueng and Thomas Lane while Tou Thao stood guard on May 25th, 2020. During the uprising that followed, Chauvin was charged with, and on April 20th, 2021 ultimately found guilty of, second-degree unintentional murder, third-degree murder, and second-degree manslaughter. Municipalities will often use increased police presence in an attempt to assert control and further criminalize Black and brown bodies leading up to trials of police officers, and that is exactly what we experienced in Minneapolis. During the early days of the Chauvin trial, Daunte Wright, a 20-year-old Black man was murdered by Kim Potter, a white Brooklyn Center police officer, during a traffic stop on April 11th, 2021. -
February 12, 2021 Michael E. Horowitz United States Department
February 12, 2021 Michael E. Horowitz United States Department of Justice Office of the Inspector General 950 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW Washington, DC 20530-0001 Dear Mr. Horowitz, I write today to convey my deep concern regarding the disparate treatment of Black protesters in defense of Black lives and the white supremacist insurrectionists who stormed the Capitol Building. The attack on the U.S. Capitol on January 6th, in which a mob of insurrectionists illegally and violently stormed the halls of Congress, justifiably terrified our country. It was a shameful act that will forever stain this nation’s history. In the days since January 6th, it has become clear that this mob of insurrectionists barged through the U.S. Capitol to disrupt the peaceful transfer of power and suppress the votes of millions of Black, brown, and Indigenous people. Incited by former President Donald Trump, 800 insurrectionists breached the first security perimeter of the Capitol Building, some heavily armed and prepared to 1 carry out acts of violence. They stormed the U.S. Capitol, barreled past fences, barricades and walls, and climbed over protective barriers and through broken windows. They then made their way to the second-floor lobby and into the Senate Chamber. One woman was shot, and later pronounced dead, 2 and four other people died on Capitol grounds, including a U.S. Capitol Police officer. Police seized five guns.3 Of the 800 people who stormed the Capitol Building, 206 people have been arrested, and charged, 4 many of them charged with violating curfew laws. It has come to my attention that Eric Muchel, one of the insurrectionists who came prepared to hold Members of Congress hostage, was released on 1 Kaya Yurieff. -
A New Balance: Weighing Harms of Hiding Police Misconduct Information from the Public
City University of New York Law Review Volume 22 Issue 1 Winter 2019 A New Balance: Weighing Harms of Hiding Police Misconduct Information from the Public Cynthia Conti-Cook [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/clr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Cynthia Conti-Cook, A New Balance: Weighing Harms of Hiding Police Misconduct Information from the Public, 22 CUNY L. Rev. 148 (2019). Available at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/clr/vol22/iss1/15 The CUNY Law Review is published by the Office of Library Services at the City University of New York. For more information please contact [email protected]. A New Balance: Weighing Harms of Hiding Police Misconduct Information from the Public Acknowledgements For planting the seed of this article and sending some initial legal research to get her started, she is grateful to Amanda Woog; for meandering brainstorming sessions on evolving definitions of privacy, she thanks Rebecca Wexler; for calling her out when she mindlessly repeated harmful headlines, she thanks Steve Zeidman; for multiple rounds of endless legal research, she is indebted to Benjamin Rutkin-Becker; for tenderly excavating this article’s soul and surgically deconstructing hardened jargon, unexplained assumptions and unreasoned blind spots, Cynthia is grateful to Gail Gray; for pushing her to articulate the best arguments against her positions, she thanks Barry Scheck; thank you to Craig Futterman and Jamie Kalven for many related inspiring conversations about transparency, accountability and privacy that have contributed to this article, along with everyone from the Chicago convening that volleyed early ideas for this article with her; as well as members of Communities United for Police Reform who fight for a transparent system of police accountability; Cynthia thanks Victor Dempsey for his reading and thoughtful reflections on secrecy, asymmetry of information on police killings, trauma and the meaning of community safety; thank you to Julie Ciccolini for her thoughtful feedback. -
The Excessive Present of Abolition: the Afterlife of Slavery in Law, Literature, and Performance
iii The Excessive Present of Abolition: The Afterlife of Slavery in Law, Literature, and Performance A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School Of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy By Jesse Aaron Goldberg May 2018 iv © 2018 Jesse Aaron Goldberg v THE EXCESSIVE PRESENT OF ABOLITION: THE AFTERLIFE OF SLAVERY IN LAW, LITERATURE, AND PERFORMANCE Jesse Aaron Goldberg, Ph.D. Cornell University The Excessive Present of Abolition reframes timescales of black radical imaginaries, arguing that Black Atlantic literary and performative texts and traditions resist periodization into past, present, and future. Their temporalities create an excessive present, in which the past persists alongside a future that emerges concurrently through forms of daily practice. I intervene in debates in black studies scholarship between a pessimistic view that points backward, arguing that blackness is marked by social death, and an optimistic view that points forward, insisting that blackness exceeds slavery’s reach. Holding both views in tension, I illuminate the “excess” that undermines this binary. The law’s violence in its rendering of black bodies as fungible exceeds its capacity for justice, and yet blackness exceeds the reach of the law, never reducible to only the state of abjection conjured by the structuring power of white supremacy. I theorize the excessive present through literature and performance in contrast to legal discourse – notably the 1783 British case Gregson v Gilbert, which is striking because it records a massacre of 131 people as an insurance case, not a murder case. The 1781 Zong Massacre recurs through each of my chapters, via J.M.W. -
In Light of the Murder of George Floyd and Subsequent Police Violence
In light of the murder of George Floyd and subsequent police violence against protestors, the Public Interest Law Organization expresses solidarity with the Black Law Students Association and the Black Lives Matter movement at large. As future lawyers, judges, advocates, and professionals, we recognize our responsibility to be actively anti-racist in order to change a system that has been broken for too long. While the officers responsible for Floyd’s death were charged and arrested, oppression against people of color runs much deeper than any single act of violence. Floyd is just one of many black individuals who have been victims of racial injustice, police brutality, and social inequity. A few of the names we should not forget include Tony McDade, Breonna Taylor, Michael Ramos, and Ahmaud Arbery. In standing with the BLM movement, we also mourn these tragic losses of life. As an organization of students passionate about pursuing public interest through the law, we recognize that our justice system is founded on racial inequalities that have persisted for decades. To all persons of color within the UHLC community, please let us know how we can support you during this time. We pledge to work on our own biases, to educate others and learn how we can better fight for change, and to listen to our communities of color. In Solidarity, PILO at UH Law Katherine Powell, President Jennifer Ren, Vice-President of On-Campus Affairs Monica Wadleigh, Vice-President of Off-Campus Outreach Samantha Casas, Secretary Emory Powers, Treasurer . -
Download the Letter
This letter is embargoed until Friday, June 5, 10:00am (EST) To Members of the United Nations Human Rights Council Re: Request for the Convening of a Special Session on the Escalating Situation of Police Violence and Repression of Protests in the United States Excellencies, The undersigned family members of victims of police killings and civil society organizations from around the world, call on member states of the U.N. Human Rights Council to urgently convene a Special Session on the situation of human rights in the United States in order to respond to the unfolding grave human rights crisis born out of the repression of nationwide protests. The recent protests erupted on May 26 in response to the police murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis, Minnesota, which was only one of a recent string of unlawful killings of unarmed Black people by police and armed white vigilantes. We are deeply concerned about the escalation in violent police responses to largely peaceful protests in the United States, which included the use of rubber bullets, tear gas, pepper spray and in some cases live ammunition, in violation of international standards on the use of force and management of assemblies including recent U.N. Guidance on Less Lethal Weapons. Additionally, we are greatly concerned that rather than using his position to serve as a force for calm and unity, President Trump has chosen to weaponize the tensions through his rhetoric, evidenced by his promise to seize authority from Governors who fail to take the most extreme tactics against protestors and to deploy federal armed forces against protestors (an action which would be of questionable legality). -
Struggle for Power: the Ongoing Persecution of Black Movement the by U.S
STRUGGLE FOR POWER T H E ONGOING PERSECUTION O F B L A C K M O V E M E N T BY THE U.S. GOVERNMENT In the fight for Black self-determination, power, and freedom in the United States, one institution’s relentless determination to destroy Black movement is unrivaled— the United States federal government. Black resistance and power-building threaten the economic interests and white supremacist agenda that uphold the existing social order. Throughout history, when Black social movements attract the nation’s or world’s attention, or we fight our way onto the nation’s political agenda as we have today, we experience violent repression. We’re disparaged and persecuted; cast as villains in the story of American prosperity; and forced to defend ourselves and our communities against police, anti-Black policymakers, and U.S. armed forces. Last summer, on the heels of the murders of Breonna Taylor and George Floyd, millions of people mobilized to form the largest mass movement against police violence and racial injustice in U.S. history. Collective outrage spurred decentral- ized uprisings in defense of Black lives in all 50 states, with a demand to defund police and invest in Black communities. This brought global attention to aboli- tionist arguments that the only way to prevent deaths such as Mr. Floyd’s and Ms. Taylor’s is to take power and funding away from police. At the same time, the U.S federal government, in a flagrant abuse of power and at the express direction of disgraced former President Donald Trump and disgraced former Attorney General William Barr, deliberately targeted supporters of the movement to defend Black lives in order to disrupt and discourage the movement. -
JUSTICE RESOLUTION Meet on the Streets, George Floyd Square
JUSTICE RESOLUTION Meet on the Streets, George Floyd Square August 7, 2020 Edited: August 12, 2020 Resolution 001 Topic: What does justice look like? On May 25, 2020, George Floyd was murdered by former Minneapolis Police Department officers. This event sparked an uprising by the community in protest to systemic racism within the City of Minneapolis (the City). On May 30, 2020, National Guard vehicles drove through the George Floyd memorial in the middle of the night, causing the community to establish barricades to prevent vehicles from entering the intersection. On June 2, 2020, the City of Minneapolis placed cement barricades at the street entrances of George Floyd Square1 for pedestrian safety. For weeks, city employees and community members engaged in conversations to discuss what happens next and address the needs of the community. On August 6, 2020, city employees informed a handful of community leaders and business owners that despite no consensus, the City intends to begin a phased removal of the barricades the week of August 17th. This resolution outlines demands for justice by community members who do not intend to allow the intersection of 38th Street East and Chicago Avenue South to open up without concrete actions of justice taken by the City in response to the murder of George Floyd. Whereas, the City killed a man in the street near the intersection of East 38th Street and Chicago Avenue, Whereas, the definition of race equity as provided by the City Council of Minneapolis is, “The development of policies, practices and strategic investments to reverse racial disparity trends, eliminate institutional racism, and ensure that outcomes and opportunities for all people are no longer predictable by race,”2 Whereas, the City Council of Minneapolis approved a resolution declaring that racism is a public health emergency on July 17th, 2020,3 1 George Floyd Square is marked by 37th Street East, 39th Street East, Elliot Avenue South, and Columbus Avenue South. -
Presentation by the Joint Police Reform Group
PRESENTATION BY THE JOINT POLICE REFORM GROUP INTRODUCTION Following the murder of George Floyd in May, 2020, some of us who have been deeply concerned about racism and policing in our country for some time, turned our attention to learning more about the Watertown Police Department and its practices with an eye toward addressing police reform locally. Similarly, many other communities across the nation are engaged in this process. Additionally, the Massachusetts legislature, out of its growing concern for the lack of police accountability, issued a landmark bill to address, among other things, police certification and decertification, police misconduct, training, use of force policies, and police bias. While the bill that eventually was signed by Governor Baker was somewhat weakened by his requested changes, when enacted it will still be of enormous positive impact. We believe, however, that efforts at the local level continue to be necessary to hold individual police departments accountable. Local efforts are important for the prevention of racial bias, unnecessary use of force, and harmful aspects of police culture. Citizens want reform. The information and projects presented below represent what we have learned from our research and efforts that has led us to the determination that we must act to bring about changes to the current operations and culture of our Watertown Police Department. It is our conclusion that the WPD definitely has areas that warrant improvement. We have listened and learned from our investigations and interactions with the WPD. As representatives of groups of Watertown residents, we ask that our town government listen to our concerns and act to bring about greater justice and accountability from the WPD, as well as more effective solutions to the root causes of public safety issues. -
Facebook As a Reflection of Race- and Gender-Based Narratives Following the Death of George Floyd
social sciences $€ £ ¥ Article Exceptional Injustice: Facebook as a Reflection of Race- and Gender-Based Narratives Following the Death of George Floyd Patricia J Dixon and Lauren Dundes * Department of Sociology, McDaniel College, 2 College Hill, Westminster, MD 21157, USA; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected] Received: 16 November 2020; Accepted: 8 December 2020; Published: 15 December 2020 Abstract: Following the death of George Floyd, Facebook posts about the Black Lives Matter movement (BLM) surged, creating the opportunity to examine reactions by race and sex. This study employed a two-part mixed methods approach beginning with an analysis of posts from a single college student’s Facebook newsfeed over a 12-week period, commencing on the date of George Floyd’s death (25 May 2020). A triangulation protocol enhanced exploratory observational–archival Facebook posts with qualitative data from 24 Black and White college students queried about their views of BLM and policing. The Facebook data revealed that White males, who were the least active in posting about BLM, were most likely to criticize BLM protests. They also believed incidents of police brutality were exceptions that tainted an otherwise commendable profession. In contrast, Black individuals commonly saw the case of George Floyd as consistent with a longstanding pattern of injustice that takes an emotional toll, and as an egregious exemplification of racism that calls for indictment of the status quo. The exploratory data in this article also illustrate how even for a cause célèbre, attention on Facebook ebbs over time. This phenomenon obscures the urgency of effecting change, especially for persons whose understanding of racism is influenced by its coverage on social media. -
But the Holy Spirit Can, As I Advocate for African American Boys and Men
The Journal of Faith, Education, and Community Volume 5 Issue 1 The Tipping Point: A Faith Perspective Article 3 I Can't Breathe: But the Holy Spirit Can, as I Advocate for African American Boys and Men Gwendolyn C. Webb Texas A&M University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.sfasu.edu/jfec Part of the Christianity Commons, Higher Education Commons, and the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Tell us how this article helped you. Recommended Citation Webb, Gwendolyn C. () "I Can't Breathe: But the Holy Spirit Can, as I Advocate for African American Boys and Men," The Journal of Faith, Education, and Community: Vol. 5 : Iss. 1 , Article 3. Available at: https://scholarworks.sfasu.edu/jfec/vol5/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at SFA ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in The Journal of Faith, Education, and Community by an authorized editor of SFA ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. I Can't Breathe: But the Holy Spirit Can, as I Advocate for African American Boys and Men Cover Page Footnote n/a This article is available in The Journal of Faith, Education, and Community: https://scholarworks.sfasu.edu/jfec/vol5/ iss1/3 Webb: I Can't Breathe The Journal of Faith, Education, and Community, Volume 5(1), 2021 I CAN’T BREATHE: BUT THE HOLY SPIRIT CAN, AS I ADVOCATE FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS AND MEN Dr. Gwendolyn C. Webb Texas A&M University ABSTRACT Six and a half years ago, I wrote about my feelings, deeply entrenched in the continued assault on African American boys and men.