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Information to Users INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand com er and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. ProQuest Information and Learning 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 USA 800-521-0600 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. BIRDS OF A DIFFERENT FEATHER: AFRICAN AMERICAN SUPPORT FOR THE VIETNAM WAR IN THE JOHNSON YEARS, 1965-1969 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Elisse Yvette Wright, B.A., J.D., M.A. The Ohio State University 2002 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Michael J. Hogan, Adviser Professor Peter L. Hahn ■dviser Professor Warren Van Tine Department ot History Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. UMI Number: 3059352 ___ _ ® UMI UMI Microform 3059352 Copyright 2002 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest Information and Learning Company 300 North Zeeb Road P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Copyright by Elisse Yvette Wright 2002 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ABSTRACT In 1996 diplomatic historian Brenda Gayle Plummer wrote that “black American opinion has rarely been uni vocal and particularly so in the realm of foreign affairs,” yet this complexity has rarely appeared in accounts of African Americans and the Vietnam War.1 Since the early 1970s, U.S. scholars have enshrined an overly monolithic view of African Americans and the Vietnam War by focusing almost entirely on African American antiwar sentiment, obscuring a substantial base of African American support in the 1960s. This dissertation contends that this depiction o f an African American community disproportionately united against the war in the Johnson years is overly simplistic and historically inaccurate. In reality, African Americans, as a whole, were no less supportive o f the Vietnam War in the Johnson years than they had been of any other U.S. military conflict. In fact at various times, they were more supportive of the war than their white counterparts due to the pro-civil rights stance o f the administration and the opportunities presented by a fully integrated military and a war time economy. Because African American opinion on the Vietnam conflict in the Johnson years was uniquely rooted in domestic concerns linked to the fight for socioeconomic justice and civil and political rights, it is difficult to fit African American opinion during this period into the traditional categories of hawks and doves. Neither hawks nor ii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. doves, African American war supporters in the Johnson years seemed to be “birds of a different feather.” This dissertation seeks to add much-needed balance to the narrative of blacks and the Vietnam War by exploring the reasons why a significant number o f African Americans supported the war during the Johnson years and by assessing the consequences of that support. In doing so, it builds on the work of U.S. diplomatic historians like Plummer, Gerald Gill, and Jonathan Seth Rosenberg and British historians like Manfred Berg, Adam Fairclough, and Rhodri Jeffreys-Jones, who have all acknowledged that African American opinion on the Vietnam War during the Johnson years may have been more publicly, consciously, and sharply divided than during any other twentieth century conflict. By focusing on the NAACP and the Urban League to examine African American support for the war, this seeks to connect the Vietnam and civil rights historiographies by presenting the more complex portrait of an African American community caught between the War on Poverty and the War in Vietnam. It argues that the support of moderate civil rights leaders was the manifestation of a broad consensus in the larger African American community regarding the administration’s unprecedented support of civil rights and a shared vision o f the Johnson presidency. And it contends that the depiction of civil rights leaders who supported the Vietnam War during this period as out-of-touch, sycophants to President Johnson obscures their connection to and their place within the broader African American community. iii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The first three chapters of this six-chapter dissertation provide a basis for understanding the three that follow. The introduction presents the themes and assertions to be supported by the dissertation and place this study within the diplomatic history and civil rights historiographies. Chapter one surveys presidential relations with civil rights leaders and the African American response to U.S. military engagements in the period between World War II and the U.S. military escalation in Vietnam. Chapter two explores the organizational histories of the NAACP and the National Urban League, the personal and professional histories o f their leadership, and their relationship with Lyndon Johnson prior to his presidency. It is the legacy of these interactions between the civil rights community, the federal government, and the African American community that formed the basis of African American support for Johnson administration policies in Vietnam once the military build-up began in 1965. The final three chapters focus exclusively on the Johnson presidency. Chapter three explores the relationship between the mainstream civil rights community, the African American community, and the Johnson White House from November 1963 to early 1967 when Martin Luther King, Jr.’s decision to join the antiwar movement altered their relationship to each other and to the antiwar movement. Paradoxically, these years represented an era of unprecedented legislative progress and collaboration between the White House and civil rights leaders and irreparable fragmentation within the civil rights movement. They marked the end o f the legislative phase of the civil rights movement and the beginning of the military build-up in Southeast Asia in 1965, the de-escalation of the War on Poverty and the rise of black nationalism in 1966, and iv Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. set the framework for the African American response to the war in the remaining years o f the Johnson presidency. Chapter four explores the first manifestations of significant black antiwar protest and examines the consequences of a pro- administration stance for the NAACP and the Urban League with the civil rights community, the broader African American community, and the White House in the wake of the events leading up to the 1968 presidential race. Finally, the concluding chapter draws on the information presented in the preceding chapters to answer the following questions. Were the positions taken by the NAACP and Urban League on the war indicative o f a leadership so out-of-touch with mainstream African American opinion on the war that their support was merely an expression of their own self-interest or a result of White House manipulation? Or were they reflections of a significant strain of African American sentiment regarding the war and the Johnson presidency? To what degree did the White House orchestrate African American support for the war? Were specific benefits or rewards anticipated by or promised to civil rights leaders who supported U.S. policy in Southeast Asia? If so, were these benefits shared with the broader African American community? Finally, were African Americans right to stick with Johnson on Vietnam? 1 Brenda Gayle Plummer. Rising Wind: Black Americans and U.S. Foreign Affairs. 1935-1960 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. 1996). 35. v Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS There are legions of people I need to thank for making significant contributions to the completion of this dissertation beginning with the archivists and librarians at the Lyndon Baines Johnson Presidential Library and Museum, the Library of Congress, and the Ohio State University Library. Also heartfelt thanks to the Society for the Historians
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