Huang Jiantong
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February 04, 1949 Memorandum of Conversation Between Anastas Mikoyan and Mao Zedong
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified February 04, 1949 Memorandum of Conversation between Anastas Mikoyan and Mao Zedong Citation: “Memorandum of Conversation between Anastas Mikoyan and Mao Zedong,” February 04, 1949, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, APRF: F. 39, Op. 1, D. 39, Ll. 54-62. Reprinted in Andrei Ledovskii, Raisa Mirovitskaia and Vladimir Miasnikov, Sovetsko-Kitaiskie Otnosheniia, Vol. 5, Book 2, 1946-February 1950 (Moscow: Pamiatniki Istoricheskoi Mysli, 2005), pp. 66-72. Translated by Sergey Radchenko. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/113318 Summary: Anastas Mikoyan and Mao Zedong discuss the independence of Mongolia, the independence movement in Xinjiang, the construction of a railroad in Xinjiang, CCP contacts with the VKP(b), the candidate for Chinese ambassador to the USSR, aid from the USSR to China, CCP negotiations with the Guomindang, the preparatory commisssion for convening the PCM, the character of future rule in China, Chinese treaties with foreign powers, and the Sino-Soviet treaty. Original Language: Russian Contents: English Translation On 4 February 1949 another meeting with Mao Zedong took place in the presence of CCP CC Politburo members Zhou Enlai, Liu Shaoqi, Ren Bishi, Zhu De and the interpreter Shi Zhe. From our side Kovalev I[van]. V. and Kovalev E.F. were present. THE NATIONAL QUESTION I conveyed to Mao Zedong that our CC does not advise the Chinese Com[munist] Party to go overboard in the national question by means of providing independence to national minorities and thereby reducing the territory of the Chinese state in connection with the communists' take-over of power. -
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Between Shanghai and Mecca: Diaspora and Diplomacy of Chinese Muslims in the Twentieth Century by Janice Hyeju Jeong Department of History Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Engseng Ho, Advisor ___________________________ Prasenjit Duara, Advisor ___________________________ Nicole Barnes ___________________________ Adam Mestyan ___________________________ Cemil Aydin Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the Graduate School of Duke University 2019 ABSTRACT Between Shanghai and Mecca: Diaspora and Diplomacy of Chinese Muslims in the Twentieth Century by Janice Hyeju Jeong Department of History Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Engseng Ho, Advisor ___________________________ Prasenjit Duara, Advisor ___________________________ Nicole Barnes ___________________________ Adam Mestyan ___________________________ Cemil Aydin An abstract of a dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, in the Department of History in the Graduate School of Duke University 2019 Copyright by Janice Hyeju Jeong 2019 Abstract While China’s recent Belt and the Road Initiative and its expansion across Eurasia is garnering public and scholarly attention, this dissertation recasts the space of Eurasia as one connected through historic Islamic networks between Mecca and China. Specifically, I show that eruptions of -
Guangdong-Guangxi War & Sun Yat-Sen's Return to Canton
Sun Yat-sen's Return To Canton After Expelling Gui-xi by Ah Xiang Excerpts from “Tragedy of Chinese Revolution” at http://www.republicanchina.org/revolution.html For updates and related articles, check http://www.republicanchina.org/RepublicanChina-pdf.htm In Southern Chinese Province of Guangdong, Sun Yat-sen and Chen Jiongming would be entangled in the power struggles. (Liu Xiaobo mistakenly eulogized Chen Jiongming's support for so-called "allying multiple provinces for self-determination" as heralding China's forerunner federationist movement.) Yue-jun (i.e., Guangdong native army), headed by Chen Jiongming, was organized on basis of Zhu Qinglan's police/guard battalions in Dec of 1917. To make Chen Jiongming into a real military support, Sun Yat-sen originally dispatched Hu Hanmin and Wang Zhaoming to Governor Zhu Qinglan for making Chen Jiongming into the so-called "commander of governor's bodyguard column". Governor Zhu Qinglan was forced into resignation by Governor-general Chen Bingkun of Gui-xi faction (i.e., Guangxi Province native army that stationed in Guangdong after the republic restoration war). Sun Yat-sen asked Cheng Biguang negotiate with Lu Rongding for relocation of Chen Bingkun and assignment of twenty battalions of Zhu Qinglan's police/guard army into 'marines' under the command of Cheng Biguang's navy. On Dec 2nd of 1917, Chen Jiongming was conferred the post of "commander of Guangdong army for aiding Fujian Province" and was ordered to lead 4000-5000 'marine' army towards neighboring Fujian Province where he expanded his army and developed it into his private warlord or militarist forces. -
Re-Evaluating the Communist Guomindang Split of 1927
University of South Florida Scholar Commons Graduate Theses and Dissertations Graduate School March 2019 Nationalism and the Communists: Re-Evaluating the Communist Guomindang Split of 1927 Ryan C. Ferro University of South Florida, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd Part of the History Commons Scholar Commons Citation Ferro, Ryan C., "Nationalism and the Communists: Re-Evaluating the Communist Guomindang Split of 1927" (2019). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7785 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Nationalism and the Communists: Re-Evaluating the Communist-Guomindang Split of 1927 by Ryan C. Ferro A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of History College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Co-MaJor Professor: Golfo Alexopoulos, Ph.D. Co-MaJor Professor: Kees Boterbloem, Ph.D. Iwa Nawrocki, Ph.D. Date of Approval: March 8, 2019 Keywords: United Front, Modern China, Revolution, Mao, Jiang Copyright © 2019, Ryan C. Ferro i Table of Contents Abstract……………………………………………………………………………………….…...ii Chapter One: Introduction…..…………...………………………………………………...……...1 1920s China-Historiographical Overview………………………………………...………5 China’s Long -
The Comintern in China
The Comintern in China Chair: Taylor Gosk Co-Chair: Vinayak Grover Crisis Director: Hannah Olmstead Co-Crisis Director: Payton Tysinger University of North Carolina Model United Nations Conference November 2 - 4, 2018 University of North Carolina 2 Table of Contents Letter from the Crisis Director 3 Introduction 5 Sun Yat-sen and the Kuomintang 7 The Mission of the Comintern 10 Relations between the Soviets and the Kuomintang 11 Positions 16 3 Letter from the Crisis Director Dear Delegates, Welcome to UNCMUNC X! My name is Hannah Olmstead, and I am a sophomore at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. I am double majoring in Public Policy and Economics, with a minor in Arabic Studies. I was born in the United States but was raised in China, where I graduated from high school in Chengdu. In addition to being a student, I am the Director-General of UNC’s high school Model UN conference, MUNCH. I also work as a Resident Advisor at UNC and am involved in Refugee Community Partnership here in Chapel Hill. Since I’ll be in the Crisis room with my good friend and co-director Payton Tysinger, you’ll be interacting primarily with Chair Taylor Gosk and co-chair Vinayak Grover. Taylor is a sophomore as well, and she is majoring in Public Policy and Environmental Studies. I have her to thank for teaching me that Starbucks will, in fact, fill up my thermos with their delightfully bitter coffee. When she’s not saving the environment one plastic cup at a time, you can find her working as the Secretary General of MUNCH or refereeing a whole range of athletic events here at UNC. -
From Textual to Historical Networks: Social Relations in the Bio-Graphical Dictionary of Republican China Cécile Armand, Christian Henriot
From Textual to Historical Networks: Social Relations in the Bio-graphical Dictionary of Republican China Cécile Armand, Christian Henriot To cite this version: Cécile Armand, Christian Henriot. From Textual to Historical Networks: Social Relations in the Bio-graphical Dictionary of Republican China. Journal of Historical Network Research, In press. halshs-03213995 HAL Id: halshs-03213995 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-03213995 Submitted on 8 Jun 2021 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. ARMAND, CÉCILE HENRIOT, CHRISTIAN From Textual to Historical Net- works: Social Relations in the Bio- graphical Dictionary of Republi- can China Journal of Historical Network Research x (202x) xx-xx Keywords Biography, China, Cooccurrence; elites, NLP From Textual to Historical Networks 2 Abstract In this paper, we combine natural language processing (NLP) techniques and network analysis to do a systematic mapping of the individuals mentioned in the Biographical Dictionary of Republican China, in order to make its underlying structure explicit. We depart from previous studies in the distinction we make between the subject of a biography (bionode) and the individuals mentioned in a biography (object-node). We examine whether the bionodes form sociocentric networks based on shared attributes (provincial origin, education, etc.). -
Communist Instigation & Guangxi Province Trotskyists
Communist Instigation & Guangxi Province Trotskyists by Ah Xiang Excerpts from “Tragedy of Chinese Revolution” at http://www.republicanchina.org/terror.html For updates and related articles, check http://www.republicanchina.org/RepublicanChina-pdf.htm Xie Hegeng was dispatched to Southwestern China by CCP in the autumn of 1934 for instigating Bai Chongxi's rebellion against Chiang Kai-shek. Xie Hegeng was selected for the task for his father's connection with Bai Chongxi's uncle. For secrecy's sake, Xie Hegeng was ordered to have vertical contacts with several communist leaders, only, including Zhou Enlai, Dong Biwu, Li Kenong and Xuan Xiafu. Xuan Xiafu, who planned to continue his work inside of Northwestern Armies [i.e, the armies controlled by Sun Dianying & Sun Liangcheng], was ordered to go to southern China to assist Xie Hegeng. Xuan Xiafu obtained a recommendation letter from Ji Hongchang. General Ji Hongchang, before his death, had written a reference letter for Xie Hegeng to bring to Feng Yuxiang who was retiring on Mt Tai-shan around mid-June of 1934. Feng Yuxiang was asked to recommend Xie Hegeng for a job inside of Gui-xi [Guangxi Province] Army. On Mt Taishan, Xie Hegeng and Feng Yuxiang discussed 19th Route's heroic fighting during the Shanghai Incident of Jan 28th 1932 as well as the failure of Li Jishen's Fujian Mutiny in Jan 1934. Xie Hegeng also obtained the help of Feng Yuxiang in calling Li Jishen for a separate recommendation letter to Bai Chongxi & Li Zongren. Xie Hegeng was offered a job as an economic researcher in Industrial & Commercial Bureau of Guangxi Prov. -
The 1919 May Fourth Movement: Naivety and Reality in China
The 1919 May Fourth Movement: Naivety and Reality in China Kent Deng London School of Economics I. Introduction This year marks the 100th year anniversary of the May Fourth Movement in China when the newly established republic (1912-49) – an alien idea and ideology from the Chinese prolonged but passé political tradition which clearly modelled the body of politic after post-1789 French Revolution - still tried to find its feel on the ground. Political stability from the 1850 empire- wide social unrest on - marked by the Taiping, Nian, Muslim and Miao uprisings - was a rare commodity in China. As an unintended consequence, there was no effective control over the media or over political demonstrations. Indeed, after 1949, there was no possibility for the May Fourth to repeat itself in any part of China. In this regard, this one-off movement was not at all inevitable. This is first the foremost point we need to bear in mind when we celebrate the event one hundred year later today. Secondly, the slogan of the May Fourth 1919 ‘Mr. Sciences and Mr. Democracy’ (kexue yu minzhu) represented a vulgar if not entirely flawed shorthand for the alleged secret of the Western supremacy prior to the First World War (1914-1917). To begin with the term science was clearly confined within natural sciences (military science in particular), ignoring a long line of development in social sciences in the post-Renaissance West. Democracy was superficially taken as running periodic general elections to produce the head of the state to replace China’s millennium-long system of patrimonial emperors. -
Scanned Using Book Scancenter 5033
VII THE PERIOD OF THE MONGOLIAN POLITICAL COUNCIL APRIL 1934 - JANUARY 1936 Founding of the Council The approved Eight Articles on Mongolian Local Autonomy became the legal foundation for Mongolian self-rule that Mongolian leaders had desired for years. In ac cordance with these principles, both the Temporary Outline of the Organization of the Mongolian Local Autonomous Political Affairs Council and its main personnel were all announced. The hearts of both traditional and more modem-minded Mongol leaders were gladdened, and they also perceived this as an unprecedented event in the history of the Republic of China. Still, the Eight Articles also occasioned a counterattack from the frontier provinces. Fu Zuoyi and his clique tried hard to destroy this great accomplish ment. Because of this. Prince De and other leaders ofthe autonomy movement had no choice but to concentrate their attention and energy on dealing with the pressure from without. But they were unable to make progress solving internal problems and satisfying the desires of the Mongol people because of Japanese westward expansion and changes in China ’s domestic political scene. After the Mongolian delegates returned to Beile-yin sume and submitted their report, both Prince Yon and Prince De took up their positions on April 3, 1934 and then telegraphed the Chinese government that they would go ahead with ceremonies to mark the establishment of the Mongolian Political Council and the inauguration of its mem bers. Princes Yon and De invited General He Yingqin, the Superintendent of Mongolian Local Autonomy, to come and “supervise” the ceremony. On April 23, 1934 the Mongolian Political Council was founded and its mem bers were sworn in. -
Chinese Civil War
asdf Chinese Civil War Chair: Sukrit S. Puri Crisis Director: Jingwen Guo Chinese Civil War PMUNC 2016 Contents Introduction: ……………………………………....……………..……..……3 The Chinese Civil War: ………………………….....……………..……..……6 Background of the Republic of China…………………………………….……………6 A Brief History of the Kuomintang (KMT) ………..……………………….…….……7 A Brief History of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)………...…………...…………8 The Nanjing (Nanking) Decade………….…………………….……………..………..10 Chinese Civil War (1927-37)…………………... ………………...…………….…..….11 Japanese Aggression………..…………….………………...…….……….….................14 The Xi’an Incident..............……………………………..……………………...…........15 Sino-Japanese War and WWII ………………………..……………………...…..........16 August 10, 1945 …………………...….…………………..……………………...…...17 Economic Issues………………………………………….……………………...…...18 Relations with the United States………………………..………………………...…...20 Relations with the USSR………………………..………………………………...…...21 Positions: …………………………….………….....……………..……..……4 2 Chinese Civil War PMUNC 2016 Introduction On October 1, 1949, Chairman Mao Zedong stood atop the Gates of Heavenly Peace, and proclaimed the creation of the People’s Republic of China. Zhongguo -- the cradle of civilization – had finally achieved a modicum of stability after a century of chaotic lawlessness and brutality, marred by foreign intervention, occupation, and two civil wars. But it could have been different. Instead of the communist Chairman Mao ushering in the dictatorship of the people, it could have been the Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, of the Nationalist -
Chinese Overseas Bourgeoisie in Nationalist Wings
chapter 3 The Patriotic 1930s: Chinese Overseas Bourgeoisie in Nationalist Wings No Chinese person is unpatriotic . but my humble opinion is that one single cable would not have any practical purpose . I also consulted with the Hong Kong authority, which responded that Hong Kong is a neu- tral place and it is not appropriate for us to send such a cable. —Li Yau Tsun 李右泉1 ∵ In May 1928, when news of the Jinan Incident was confirmed, in Hong Kong, the CGCCHK received many letters demanding it to send a cable to show sup- port for the Chinese Nationalist Government in Nanjing (Nanjing govern- ment). Most of these letters were addressed anonymously with “signatures” such as “a full-hearted Chinese man,” “one of the Chinese people,” “self-help associations of Chinese civilians,” and “national salvation group of Hong Kong people from all walks of life.”2 The association’s initial response was to refuse these requests, however, for the reason excerpted above. Around the same time, in Singapore, the Chinese General Consulate issued the following statement: “All overseas Chinese should keep calm and be patient. The Chinese government will work for justice. As for economic boy- cotts, we believe that these are spontaneous, patriotic and peaceful activities. People undertake them out of conscience. But except for economic boycotts, please do not overreact and do not violate law and order.”3 Published in major newspapers in Singapore, the statement confirmed the anti-Japanese feelings of the Chinese overseas in the city, though it also warned against violence. The position ushered in a variety of nationalist activities, including fund-raising campaigns led by the bourgeoisie. -
Building and Funding a Warlord Regime
This is a pre-published version Building and Funding a Warlord Regime The Experience of Chen Jitang in Guangdong , 1929-1936 Alfred H.Y. Lin The University of Hong Kong Warlordism persisted, though appearing in a new form, after Jiang Jieshi completed the Northern Expedition. A contemporary political commentator ascribed this phenomenon to Jiang’s eagerness for military victory and his policy of appointing rival military leaders as commanders of the National Revolutionary Army. Warlords thus survived and continued to challenge the Nanjing government under the guise of armed comrades of the Guomindang (GMD), rendering “national reunification” nominal rather than real. The same commentator succinctly pinpointed three features of “separatist military rule” (junren geju): first, the elimination of all non-affiliated military units within the warlord’s sphere of influence; second, the appropriation of both national and local revenues by the warlord, as well as the expending of such revenues largely for military purposes; and third, the filling up of all government posts, at the provincial and sub-provincial levels, by the warlord’s henchmen (Hua Yan, 1932: 10). _____________ AUTHOR’S NOTE: I am grateful to the Committee of Management of the Hsu Long-sing Research Fund, The University of Hong Kong, for financing my research on Chen Jitang. The original version of this article was presented to the Symposium on “National Defense: Policy Perception and Implementation”, held at the Hong Kong Baptist University on 3 August 1999. I would like to thank the participants of that symposium for their comments. Special thanks go to John Fitzgerald, Kathryn Bernhardt and an anonymous referee for Modern China.