Egypt's Parliamentary Elections: an Historic Milestone for New
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Abuses by the Supreme State Security Prosecution
PERMANENT STATE OF EXCEPTION ABUSES BY THE SUPREME STATE SECURITY PROSECUTION Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2019 Cover photo: Illustration depicting, based on testimonies provided to Amnesty International, the inside Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons of an office of a prosecutor at the Supreme State Security Prosecution. (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. © Inkyfada https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2019 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: MDE 12/1399/2019 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS GLOSSARY 5 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 7 METHODOLOGY 11 BACKGROUND 13 SUPREME STATE SECURITY PROSECUTION 16 JURISDICTION 16 HISTORY 17 VIOLATIONS OF FAIR TRIAL GUARANTEES 20 ARBITRARY DETENTION -
Egypt's Free Officers and the July Revolution Joel Gordon
NASSER'S BLESSED MOVEMENT STUDIES IN MIDDLE EASTERN HISTORY Bernard Lewis, Itamar Rabinovich, and Roger Savory GENERAL EDITORS THE TURBAN FOR THE CROWN The Islamic Revolution in Iran Said Amir Arjomand LANGUAGE AND CHANGE IN THE ARAB MIDDLE EAST The Evolution of Modern Arabic Political Discourse Ami Ayalon IRAN'S FIRST REVOLUTION Shi'ism and the Constitutional Revolution of 1905-1909 Mangol Bayat ISLAMIC REFORM Politics and Social Change in Late Ottoman Syria David Dean Commins KING HUSSEIN AND THE CHALLENGE OF ARAB RADICALISM Jordan, 1955-1967 Uriel Dann EGYPT, ISLAM, AND THE ARABS The Search for Egyptian Nationhood, 1900-1930 Israel Gershoni and James Jankowski EAST ENCOUNTERS WEST France and the Ottoman Empire in the Eighteenth Century Fatma Miige Gogek NASSER'S BLESSED MOVEMENT Egypt's Free Officers and the July Revolution Joel Gordon THE FERTILE CRESCENT, 1800-1914 A Documentary Economic History Edited by Charles Issawi ESTRANGED BEDFELLOWS Britain and France in the Middle East during the Second World War Aviel 'Roshwald OTHER VOLUMES ARE IN PREPARATION NASSER'S BLESSED MOVEMENT Egypt's Free Officers and the July Revolution JOEL GORDON New York Oxford OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 1992 Oxford University Press Oxford New York Toronto Delhi Bombay Calcutta Madras Karachi Petaling Jaya Singapore Hong Kong Tokyo Nairobi Dar es Salaam Cape Town Melbourne Auckland and associated companies in Berlin Ibadan Copyright © 1992 by Oxford University Press, Inc. Published by Oxford University Press, Inc., 200 Madison Avenue, New York, New York 10016 Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of Oxford University Press. -
Download (PDF)
Introduction Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik ments German Institute for International and Security Affairs m Co Fragile Alliances in Egypt’s Post- Revolutionary Order WP S The Military and Its Partners Chérine Chams El-Dine The election of Abdel Fattah al-Sisi in May 2014 as Egypt’s President has ushered in a new order. The tacit alliance forged during the rule of Sisi’s predecessor, Mohammed Morsi, between the Muslim Brotherhood and the military had gradually eroded by the end of 2012. Currently, the military and the business elites constitute the core of an emerging tactical alliance, with the Salafist Nour party and secular political forces oc- cupying a secondary position. In the mid-term, the consolidation of the post-July 2013 order will depend first and foremost on the alliance’s capacity to ensure economic re- covery. Secular and Islamist forces have each been forging electoral coalitions to try to win seats in the coming parliamentary elections, which are supposed to take place before the end of 2014. The ouster of President Mohamed Morsi on The Military’s Increased Autonomy July 3, 2013, and the subsequent crackdown The 2014 constitution has made the mili- on the Muslim Brotherhood and its mem- tary an increasingly closed fiefdom, pro- bers marked the official demise of an im- tecting its interests regardless of who fills plicit alliance between the military and the the executive branch. According to it, the Brotherhood, which had characterized budget for the Armed Forces is exclusively the beginning of Morsi’s presidency. Since discussed by the predominantly military then, a new order has been taking shape in National Defense Council (article 203). -
Al-Jazeera (Arabic) Satellite Television: a Platform for the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt
Al-Jazeera (Arabic) Satellite Television: A Platform for the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt Mohammed-Ali M. A. Abunajela This is a digitised version of a dissertation submitted to the University of Bedfordshire. It is available to view only. This item is subject to copyright. Al-Jazeera (Arabic) Satellite Television: A Platform for the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt Mohammed-Ali M. A. Abunajela Ph.D 2015 UNIVERSITY OF BEDFORDSHIRE Al-Jazeera (Arabic) Satellite Television: A Platform for the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt by: Mohammed-Ali M. A. Abunajela Ph.D A thesis submitted to the University of Bedfordshire in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy June 2015 i ABSTRACT The Qatari-funded channel, Al-Jazeera Arabic (AJA) has been subject to criticism as being in favour of the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) in Egypt. The approach taken by AJA Satellite Television to represent the MB, the Mubarak regime and other political actors in Egypt, during its coverage of four key electoral moments - before and after the 2011 ‘revolution’- is reviewed in this research. Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is applied to study the constructive effects of AJA’s language in an interpretive way (Parker & Burman, 1993). The effect of the language used by two predominant AJA TV programmes, has been اﻻتجاه املعاكس and Opposite Direction بﻻ حدود Without Borders investigated and a number of current and former AJA journalists have been interviewed. Van Dijk’s Ideological Square and Pier Robinson’s Framing Model, in conjunction with Chouliaraki’s Three Rhetorical Strategies (Verbal Mode, Agency and Time Space) have been used as analysis tools to study the process of AJA’s representation of different political ideologies: the MB’s Islamic ideology and the Mubarak regime’s secular ideology. -
Dr. Nadine Sika
The Role of Political Parties in Egypt (1978-2017) and the Resilience of Authoritarianism A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment for the requirements of the Master Degree in Political Science Under the Supervision of Dr. Nadine Sika By Yasmeen Hamdy Mohamed Shaheen 900131039 Submitted to the Political Science Department The American University in Cairo 2018 Abstract 2 Abstract The current thesis focuses on the immense importance of the role of political parties in Egyptian politics and the Resilience of Authoritarianism, tracing their evolution and development from 1978 to 2017. It has proved that Egyptian political parties, in the period of the present work, have failed to consolidate democratic transformation by institutionalizing authoritarianism. This role has been so marginal that these pre- and post-Uprising political parties have been ridiculed as Ahzab Cartooniyah (Cardboard Parties). It has been found that about 100 parties out of 109 are remarkably so feeble and even paralyzed in their opposition to autocratic and dictatorial practices. Therefore, these political parties are incapable of supporting democratization. It has focused on the role of political parties in authoritarian regimes under which they further support authoritarianism. Moreover, it has analyzed the role of political parties in public mobilization as well as the variances in their organizational structures, mobilization and institutional potentials, and popular bases. The thesis has adopted the "semi-structured interviews, as a qualitative interpretive methodology, with the parties' leaders, chief members, and cadres (medium level and grassroots)". It also employs the authoritarian resilience theory for conducting this research and the comparative historical institutional approach while examining the authoritarian resilience theory to account for the failure of Egyptian political parties in democracy promotion. -
Egypt Arab Citizenship Review N
ARAB CITIZENSHIP REVIEW N. 6 DEMOCRACY AND CITIZENSHIP IN NORTH AFRICA AFTER THE ARAB AWAKENING: CHALLENGES FOR EU AND US FOREIGN POLICY (EUSPRING) October 2014 ARAB CITIZENSHIP REVIEW NO.6 EGYPT The Return to Authoritarianism and the Crisis of Citizenship Rights Moataz El Fegiery Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies This project is supported by Compagnia di San Paolo EUSPRING - ARAB CITIZENSHIP REVIEW N. 6 INTRODUCTION Political and civil rights have deteriorated since the election of Field Marshal Abd El Fattah El Sisi as president of Egypt. And there is no prospect for significant political changes any time soon in Egypt. The public space is currently more restricted than any time after the 25th of January Revolution, with increasing reprisals against pro-democracy activists and civil society. Despite an intractable socio-economic crisis, the military-backed regime led by El Sisi has gained the support of growing numbers of Egyptians by pursuing politics of exclusion since the military removal of President Mohammed Morsi on 3 July 2013 and the unprecedented crackdown on the Muslim Brotherhood. The spread of disorder and civil conflicts in many countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region as well as the rise of militant Islamists has pushed Egyptians to support this regime as a means to ensure security and stability. In this political climate, revolutionary and democratic political parties and movements have lost popularity. The military's involvement in the political process and the crackdown on the Muslim Brotherhood have deepened divisions within the democratic opposition. Regional and international geopolitical shifts have also significantly weakened the West’s leverage over domestic politics in Egypt. -
Non-Islamist Parties in Post-2011 Egypt: Winners in an MB-Free
The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available on Emerald Insight at: https://www.emerald.com/insight/2631-3561.htm Non-Islamist Non-Islamist parties in post-2011 parties in post- Egypt: winners in an MB-free 2011 Egypt political sphere Ebtisam Hussein 161 School of International Studies, Sun Yat-sen University, Zhuhai, China and Faculty of Economics and Political Science, Cairo University, Cairo, Egypt Received 8 August 2019 Revised 3 October 2019 Accepted 21 October 2019 Abstract Purpose – Years after the 2011 uprising Egypt, it seems that the country’s non-Islamist parties are still included in the political game. After significant alterations in their political sphere by mid-2013 at the advent of the Muslim Brother exclusion and the subsequent discrediting of Salafi al-Nour party, non-Islamist parties took clear part in the mobilization for presidential elections (2014, 2018) and competed for legislative seats in 2015. Nonetheless, it is difficult to expect them to turn into long-term key political players with clear-cut ideological postures, unique platforms and strong grass root mobilization. With the exception of the electoral gains scored by numbered parties like Free Egyptians’ party and Nation’s Future in 2015 legislative elections, these parties seem to be lagging behind esp. in terms of their popular base; who became winners at the advent of the radical exclusion of the MB from July 2013 onwards. Design/methodology/approach – This paper is based on archival research and guided by basic assumptions of rational choice institutionalism, mainly game-theoretic versions of the approach. -
Political Situation
Egypt Last update: 16 juni 2020 Population: 98,423,595 million (World Bank 2018 est.) Prime minister: Mostafa Madbouli President: Abdel Fattah al-Sisi Governemental type: Republic Ruling coalition: - Last election: 2018 (presidential elections) Next election: 2020 (parliamentary elections) Sister parties: Egyptian Social Democratic Party (ESDP) Between 26 March and 28 March 2018, presidential elections were held in Egypt. Incumbent President Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi secured 97% of the votes, while his only opponent, Moussa Mostafa Moussa, received even fewer votes than the number of invalid ballots. The electoral campaign was characterized by widespread repression of the opposition, independent media and (Human Rights) activists. Egypt maintains a zero-tolerance policy towards dissents. With a continuous state of emergency, most opposition against the regime has been labelled as “terrorism”. Under the rule of Sisi, Egypt has turned into a state with authoritarian rule. After the 2011 revolution, which ended the repressive thirty-year regime of Hosni Mubarak, there was a short experiment with democracy. The first free presidential and parliamentary elections were organized in 2012. Mohamed Morsi and the FJP (Political branch of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt) became the winners. Unrest in the country remained, however. A few months later, in November 2012, President Morsi issued a temporary constitutional declaration that in effect gave him unlimited powers, which led to the outburst of mass protests. In July 2013 Morsi was removed from office by a coup d'état led by the army under General Sisi. In 2014 the general was elected president. Political Situation In 2014, the former head of the Egyptian Armed Forces, Abdel Fattah al Sisi, was elected president. -
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 2015
CARNEGIE ENDOWMENT FOR INTERNATIONAL PEACE 2015 Postponed Parliamentary Elections * March 20, 2015 On March 1, 2015, the High Electoral Commission announced the the postponement of parliamentary elections after the Supreme Constitutional Court determined the Elections Constituency Division Law to be unconstitutional. On March 1, 2015, Egypt's High Electoral Commission announced the postponement of parliamentary elections after the Supreme Constitutional Court determined the Elections Constituency Division Law to be unconstitutional. The court rejected challenges filed against two other related laws, the Law of the Exercise of Political Rights and the Parliamentary Elections Law. Egypt was scheduled to hold parliamentary elections in March and April of 2015, over a year after the announcement of Egypt’s transitional roadmap in July 2013. The upcoming vote would have marked Egypt’s seventh election since the January 2011 revolution which unseated longtime former president Hosni Mubarak. Egypt has been without a parliament since the legislature was dissolved by the Supreme Constitutional Court in 2012. All legislative power continues to rest with the president until a parliament reconvenes. Voting was to be conducted in two stages, with fourteen governorates voting on March 22–23 (March 21–22 for expatriates) and the eleven remaining governorates, including Cairo, voting on April 26–27 (April 25–26 for expatriates). The new parliament was to have included 567 members, with 420 independents, 120 elected from party lists, and 27 presidential appointees. There were also 56 seats reserved for women, 24 for Coptic Christians, sixteen seats for youth, and eight for individuals with disabilities. An estimated 54 million Egyptians were registered and eligible to vote. -
Cairo Report
Democratic Developments and Regional Security in the Middle East CAIRO, 30-31 OCTOBER 2011 This workshop, organized by the Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs and the Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, took place at a seminal moment in history as Egyptian society stands on the verge of upcoming parliamentary and presidential elections and key constitutional decisions which will determine the legacy of the 25 January Revolution. MAIN POINTS To solidify the gains of the 25 January Revolution, Egypt is conducting a vibrant dialogue on core democratic principles such as respect for the law, parliamentary rule, sovereignty of the people, and respect for minority rights. There is a diversity of perspectives among the Islamic movements in Egypt. Their role is expected to increase following the coming parliamentary election. This should not in itself be seen as a rejection of modernity or an attempt to isolate the country from the West. The military has played a positive role in the Revolution, but it must tread carefully to avoid fostering antagonism during the coming months. Many are looking forward to the moment when the military will surrender the control of political life. Most agree that Sharia law will influence the new constitution. Interpretation of Sharia law and the role of the parliament and judges in the emerging system are being debated in a lively civic dialogue. There appears to be widespread consensus however, including among representatives of Islamic parties, that civic law, as voted by the Parliament, will always be the basic law of Egypt (even if influenced by Islamic values), and religious and cultural minorities will be protected under the new constitution. -
The Muslim Brotherhood: How Its Troubled History Suggests That It Will Not Merely Survive but Thrive in the Twenty-First Century
University of Vermont ScholarWorks @ UVM UVM Honors College Senior Theses Undergraduate Theses 2015 The Muslim Brotherhood: How its Troubled History Suggests that it Will Not merely Survive but Thrive in the Twenty-First Century Ben Morris Lindstrom-Ives University of Vermont Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses Recommended Citation Lindstrom-Ives, Ben Morris, "The Muslim Brotherhood: How its Troubled History Suggests that it Will Not merely Survive but Thrive in the Twenty-First Century" (2015). UVM Honors College Senior Theses. 80. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses/80 This Honors College Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Theses at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in UVM Honors College Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Muslim Brotherhood: How its Troubled History Suggests that it Will Not Merely Survive but Thrive in the Twenty-first Century by Ben Morris Lindstrom-Ives University of Vermont Honors College Committee College of Arts and Sciences Department of Global Studies Abstract: My thesis is that from its foundation in 1928 the social, religious, and ideological views officially propounded and supported by the Muslim Brotherhood have been an uneasy synthesis of violently opposing social, political, and spiritual views embraced by the more influential and articulate theorists and operatives within its ranks and that these varying views -
Atlantic Council Who Is Participating in Egypt's Parliamentary Elections?
Atlantic Council Who is Participating in Egypt's Parliamentary Elections? *February 20, 2015 With the High Elections Commission (HEC) closing the door to candidate registration, over 5,000 Egyptians have applied to run in the upcoming parliamentary elections slated for March 22. 3,514 applied to run as independent candidates, while 1,539 applied to run on a party list. Of the 5,000 applicants, only 212 are women. As the date nears, at least nine coalitions are gearing up to run in the elections. Parties continue to change allegiances, moving from one coalition to another, choosing to run alone, or even deciding to boycott the elections. The following coalitions will be competing in the elections. To view how parties have switched from one coalition to another. EGYPTIAN FRONT COALITION (TAHALUF AL-GABHA AL-MASREYA) The Egyptian Front Coalition was formed in August 2014, with the alliance announcing it will operate under collective leadership. Several of the parties in the alliance have strong ties to the Mubarak regime, including Ahmed Shafiq, Mubarak’s last Prime Minister, former Interior Minister Ahmed Gamal al-Din, and Nabil Dibis, a businessman and former member of the now-defunct National Democratic Party. Members: Egyptian National Movement (Al Haraka al Wataneya al Masreya) Modern Egypt Party (Misr al-Haditha) Republican People’s Party (Hizb al Shab al Gomhory) My Homeland Egypt Party (Misr Balady) Egyptian Federation of Trade Unions (EFTU) General Syndicate of Farmers Professional Syndicates Union Geel (Generation) Party The Tagammu, Ghad, and Conference parties withdrew from the Egyptian Front coalition in December. The alliance was also coordinating with Kamal al-Ganzouri to place at least twenty public figures on his list, before it collapsed.