ConContentstin uum Complete Inter na tion al Ency clo pe dia of Sexuality

• THE • CONTINUUM Complete International ENCYCLOPEDIA OF SEXUALITY

• ON THE WEB AT THE KINSEY IN STI TUTE •

https://kinseyinstitute.org/collections/archival/ccies.php RAYMOND J. NOONAN, PH.D., CCIES WEBSITE EDITOR

En cyc lo ped ia Content Copyr ight © 2004-2006 Con tin uum In ter na tion al Pub lish ing Group. Rep rinted under license to The Kinsey Insti tute. This Ency c lope dia has been made availa ble online by a joint effort bet ween the Edi tors, The Kinsey Insti tute, and Con tin uum In ter nation al Pub lish ing Group.

This docu ment was downloaded from CCIES at The Kinsey In sti tute, hosted by The Kinsey Insti tute for Research in Sex, Gend er, and Rep roduc tion, Inc. Bloomington, In di ana 47405.

Users of this website may use downloaded content for non-com mercial ed u ca tion or re search use only. All other rights reserved, includ ing the mirror ing of this website or the placing of any of its content in frames on outside websites. Except as previ ously noted, no part of this book may be repro duced, stored in a retrieval system, or trans mitted, in any form or by any means, elec tronic, mechan ic al, pho to copyi ng, re cord ing, or oth erw ise, with out the writt en per mis sion of the pub lish ers. Ed ited by: ROBER T T. FRANCOEUR, Ph.D., A.C.S. and RAYMOND J. NOONAN, Ph.D.

AsO so ci ate Ed i tors: Af rica: Beldina Opiyo-Omolo, B.Sc. Eur ope: Jakob Pastoetter, Ph.D. South America : Luciane Raibin, M.S. In for ma tion Re sources: Tim othy Perper, Ph.D. & Mar tha Cornog, M.A., M.S.

OFore word by: ROBER T T. FRANCOEUR, Ph.D., A.C.S.

OPref ace by: TIM O THY PERPER, Ph.D.

OIn tro duc tion by: IRA L. REISS, Ph.D. • THE • CONTINUUM Complete International ENCYCLOPEDIA OF SEXUALITY

Updated, with More Countries 2004

The Con tin uum In ter na tion al Pub lish ing Group Inc 15 East 26 Street, New York, NY 10010

The Con tin uum In ter na tion al Pub lish ing Group Ltd The Tower Building, 11 York Road, London SE1 7NX

Copy right © 2004 by The Con tin uum In ter na tion al Pub lish ing Group Inc

All rights reserve d. No part of this book may be repro duced, stored in a retri eval sys tem, or transm it ted, in any form or by any means, elec tronic, me chan i cal, pho to copy ing, re cord ing, or oth er wise, with out the writ ten perm ission of the publishers.

Typog ra phy , Graphic Design, and Com puter Graphics by Ray Noonan, ParaGraphic Art ists, NYC http://www.paragraphics.com/

Printed in the United States of Amer ica

Li brary of Con gress Cat a log ing-in-Pub li ca tion Data

The Con tin uum com plete in ter na tion al en cy clo pe dia of sex u al ity / ed ited by Robert T. Francoeur ; Ray mond J. Noonan ; asso ci ate edi tors, Mar tha Cornog . . . [et al.]. p. cm. A com pletely up dated one-vol ume edi tion of the 4-vol ume In ter na tion al en cy clo pe dia of sex u al ity (pub lished 1997-2001), cov er ing more than 60 countri es and places, 15 not previ ously include d. In cludes bib lio graph i cal ref er ences. ISBN 0-8264-1488-5 (hardcover : alk. paper) 1. Sex—En cyclo pe dias. 2. Sex cus toms—En cy clo pe dias. I. Title: Com plete in ter na tion al en cy clo pe dia of sex u al ity. II. Francoeur, Robert T. III. Noonan, Raym ond J. IV. Cornog, Martha. V. Inter nati onal en cy clo pe dia of sex u al ity. HQ21.I68 2003 306.7´03—dc21 2003006391 v

CROATIA...... 241 Aleksandar Štulhofer, Ph.D., Vlasta Hiršl-Heæej, M.D., M.A., Željko Mrkšiæ, Aleksandra Koraæ, Ph.D., Petra Contents Hoblaj, Ivanka Ivkanec, Maja Mamula, M.A., Hrvoje Tiljak, M.D., Ph.D., Gordana Buljan-Flander, Ph.D., HOW TO USE THIS ENCYCLOPEDIA ....viii Sanja Sagasta, Gordan Bosanac, Ana Karloviæ, and Jadranka Mimica; Updates by the Authors FOREWORD ...... ix Robert T. Francoeur, Ph.D., A.C.S. CUBA...... 259 Mariela Castro Espín, B.Ed., M.Sc., and María PREFACE ...... xi Dolores Córdova Llorca, Ph.D., main authors and Timothy Perper, Ph.D. coordinators, with Alicia Gónzalez Hernández, Ph.D., Beatriz Castellanos Simons, Ph.D., Natividad AN INTRODUCTION TO THE MANY Guerrero Borrego, Ph.D., Gloria Ma. A. Torres Cueto, MEANINGS OF SEXOLOGICAL Ph.D., Eddy Abreu Guerra, Ph.D., Beatriz Torres KNOWLEDGE...... xiii Rodríguez, Ph.D., Caridad T. García Álvarez, M.Sc., Ira L. Reiss, Ph.D. Ada Alfonso Rodríguez, M.D., M.Sc., Maricel Rebollar Sánchez, M.Sc., Oscar Díaz Noriega, M.D., M.Sc., ARGENTINA...... 1 Jorge Renato Ibarra Guitart, Ph.D., Sonia Jiménez Sophia Kamenetzky, M.D.; Updates by S. Kamenetzky Berrios, Daimelis Monzón Wat, Jorge Peláez AUSTRALIA...... 27 Mendoza, M.D., Mayra Rodríguez Lauzerique, M.Sc., Ofelia Bravo Fernández, M.Sc., Lauren Bardisa Rosemary Coates, Ph.D.; Updates by R. Coates and Escurra, M.D., Miguel Sosa Marín, M.D., Rosaida Anthony Willmett, Ph.D. Ochoa Soto, M.D., and Leonardo Chacón Asusta AUSTRIA ...... 42 Dr. Rotraud A. Perner, L.L.D.; Translated and CYPRUS...... 279 Part 1: Greek Cyprus: George J. Georgiou, Ph.D., Redacted by Linda Kneucker; Updates by Linda with Alecos Modinos, B.Arch., A.R.I.B.A., Nathaniel Kneucker, Raoul Kneucker, and Martin Voracek, Papageorgiou, Laura Papantoniou, M.Sc., M.D., and Ph.D., M.Sc. Nicos Peristianis, Ph.D. (Hons.); Updates by G. J. BAHRAIN ...... 59 Georgiou and L. Papantoniou; Part 2: Turkish Cyprus: Julanne McCarthy, M.A., M.S.N.; Updates by Kemal Bolayýr, M.D., and Serin Kelâmi, B.Sc. (Hons.) the Editors CZECH REPUBLIC ...... 320 BOTSWANA ...... 89 Jaroslav Zvìøina, M.D.; Rewritten and updated by Godisang Mookodi, Oleosi Ntshebe, and the Author Ian Taylor, Ph.D. DENMARK ...... 329 BRAZIL...... 98 Christian Graugaard, M.D., Ph.D., with Lene Sérgio Luiz Gonçalves de Freitas, M.D., with Elí Falgaard Eplov, M.D., Ph.D., Annamaria Giraldi, Fernandes de Oliveira and Lourenço Stélio Rega, M.D., Ph.D., Ellids Kristensen, M.D., Else Munck, M.Th.; Updates and comments by Raymond J. M.D., Bo Møhl, clinical psychologist, Annette Noonan, Ph.D., and Dra. Sandra Almeida, and Fuglsang Owens, M.D., Ph.D., Hanne Risør, M.D., Luciane Raibin, M.S. and Gerd Winther, clinical sexologist BULGARIA...... 114 EGYPT ...... 345 Michail Alexandrov Okoliyski, Ph.D., and Petko Bahira Sherif, Ph.D.; Updates by B. Sherif and Velichkov, M.D. Hussein Ghanem, M.D. CANADA...... 126 ESTONIA ...... 359 Michael Barrett, Ph.D, Alan King, Ed.D., Joseph Elina Haavio-Mannila, Ph.D., Kai Haldre, M.D., Lévy, Ph.D., Eleanor Maticka-Tyndale, Ph.D., and Osmo Kontula, Ph.D. Alexander McKay, Ph.D., and Julie Fraser, Ph.D.; Rewritten and updated by the Authors FINLAND...... 381 Osmo Kontula, D.Soc.Sci., Ph.D., and Elina Haavio- CHINA...... 182 Mannila, Ph.D.; Updates by O. Kontula and E. Fang-fu Ruan, M.D., Ph.D., and M. P. Lau, M.D.; Haavio-Mannila Updates by F. Ruan and Robert T. Francoeur, Ph.D.; Comments by M. P. Lau FRANCE...... 412 Michel Meignant, Ph.D., chapter coordinator, with COLOMBIA...... 210 Pierre Dalens, M.D., Charles Gellman, M.D., Robert José Manuel Gonzáles, M.A., Rubén Ardila, Ph.D., Gellman, M.D., Claire Gellman-Barroux, Ph.D., Pedro Guerrero, M.D., Gloria Penagos, M.D., and Serge Ginger, Laurent Malterre, and France Bernardo Useche, Ph.D.; Translated by Claudia Paramelle; Translated by Genevieve Parent, M.A.; Rockmaker, M.S.W., and Luciane Raibin, M.S.; Redacted by Robert T. Francoeur, Ph.D.; Comment Updates by the Editors; Comment by Luciane by Timothy Perper, Ph.D.; Updates by the Editors Raibin, M.S. FRENCH POLYNESIA ...... 431 COSTA RICA...... 227 Anne Bolin, Ph.D.; Updates by A. Bolin and Anna Arroba, M.A. the Editors vi Con tin uum Com plete In ter na tion al En cy clo pe dia of Sexuality

GERMANY ...... 450 NEPAL...... 714 Rudiger Lautmann, Ph.D., and Kurt Starke, Ph.D.; Elizabeth Schroeder, M.S.W. Updates by Jakob Pastoetter, Ph.D., and Hartmut A. G. Bosinski, Dr.med.habil., and the Editor NETHERLANDS...... 725 Jelto J. Drenth, Ph.D., and A. Koos Slob, Ph.D.; GHANA ...... 467 Updates by the Editors Augustine Ankomah, Ph.D.; Updates by Beldina Opiyo-Omolo, B.Sc. NIGERIA...... 752 Uwem Edimo Esiet, M.B., B.S., M.P.H., M.I.L.D., GREECE ...... 479 chapter coordinator, with Christine Olunfinke Adebajo, Dimosthenis Agrafiotis, Ph.D., Elli Ioannidi, Ph.D., Ph.D., R.N., H.D.H.A., Mairo Victoria Bello, Rakiya and Panagiota Mandi, M.Sc.; Rewritten and updated Booth, M.B.B.S., F.W.A.C.P., Imo I. Esiet, B.Sc, LL.B., in December 2002 by the Authors B.L., Nike Esiet, B.Sc., M.P.H. (Harvard), Foyin Oyebola, B.Sc., M.A., and Bilkisu Yusuf, B.Sc., M.A., HONG KONG...... 489 M.N.I.; Updates by Beldina Opiyo-Omolo, B.Sc. Emil Man-lun Ng, M.D., and Joyce L. C. Ma, Ph.D.; Updates by M. P. Lau, M.D., and Robert T. NORWAY ...... 781 Francoeur, Ph.D. Elsa Almås, Cand. Psychol., and Esben Esther Pirelli Benestad, M.D.; Updates by E. Almås and E. E. ICELAND...... 503 Pirelli Benestad Sóley S. Bender, R.N., B.S.N., M.S., Coordinator, with Sigrún Júliíusdóttir, Ph.D., Thorvaldur Kristinsson, OUTER SPACE and ANTARCTICA...... 795 Haraldur Briem, M.D., and Gudrún Jónsdóttir, Ph.D.; Raymond J. Noonan, Ph.D.; Updates and new Updates by the Editors material by R. J. Noonan INDIA ...... 516 PAPUA NEW GUINEA...... 813 Jayaji Krishna Nath, M.D., and Vishwarath R. Nayar; Shirley Oliver-Miller; Comments by Edgar Updates by Karen Pechilis-Prentiss, Ph.D., Aparna Gregerson, Ph.D. Kadari, B.A., M.B.A., and Robert T. Francoeur, Ph.D. PHILIPPINES...... 824 INDONESIA...... 533 Jose Florante J. Leyson, M.D.; Updates by Wimpie I. Pangkahila, M.D., Ph.D. (Part 1); Ramsey J. F. J. Leyson Elkholy, Ph.D. (cand.) (Part 2); Updates by Robert T. Francoeur, Ph.D. POLAND ...... 846 Anna Sierzpowska-Ketner, M.D., Ph.D.; Updates by IRAN...... 554 the Editors Paula E. Drew, Ph.D.; Updates and comments by Robert T. Francoeur, Ph.D.; Comments by F. A. PORTUGAL...... 856 Sadeghpour Nuno Nodin, M.A., with Sara Moreira, and Ana Margarida Ourô, M.A.; Updates by N. Nodin IRELAND...... 569 Thomas Phelim Kelly, M.B.; Updates by Harry A. PUERTO RICO ...... 877 Walsh, Ed.D., and the Editors Luis Montesinos, Ph.D., and Juan Preciado, Ph.D.; Redacted and updated by Felix M. Velázquez-Soto, M.A., ISRAEL ...... 581 and Glorivee Rosario-Pérez, Ph.D., and Carmen Rios Ronny A. Shtarkshall, Ph.D., and Minah Zemach, Ph.D.; Updates by R. A. Shtarkshall and M. Zemach RUSSIA...... 888 Igor S. Kon, Ph.D.; Updates by I. S. Kon ITALY ...... 620 Bruno P. F. Wanrooij, Ph.D.; Updates by SOUTH AFRICA...... 909 B. P. F. Wanrooij Lionel John Nicholas, Ph.D., and Priscilla Sandra Daniels, M.S. (Part 1); Mervyn Bernard Hurwitz, M.D. JAPAN ...... 636 (Part 2); Updates by L. J. Nicholas, Ph.D. Yoshiro Hatano, Ph.D., and Tsuguo Shimazaki; Updates and comments by Yoshimi Kaji, M.A., SOUTH KOREA ...... 933 Timothy Perper, Ph.D., and Martha Cornog, M.S., Hyung-Ki Choi, M.D., Ph.D., and Huso Yi, Ph.D. (cand.), M.A., and Robert T. Francoeur, Ph.D. with Ji-Kan Ryu, M.D., Koon Ho Rha, M.D., and Woong Hee Lee, M.D.; Redacted with additional information KENYA ...... 679 and updated as of March 2003 by Huso Yi, Ph.D. (cand.), Norbert Brockman, Ph.D.; Updates by Paul Mwangi with additional information by Yung-Chung Kim, Kariuki and Beldina Opiyo-Omolo, B.Sc. Ki-Nam Chin, Pilwha Chang, Whasoon Byun, and Jungim Hwang MEXICO ...... 692 Eusebio Rubio, Ph.D.; Updates by the Editors SPAIN ...... 960 Jose Antonio Nieto, Ph.D. (coordinator), with Jose MOROCCO ...... 703 Antonio Carrobles, Ph.D., Manuel Delgado Ruiz, Ph.D., Nadia Kadiri, M.D., and Abderrazak Moussaïd, M.D., Felix Lopez Sanchez, Ph.D., Virginia Maquieira D’Angelo, with Abdelkrim Tirraf, M.D., and Abdallah Jadid, M.D.; Ph.L.D., Josep-Vicent Marques, Ph.D., Bernardo Moreno Translated by Raymond J. Noonan, Ph.D., and Dra. Jimenez, Ph.D., Raquel Osborne Verdugo, Ph.D., Carmela Sandra Almeida; Comments by Elaine Hatfield, Ph.D., Sanz Rueda, Ph.D., and Carmelo Vazquez Valverde, Ph.D.; and Richard Rapson, Ph.D.; Updates by the Editors Translated by Laura Berman, Ph.D., and Jose Nanin, Contents vii

M.A.; Updates by Laura Berman, Ph.D., Jose Nanin, UNITED STATES OF AMERICA...... 1127 M.A., and the Editors David L. Weis, Ph.D., and Patricia Barthalow Koch, Ph.D., editors and contributors, with other SRI LANKA ...... 972 contributions by Diane Baker, M.A.; Ph.D.; Sandy Victor C. de Munck, Ph.D.; Comments by Patricia Bargainnier, Ed.D.; Sarah C. Conklin, Ph.D.; Martha Weerakoon, Ph.D. Cornog, M.A., M.S.; Richard Cross, M.D.; Marilyn SWEDEN...... 984 Fithian, Ph.D.; Jeannie Forrest, M.A.; Andrew D. Jan E. Trost, Ph.D., with Mai-Briht Bergstrom-Walan, Forsythe, M.S.; Robert T. Francoeur, Ph.D., A.C.S.; Ph.D.; Updates by the Editors Barbara Garris, M.A.; Patricia Goodson, Ph.D.; William E. Hartmann, Ph.D.; Robert O. Hawkins, Jr., SWITZERLAND ...... 995 Ph.D.; Linda L. Hendrixson, Ph.D.; Barrie J. Highby, Prof. Johannes Bitzer, M.D., Ph.D., Judith Adler, Ph.D., Ph.D.; Ariadne (Ari) Kane, Ed.D.; Sharon E. King, Prof. Dr. Udo Rauschfleisch Ph.D., Sibil Tschudin, M.S.Ed.; Robert Morgan Lawrence, D.C.; Brenda M.D., Elizabeth Zemp, M.D., and Ulrike Kosta Love; Charlene L. Muehlenhard, Ph.D.; Raymond J. Noonan, Ph.D.; Miguel A. Pérez, Ph.D.; Timothy TANZANIA ...... 1009 Perper, Ph.D.; Helda L. Pinzón-Pérez, Ph.D.; Carol Philip Setel, Eleuther Mwageni, Namsifu Mndeme, and Queen, Ph.D.; Herbert P. Samuels, Ph.D.; Julian Yusuf Hemed; Additional comments by Beldina Opiyo- Slowinski, Psy.D.; William Stackhouse, Ph.D.; William Omolo, B.Sc. R. Stayton, Th.D.; and Mitchell S. Tepper, M.P.H. Updates coordinated by Raymond J. Noonan, Ph.D., THAILAND...... 1021 and Robert T. Francoeur, Ph.D., with comments and Kittiwut Jod Taywaditep, Ph.D., Eli Coleman, Ph.D., updates by Mark O. Bigler, Ph.D., Walter Bockting, and Pacharin Dumronggittigule, M.Sc.; Updates by Ph.D., Peggy Clarke, M.P.H., Sarah C. Conklin, Ph.D., K. J. Taywaditep, Ryan Bishop, Ph.D., and Lillian S. Al Cooper, Ph.D., Martha Cornog, M.A., M.S., Susan Robinson, Ph.D. Dudley, Ph.D., Warren Farrell, Ph.D., James R. TURKEY ...... 1054 Fleckenstein, Robert T. Francoeur, Ph.D., Patricia Hamdullah Aydýn, M.D., and Zeynep Gülçat, Ph.D.; Goodson, Ph.D., Erica Goodstone, Ph.D., Karen Allyn Rewritten and updated in 2003 by H. Aydýn and Gordon, M.P.H., Ph.D. (cand.), Eric Griffin-Shelley, Z. Gülçat Ph.D., Robert W. Hatfield, Ph.D., Loraine Hutchins, Ph.D., Michael Hyde, M.F.A., Ph.D. (cand.), Ariadne UKRAINE ...... 1072 (Ari) Kane, Ed.D., Patricia Barthalow Koch, Ph.D., Tamara V. Hovorun, Ph.D., and Borys M. Vornyk, John Money, Ph.D., Charlene L. Muehlenhard, Ph.D., Ph.D. (Medicine); Rewritten and updated in 2003 Raymond J. Noonan, Ph.D., Miguel A. Pérez, Ph.D., by T. V. Hovorun and B. M. Vornyk Helda L. Pinzón-Pérez, Ph.D., William Prendergast, Ph.D., Ruth Rubenstein, Ph.D., Herbert P. Samuels, UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN Ph.D., William Taverner, M.A., David L. Weis, Ph.D., AND NORTHERN IRELAND ...... 1093 C. Christine Wheeler, Ph.D., and Walter Williams, Ph.D. Kevan R. Wylie, M.B., Ch.B., M.Med.Sc., M.R.C.Psych., D.S.M., chapter coordinator and contributor, with VIETNAM...... 1337 Anthony Bains, B.A., Tina Ball, Ph.D., Patricia Jakob Pastoetter, Ph.D.; Updates by J. Pastoetter Barnes, M.A., CQSW, BASMT (Accred.), Rohan Collier, Ph.D., Jane Craig, M.B., MRCP (UK), Linda LAST-MINUTE DEVELOPMENTS...... 1363 Added by the Editors after the manuscript had been typeset Delaney, L.L.B., M.Jur., Julia Field, B.A., Danya Glaser, MBBS, D.Ch., FRCPsych., Peter Greenhouse, GLOBAL TRENDS: SOME FINAL M.A., MRCOG, MFFP, Mary Griffin, M.B., M.Sc., IMPRESSIONS...... 1373 MFFP, Margot Huish, B.A., BASMT (Accred.), Anne Robert T. Francoeur, Ph.D., and Raymond J. Noonan, Ph.D. M. Johnson, M.A., M.Sc., M.D., MRCGP, FFPAM, George Kinghorn, M.D., FRCP, Helen Mott, B.A. CONTRIBUTORS and (Hons.), Paula Nicolson, Ph.D., Jane Read, B.A. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...... 1377 (Hons.), UKCP, Fran Reader, FRCOG, MFFP, BASMT (Accred.), Gwyneth Sampson, DPM, MRCPsych., AN INTERNATIONAL DIRECTORY OF Peter Selman, DPSA, Ph.D., José von Bühler, R.M.N., SEXOLOGICAL ORGANIZATIONS, Dip.H.S., Jane Wadsworth, B.Sc., M.Sc., Kaye ASSOCIATIONS, AND INSTITUTES...... 1394 Wellings, M.A., M.Sc., and Stephen Whittle, Ph.D.; Compiled by Robert T. Francoeur, Ph.D. Extensive updates and some sections rewritten by the original authors as noted in the text INDEX ...... 1405

For update s, corrections, and links to many of the sites refer ence d in these chapter s, visit The Con tin uum Com plete In ter na tion al En cy clo pe dia of Sex u al ity on the Web at http://www.SexQuest.com/ccies/. Read ers of CCIES are invit ed to subm it im portant news items or reports of findings of new sex re search be- ing done in any of the countri es covered here, or any other country in the world. We will try to keep the SexQuest CCIES website update d with your help. Send items in Engli sh if pos sible, with appro pri ate cita - tions, to Ray mond J. Noonan, Ph.D., CCIES Edi tor , Health and Physi cal Edu ca ti on Depart ment, Fashion Insti tute of Technol ogy , 27th Street and 7th Ave nue, New York, NY 10001 USA, or by email to rjnoonan@ SexQuest.com. Spe cial Pricing Just for Us ers of CCIES at The Kinsey In sti tute Website! The Con tin uum Com plete In ter na tion al En cy clo pe dia of Sex u al ity (Noonan & Francoeur, 2004)

$195 / £100 plus $4.50 / £9.50 S&H (save $55 US / £30 UK!)

The 1,436-page, 1.5 mil lion-word, sin gle-vol ume Con tin uum Com plete In ter - na tion al En cy clo pe dia of Sex u al ity, ed ited by Robert T. Francoeur, Ph.D., and Ray mond J. Noonan, Ph.D., with con tri bu tions from 280 scholars on seven con ti - nents, con tains 60 coun tries and 2 ex treme en vi ron ments: • The 31 coun tries pub lished in vol umes 1–3 (1997), updated & re vised: Argentina, Austra lia, Bahrain, Brazil, Can ada, China, Fin land, French Poly ne - sia, Ger many, Ghana, Greece, India, Indo ne sia, Iran, Ireland, Is rael, Japan, Kenya, Mex ico, Neth er lands, Po land, Puerto Rico, Rus sia, South Af rica, Spain, Sweden, Thai land, Ukraine, United King dom, and United States • Plus the 17 coun tries and places pub lished in vol ume 4 (2001), up dated & revised: Aus tria, Co lom bia, Croatia, Cy prus, Egypt, Ice land, In do ne sia, It aly, Morocco, Ni ge ria, Outer Space, Pa pua New Guinea, Phil ip pines, Por tu gal, South Korea, Tur key, and Viet nam • Plus 14 new coun tries and places: Bot swana, Bul garia, Co sta Rica, Cuba, Den - mark, Esto nia, France, Hong Kong, Nepal, Nor way, Outer Space/Antarctica, Sri Lanka, Switzer land, and Tanza nia Come see our other titles at: http://www.continuumbooks.com. Special pric ing avail able only with this page. Print it out and take it to your school or lo cal li brary and en cour age them to add CCIES to their col lec tion. OR DER FORM

SHIP TO: In North, Cen tral, or South America, Name: ______mail or fax this page to: Emma Cook, Mar ket ing Man ager, Con tin uum, Ad dress: ______80 Maiden Lane, Suite 704, New York, NY 10038; Fax: 212-953-5944; ______Email: emma@con tin uum-books.com City: ______State:______ZIP: ______In the rest of the world, mail or fax this page to: Ac a demic Mar ket ing De part ment, BILLING INFOR MA TION: Con tinuum, The Tower Building, 11 York Road, Lon don SE1 7NX, United Q Enclos ed is my check/money order , pay able to Con tin uum; or Kingdom; Fax: +44 (0)20 7928 7894 Q Please charge my: Q Visa Q Mastercard Q AmEx Card Num ber: Exp. Date:

Sig na ture: ______Tele phone: ______

OR DER DE TAILS:

Author/Title ISBN Special Price Quantity Subtotal

Francoeur/Noonan: Continuum Complete International Encyclopedia of Sexuality 0826414885 $195 / £100

(Add $4.50 first book; $1.00 each additional book /£9.50 in U.K.) Shipping

(NY residents please add 8.375% sales tax; PA residents please add 6% sales tax) Sales Tax TOTAL CU59 431 ConSexualityFrenchHistoricaltin uum Polynesia: Perspec Complete tiveDemographics Inter na tion al and En acy Briefclo pe dia of French Polynesia (Polynésie Française)

Anne Bolin, Ph.D. Updates by A. Bolin and the Editors

Contents Demographics and a Brief Historical Perspective 431 1. Basic Sexological Premises 432 2. Religious, Ethnic, and Gender Factors Affecting Sexuality 435 3. Knowledge and Education about Sexuality 436 4. Autoerotic Behaviors and Patterns 437 5. Interpersonal Heterosexual Behaviors 437 6. Homoerotic, Homosexual, and Bisexual Behaviors 442 7. Gender Diversity and Transgender Issues 443 8. Significant Unconventional Sexual Behaviors 444 9. Contraception, Abortion, and Population Planning 445 10. Sexually Transmitted Diseases and HIV/AIDS 445 11. Sexual Dysfunctions, Counseling, and Therapies 447 (CIA 2002) 12. Sex Research and Advanced Professional Education 447 References and Suggested Readings 448 most popu lated of the Marquesas Is lands. Other in hab ited islands in clude Tahuata, Fatuiva, Ua Pou, Nuku Hiva, Ua Demographics and a Brief Huka, and Hova Oa. The Tuamotu Archi pel ago, which Historical Perspective means “cloud of islands,” sit u ated north and east of the So - ROBERT T. FRANCOEUR ci ety Islands, spans an arc of 80 coral atolls cov er ing 1,100 A. Demographics mile s (1,770 km), with a pop u la tion of 7,547. In cluded French Poly ne sia en com passes five ad min is tra tive ar eas among the 78 atolls in this group are: Tepoto, Napuka, rep re sent ing five ar chi pel a gos with 130 is lands and atolls in Pukarua, Takaroa, Manihi, Rangiroa, Raroia, Rotoava, the South Pa cific, ap prox i mately 5,000 mile s (8,050 km) east Tatakoto, Hao, Reao, and Pukapuka, among others. Co pra of Aus tralia. The Soci ety Islands, the Gambier Islands, the and mother-of-pearl are im por tant ex ports. The Gam bier Is - Aus tral Is lands, and the Marquesas are primar ily vol canic is- lands are south east of the Tuamotus and in clude three in - lands, while the ma jor ity of the Tuamotu Islands are atolls. hab ited is lands, of which Mangareva is best known (Suggs Oceania is divided into three broad cul tural group ings, with 1960). Ac cord ing to a 1987 re port, it is esti mated that only Mela ne sia and Micro ne sia to the west and Poly nesia to the 1,600 speak ers of Mangarevan re mained on the in hab ited east. French Poly nesia as a polit i cal entity is situ ated within islands, a re sult, in part, of heavy out-migra tion. Their live - the in dig e nous cul ture area of Poly ne sia, which in cludes all li hood con sists of horti cul ture, with crops such as coconuts, the islands in a “trian gle” stretching from Easter Island in the taro, and bananas, along with fishing (HRAF 1991, 172). east to the Ha wai ian Is lands in the north and New Zea land in The Aus tral Is lands in clude five in hab ited vol ca nic is- the south west. It in cor po rates di verse so ci et ies of Poly ne sian lands with a pop u la tion of 6,509. One of these is Tubuai, peo ples col onized by the French and de clared a French Pro - and the group is some times called the Tubuai Is lands. Is - tec tor ate in 1842 (Stan ley 1992). In 1957, this area be came lands in clude Rimatara, Rurutu, Ra’ivavae, and Rapa. The of ficially known as Polynésie Française. It is im portant to Rapanese cash crops are cof fee and po tatoes, which are ex - note that French Poly ne sia is not an indigenous or cultural ported, while farming and fish ing are pri mary subsis tence subdivision, but is rather a modern neocolonial political sub - ac tiv i ties (Hanson 1991, 274). The Austral Is land peo ples division. are well known for their indigenous arts and temples. The So ci ety Islands con sist of 14 atolls and vol ca nic is - It is dif ficult to ascer tain the precolonial popu la tion of lands and in clude the Wind ward Islands of Ta hiti (1988 these five island groups, be cause Eu ro pean con tact re sulted pop u la tion 131,309), Moorea (pop u la tion 8,801), Maiao, in a mas sive pop ula tion de cline through out French Poly ne - Tetiaroa, and Mehetia; and the Leeward Islands of Huahine sia, both in di rectly through dis ease and di rectly through Eu - (4,479), Raiatea (8,560), Tahaa (4,005), Bora Bora (4,225), ro pean at tacks, e.g., in 1595, Mendana’s crew was re sponsi - Maupiti (96), Tubai, Maupihaa/Mopelia, Manuae/Scilly, ble for kill ing over 200 Marquesans. Thomas (1991, 188) es - and Motu One/Bellingshausen. Ta hiti has a moun tain ous ti mates that the popu la tion of the Marquesas de clined from in te rior sur rounded by a fer tile coast line where cane and co - 35,000 to 2,000 be tween the 18th cen tury and the 1920s. By co nut are grown. Over half of the in dig e nous French Poly - the mid-1980s, the pop ula tion had in creased to about 5,500. ne sians live on the island of Ta hiti, along with French, Chi - The Mangarevan popu la tion may have once been 8,000 peo - nese, and ge netic intermixtures of these groups. ple, but by 1824, it was only 1,275 (HRAF 1991, 172). Ac - The Marquesas Is lands, pop ular ized by Mel ville in cord ing to Hanson (1991, 273), the is land of Rapa, at con tact, Typee, con sist of 11 islands, six of which are in hab ited had a pop ula tion of 1,500 to 2,000, but by 1867, it reached a (1988 pop ula tion 7,358). Gauguin is bur ied on Hiva Oa, the low of 120. Today , there are only an es ti mated 400 re main ing Rapan speak ers. The pop ula tion of the Tuamotu Islands was Anne Bolin, Ph.D., Elon Uni ver sity, So ci ol ogy De part ment, Box es ti mated at 6,588 in 1863, but de clined by al most 2,200 by 2115, Elon College, North Carolina, USA 27244; Anne.Bolin@ the 1920s. A re port in 1987 es tab lishes the Tuamotuan pop u - elon.edu. la tion at 14,400, with 7,000 of these in the Tuamotu, but most 432 Con tin uum Com plete In ter na tion al En cy clo pe dia of Sexuality of the re main der liv ing in Ta hiti. The Raroian pop ula tion de - Poly ne sian sex ual ity over the course of time. When avail - clined from 260 in 1897 to 60 in 1926. It rose to 120 in 1950 able, contem po rary sexual data will be presented. The focus (HRAF 1991, 276). Ta hiti’s popu la tion is be lieved to have is spe cif i cally on the sex u al ity of the in dig e nous peo ples of de clined from a 1767 es ti mate of 35,000 to 16,050 in the first French Poly ne sia and does not ad dress that of the Europe - mission ary cen sus in 1797. By 1869, it had de clined to 7,169 ans or the other minorities, unless otherwise stated. (Ol i ver 1974, 1989, 67, 117). Stan ley (1992, 5) cites the 1988 popu la tion of French Poly ne sia at 188,814, and the CIA B. A Brief Historical Perspective World Fact book 1999 estimated the total population as The beauty of these is lands has been captured in the 253,506 (CIAO). paint ings of Paul Gauguin and the writ ings of Herman Mel - In July 2002, French Poly ne sia had an es ti mated pop ula - ville, Robert Louis Stevenson, Jack Lon don, and W. Somer- tion of 257,847. (All data are from The World Fact book set Maugham, among other no ta bles. Early ex plor ers, such 2002 (CIA 2002) un less oth er wise stated.) as Cap tain James Cook (1769) and Cap tain Bligh of Bounty Age Dis tri bution and Sex Ra tios: 0-14 years: 29% fame (1788-1789), con trib uted to Ta hiti’s rep uta tion as a with 1.04 male(s) per female (sex ratio); 15-64 years: sexual para dise. In deed, the peo ples of the area, par ticu larly 65.7% with 1.09 male(s) per fe male; 65 years and over: the So ci ety Islands, be came dis tin guished for their sex-pos i - 5.3% with 1.01 male(s) per fe male; To tal pop u la tion sex ra- tive at ti tudes and known by Eu ro pe ans for tak ing a ca sual ap - tio: 1.07 male(s) to 1 female proach to sex. Although the Poly ne sian sex ual mores var ied greatly from those of the Eu ro pe ans, they were not un reg u - Life Ex pec tancy at Birth: To tal Pop u la tion: 75.23 lated. Poly nesians had clearly defined cultural rules structur - years; male: 72.88 years; fe male: 77.69 years ing sex u al ity and mar riage, in clud ing ex og amy, hierarchy, Ur ban/Ru ral Dis tri bu tion: NA a chiefly structure, genealogy, and incest rules. Eth nic Dis tri bu tion: Poly ne sian (M ’ohi) 78%; Chi - The Poly nesians ’ ances tors ar rived in the fron tier areas nese 12%; lo cal French 6%; metro pol i tan French 4%. This of Fiji, then reached Tonga and Sa moa about 3,300 to 5,000 eth nic-iden tity break down has been critiqued and re mains a years ago (Ol i ver 1974, 1989, 67, 117). East ern Poly ne sian ma jor ob sta cle to in ter pre ta tion of the data. oc cu pa tion oc curred by 200 B.C.E. The Tuamotu Archi pel - Re li gious Dis tri bu tion: Protestant 54%; Ro man Cath o - ago was prob a bly oc cu pied by voy ag ers from the Soci ety lic 30%; other 16% Islands by about the 9th cen tury, as were the Austral Is lands Birth Rate: 18.17 births per 1,000 popu la tion (Suggs 1960, 140-141). Death Rate: 4.49 per 1,000 popu la tion The 1,609 square mile s (4,167 km2) of area became a Infant Mortal ity Rate: 8.95 deaths per 1,000 live births French over seas ter ri tory un der the French con sti tu tion in Net Mi gra tion Rate: 3.04 mi grant(s) per 1,000 pop ula - 1957 and is cur rently ad minis tered by a French High Com - tion missioner as signed by France, and a 48-member Ter ri to rial To tal Fer til ity Rate: 2.23 chil dren born per woman Assem bly , both in the capi tal city of Papeete on Ta hiti, the Pop u la tion Growth Rate: 1.67% larg est of the So ci ety Is lands. The Ter ri to rial As sem bly is HIV/AIDS: Adult prev a lence, Persons living with HIV/ composed of locally elected rep resen ta tives from the Wind- AIDS, and Deaths: NA ward and Lee ward Islands of the So ci ety Islands, the Aus - Lit er acy Rate (de fined as those age 15 and over who can tral Is lands, Tuamotu Islands, Gam bier Is lands, and the read and write): 98%. About 87% of Poly ne sians are lit er ate Mar quesan Is lands (Ellis ton 1996). “The Ter ri to rial As- in French and 64% to 68% are lit er ate in one of the Poly ne - sembly has been granted more powers over in ter nal af fairs sian lan guages. The of fi cial lan guages of French Poly ne sia over the past 20 years, as a result of Tahi tian calls for more are French and Tahi tian or reo Ma’ohi. (The Tahi tians refer ‘in ter nal au ton omy’; the French High Com mis sioner, how- to them selves as Ma’ohi or Ta’ata Tahiti .) In digen ously ever, re tains the right to over rule or mod ify any Assem bly Poly ne sian lan guages form two ma jor di vi sions: West ern decision” (quote from von Strokirch 1993; Henningham and East ern Poly ne sian. In 1987, ed u ca tional in sti tu tions in - 1992; Elliston 1996). cluded 176 pri mary schools, 7 sec ondary schools, and 18 The is lands that now con sti tute French Poly ne sia are lin - high schools; the Université Française du Pacifique was es - guis ti cally of the East ern di vi sion and orig i nally in cluded tab lished in 1987. The cur ric ulum in publi c and private proto-Marquesan and proto-Ta hi tian. Di a lects of Ta hi tian church schools alike is a French one. are spo ken on the Aus tral, Tuamotu, Gambier , and Mar - Per Capita Gross Do mes tic Product (pur chas ing quesas Islands. (Ta hi tian is part of the Aus tro ne sian lan - power parity ): $5,000 (2001 est.); In fla tion: 1.5% (1994 guage fam ily that spread and di ver sified 6,000 years ago.) est.); Un em ploy ment: 15% (1992 est.). Of the 64,000 per sons This linguis tic divi sion is also repli cated in terms of two counted in the 1988 cen sus as “having employ ment” out of cul tural group ings: West ern and East ern Poly ne sia, with the the to tal pop ula tion of 188,814, two thirds of the em ployed Marquesas and the So ci ety Islands iden ti fied as the cul tural were men and three out of four worked on the Wind ward Is- epi cen ters of East ern Poly ne sia (Goldman 1970, xxvii). lands of Moorea and Ta hiti. In the outer Lee ward Islands, Robert C. Suggs sug gests that these two ar chi pel a gos were 80% of the women and no more than 73% of the men had cen ters of pop u la tion dis per sion for the other islands in jobs. Most employ ed Ma’ohi work ei ther as civ i l ser vants or FrenchEastern PolPolyynesia:nesia (1960, Basic 107,Sexo 137).logical Premises in the tourist indus try . All Ta hitians, even in the rural areas, are in volved to vary ing de grees in the mar ket econ omy, ei - 1. Basic Sexological Premises ther in in de pend ent en ter prises such as craft pro duc tion, pe ri - A. Character of Gender Roles odic wage la bor, and/or cash cropping (Hooper 1985, 161; Be cause cul tures op er ate as in te grated sys tems, the ba- Elliston 1997). sic sexological premis es, such as gen der roles, social status, Eu ro pean cul ture has had an impact on the in dig e nous gen eral con cepts, and con structs of sex u al ity and love, must cul ture of French Poly ne sia in a num ber of ways for over be con sidered within the broader Poly ne sian cul tural con - 200 years. This chap ter pres ents an over view, in te grat ing text. Re search on the sta tus of women in tra di tional Poly ne - his tor i cally sit u ated ac counts of the tra di tional cul ture with sian so ci et ies sup ports the view that their posi tion was re- per spec tives on the in flu ence of col o ni za tion and mis sion- garded as high (Howard & Kirkpatrick 1989, 82-83). High ary ac tivity on the expres sion, beliefs, and values related to status prevailed in the face of a tapu system in which French Polynesia: Basic Sexological Premises 433 women and men were segre gated and women were re - vi sion of la bor is flex i ble, and women may work in gar dens garded as less pow er ful. (See Sec tion 2A, Re li gious, Eth - or col lect Ta hi tian chestnuts, while men may do some work nic, and Gender Fac tors Af fect ing Sex u al ity, for a dis cus - in the house which con sists primar ily of cook ing. Un like sion of the con cepts of tapu and mana.) In ad di tion, al - West ern prac tices, cook ing, wash ing dishes, and clothes though there was a di vi sion of la bor be tween Poly ne sian washing in the nonurban ar eas are done out side the home. women and men, it was dif fer ent from the tra di tional West - Even if a family has a gas stove or washing machine, this is ern gen der bi fur ca tion of pub li c/do mes tic or in side/out side. placed outside the home. In tra di tional Ta hiti, men hunted pigs and fished, en gaged in But this model of gen der roles that con tin ues in more-ru - war fare, and built tem ples, while women fished for shell - ral areas is changing in the more central, Western ized, and fish, gar dened, and pro duced mats and bark cloth (Ol i ver urban ized island locales, where the pres ence of schools, 1974). How ever, role flex i bil ity was dif fer en tially en acted hos pi tals, post of fices, and other ad min is tra tive ser vices, as among the var i ous Poly ne sian so ci et ies (Howard & Kirk - well as greater op por tu ni ties for con tin u ous em ploy ment, patrick 1989, 82-83). To fully under stand women’s posi tion af fect tra di tional pat terns. Women par tic i pate in the work- in precolonial Poly ne sia, the con text of the “chiefly struc - force in these areas to a high degree, partic u larly in cler ical ture” must be con sidered. Chiefly sta tus could take prece - po sitions, while men are employ ed pri marily in the high - dence over gender, and consequently, women could also as - way de partment with road mainte nance. Women’s pattern sume positions of power as chiefs (Elliston 1996). of employ ment is typ i cally one in which they quit work to Levy’s work among the Ta hi tians from 1962 to 1964 sug - have chil dren, but may later re turn to part-time posi tions. In gests a cul ture in which at ten tion to gen der dis tinc tions con - con trast, men have a more con sistent pattern of long-term, tin ues the precolonial tra jec tory (1973, 230-237). Ev i dence wage-labor employment (Thomas 1987). of this is found in the Ta hi tian language in which gender is Thomas (1987) suggests that these gen der-role pat terns lin guis ti cally un der played. While gen der-spe cific oc cu pa - and the di vi sion of la bor is more likely a re sult of co lo nial - tional di vi sions do oc cur, there is a great deal of role pli abil - ism than a tradi tional Poly nesian cultural pattern. The tradi - ity and cross -over, e.g., al though women do not hold of fice in tional pat tern of gen der roles in the early con tact pe ri od the for mal polit i cal sec tor, they have an im por tant voice and (1790-1830) was quite dif fer ent, ac cord ing to Thomas. in ter est in pol i tics (Levy 1973, 233). The high po sition of Ta - Like Poly ne sian so ci et ies gen er ally, the tapu system was an hi tian women con tin ues a pat tern re ported early on by ex - impor tant part of the so cial orga ni za tion of the Marquesas, plor ers. The tra di tional de scent sys tem of reck on ing through and it fre quently involved segregation of the sexes. ei ther matrilineal or patrilineal lines provided women access Tra di tional ac tiv i ties for men in cluded fish ing from ca - to power ful po sitions in the so cial or der. Levy’s re search noes, which con tin ues to day, while tra di tional women’s ac - con cluded that a blur ring of gen der bound aries con tin ues as a tiv i ties in cluded gar den ing, prep a ra tion of bark cloth, and con tempo rary pat tern in ru ral Ta hiti. How ever, he found that making mats. Prior to missionization, women had other op - in the more ur ban ized and West ern ized set ting of Papeete, por tu ni ties for en hance ment of their sta tus. Co ex ist ing with this pat tern of gen der equal ity and blend ing was be coming a class of male chiefs and priests was a class of women sha- polar ized by the wage-la bor econ omy in which men are the mans whose im por tance var ied through out Poly ne sia. In bread winners and women the home makers (Levy 1973, 232- the Marquesas, these women priests oc cu pied a priv i leged 237). Elliston (1996) sug gests that this pat tern has not come po sition in so ci ety as curers and di vin ers who re ceived food to fruition, but rather women’s employability is increasing or pigs as pay ment for their ser vices. The old Marquesan while men’s is decreasing. role pa rame ters pro vided women with opportunities and Some research ers have pro posed that in tra di tional times, access to prestige and power. in East ern Poly ne sia (in clud ing the Marquesas and So ci ety The West ern dis par ity in gen der roles de lin eated by sep - Islands), women’s sta tus was con sidered low be cause they a rate but un equal do mains of the pub li c and the do mestic were noa: common, impure, and pol lut ing in re gard to mana. was not ex pressed in tra di tional Marquesan gen der roles. Shore’s ex ami na tion of the lit er a ture sug gests this may be an The tapu sys tem also mit i gated against such a West ern pub - over sim pli fi ca tion. He cites con sid er able ev i dence to the lic/do mes tic split, since typi cally men ate meals with men, con trary (1989, 146-147). For ex ample, Hanson and Hanson not with women. As Thomas (1987) has noted, to day ar gue that women’s menstru a tion was not re garded as “sim- Marquesan gen der roles re flect West ern tra di tion and the ply pol lut ing, but as in her ently dan ger ous be cause it repre - im posed Chris tian gen der po lar iza tion of men-pub li c-pro - sents a heightened time of female activ ity as the conduit be- vider and women-do mestic-nur turer. The de mise of the tween the worlds of gods and human” (1983, 93 in Shore tapu sys tem oc curred un evenly, but seemed to have been 1989, 147). elim i nated by the 1880s, fa cil i tated by French co lo nial rule In-depth dis cus sions of gen der roles in re cent times are in 1842, the po lit i cal efforts of the Cath o lic and Protestant pre sented in Douglas Ol i ver’s Two Ta hi tian Vil lages (1981), mis sions, and the de cline of the in dig e nous pop u la tion. Co- Greg Dening’s Islands and Beach ers (1980), and Rob ert lo nial ism and missionization dis rupted the hi er ar chi cal as - Levy’s Ta hi tians: Mind and Ex pe ri ence in the So ci ety Is- pects of the social system and eroded the chiefly structure, lands (1983), among others. along with the sys tem of tapu and mana that sus tained it Thomas (1987) has discussed Poly ne sian gen der roles in (Ellis ton 1996). By the late 19th cen tury, poly an dry, which or der to high light the dra matic ef fect of col o ni za tion and was proba bly only practiced by the highest-ranking fe - missionization on con tem po rary Marquesan women and males, had become almost extinct (Thomas 1987). men. De popu la tion has had an impact on the Marquesans, Ma jor changes in the po lit i cal economy re sulted in the as has the in tro duc tion of wage la bor, which, in some areas, re place ment of tra di tional landholding units and mech a - con tin ues to day as a mixed econ omy with sub sistence, oc - nisms of re dis tri bu tion by au ton o mous groups en gaged in ca sional co pra sales, and/or in ter mittent wage work. The their own subsis tence. Mission ar ies felt that the tradi tional work of Marquesan women is haka ha’e propa, which Marquesan prac tice in which women gar dened was im - means “to make the house clean.” This includes a vari ety of proper and un seemly to their sex. Ac cord ing to Chris tian domes tic chores, childcare, clothes washing, and cook ing. dic tates, the women should be con fined to their homes Men en gage in ag ri cul ture and hor ti cul ture, fish ing, cut ting while the men should work as the cul ti va tors. This was suc - co co nuts for co pra sales, and/or paid man ual work. The di - cess fully imposed on the Marquesan peo ples and oth ers in 434 Con tin uum Com plete In ter na tion al En cy clo pe dia of Sexuality

French Poly ne sia. Lock wood re ports a simi lar pat tern in the works that may by pass the le gal adop tion pro cess. (See di vi sion of la bor, in which men are the farm ers while discussion below of marriage and the family.) women are re sponsi ble for the household and childcare on Gender was also conceived as an inte gral part of gener al - Tubuai (1989, 199). ized Poly ne sian hi er ar chy, ge ne al ogy, and the sta tus of the The im pact of West ern missionization on gen der roles in di vid ual as ad oles cent and adult. Thomas (1987) has de - was par tic u larly ef fec tive in French Poly ne sia be cause of scribed Marquesan men as tra di tion ally hav ing mana, while the large-scale disrup tion in the indig e nous way of life. All women were me’ie (common or free of tapu in rela tion to these fac tors con verged to in flu ence in dig e nous gen der men). The term noa is used in other parts of Poly ne sia. How - roles. Yet, the con ti nu ity of women’s precolonial sta tus vis- ever, there were nu merous situ a tions in which women could à-vis men can not be un der es ti mated (Elliston 1996). How - be come sub ject to tapu pro hi bi tions. This rep re sents the con - ever, this does not now mean that women can not surmount textual aspects of the tapu sys tem described earlier . Such the Chris tian ide ol ogies that place men at the head of the contexts required precau tions as well as certain restric tions house hold. Lock wood observes that Ta hi tian women are on the in di vid ual, his or her pos sessions, and tasks. Cer tain “so cially asser tive and are frequently will ing to challenge kinds of activ i ties were segre gated by sex and locale, e.g., male au thor ity when in a po sition to do so.” Ol i ver’s de - women learn ing a new chant, men making a net, or a woman scrip tion of an cient Ta hi tian women as “any thing but a pas- plac ing her self un der tapu to conceive or prevent a miscar - sive, def er en tial, sub mis sive lot; cer tainly not in do mes tic riage. This kind of tapu in volved com mu nal eat ing, sleep ing, matters and of ten not in ‘pub lic’ af fairs ei ther” (1974, 604) and pro hi bi tions on sexual activity for a particular period of could be applied equally to contemporary Tahitian peasant time, or until the project was completed. women (1989, 207). Thomas (1987) has also pointed out that tapu and me’ie were rela tional con structs, and that in the Marquesas, a man B. Sociolegal Status of Males and Females who was tapu in re la tion to a par tic ular woman might be me’ie in re la tion to other men who were in a tapu grade The sociocultural sta tus of Poly ne sians through out the above him. This same man would be me’ie in rela tion to life course varies in terms of ages and expec ta tions . Oli ver ’s women of chiefly status. (1981) and Levy’s (1973) work on Ta hi tian life stages is par tic ularly valu able in this re gard. The in fant, an ’aiu In ad di tion to the elites in the Poly ne sian hi er ar chy, (“milk eater”), gradu ally be comes a child (tamari’i) be - there were peo ple who were low-sta tus ser vants of the tween 1 and 3 or 4 years old (also tamaroa, boy child, or elites, as well as those who were nonlandholding ten ant tamahine, girl child). Child hood is fol lowed by taure’are’a, farm ers. It was the com mon ers in the Marquesas who were the pe ri od of plea sure. This stage is ushered in by signs of most af fected by the tapu re stric tions, e.g., com mon men ap proach ing pu berty. Be tween the mid 20s and early 30s, could only eat what was pro duced by women. Persons at the one be comes ta’ata pa’ari (“a wise or mature person”) . Old lowest level of the hier ar chy were not af fected by the tapu age is ru’au (old) and/or if an in di vid ual be comes senile, he on food, since they were the ser vants and pro duced food for or she is ’aru’aru, “weak and help less” (Levy 1973, 25), see not only themselves, but for the elite they served. The elite also Oliver (1981, 340-400). were less af fected, because they neither pro duced nor pre- pared the food they ate. Tra di tion ally, the sta tus of in di vid u als in many ar eas of French Poly ne sia was de fined by a hi er ar chi cal pat tern of C. General Concepts of Sexuality and Love ge ne a log i cal rank ing, sus tained by the be lief in mana, and While sail ors on the early Eu ro pean ex plor ing ships re - en coun tered through the tapu sys tem of be hav ioral rules garded Poly ne sia as a sex ual par a dise, the mis sion ar ies they and re stric tions. The Poly ne sian sys tem of ge ne a log i cal brought viewed the same cul tures as dens of de bauch ery. rank ing was one in which the first born child was of higher Ol i ver (1989) cites a 1778 re port of J. Forster who stated: sta tus than his or her sib lings. Those in such a posi tion, re - “The great plenty of good and nour ishing food, to gether gardless of their gender , were in a state of mana and, ac- with fine cli mate, the beauty and un re served be hav ior of cord ing to some re ports, were there fore se cluded for cer tain their fe males, in vite them power fully to the en joy ments and pe ri ods. The aura of mana also extended to a lesser extent to plea sures of love. They be gin early to aban don themselves other siblings as well. to the most li bid i nous scenes.” Ta hi tians spe cif i cally, and In tra di tional Poly ne sian so ci et ies prior to dis rup tion of Poly ne sians gen er ally, be came known for their sex-pos i tive the tapu sys tem, chil dren were re garded as highly potent at ti tudes and open val u ing of sex u al ity, al though the cul - and po ten tially dan ger ous. As a re sult, they had to un dergo tural struc tur ing and tacit rules for sex ual ex pres sions were certain ritu als to prepare them to inter act in the secu lar not ap par ent to the Eu ro pe ans. Sex ual ex pe ri ence and ex - world. All up per- and lower-ech e lon chil dren were ap par - pres sion for many Polynesians began early and continued ently imbued with this di vin ity. The Poly ne sian cos mology throughout the life course. regarded this sacred ness as a highly charged force that re- Need less to say, the var i ous ex plor ers and co lo nial ship quired pre cau tions lest harm could befall the unprotected crews vis it ing the is lands mis un der stood Poly ne sian sex u - individual. al ity. For ex ample, in the Marquesas, young na ked girls Jane and James Ritchie (1983) noted that the precolonial swam out to the ships to en gage in sex ual trysts with the pat tern of early-child hood in dul gence, com mu nity con - sail ors. While the sail ors took ad van tage of the sex ual lib er - cern, and an ex tended-fam ily con cept of parenting has con - a tion of these young girls, they ex pe ri enced some am bi gu - tinued, espe cially in the more tradi tional areas at the time of ity, be cause their own West ern sex ual par a digm had no their re search. Chil dren learn to be au ton o mous and respon - com pa ra ble frame work or ref er ent. While Poly ne sian girls sible for tasks and chores at an early age. This tran sition to were simi lar in some re spects to the pros ti tutes or sex work - re spon si bil ity and au ton omy oc curs when the child is ers who typ ically greeted these sail ors at other ports, they around 2 to 3 years old. By the mid dle years of child hood, were also very dif fer ent be cause of their youth, na ked ness, peers are account able for most of the childcare. Poly nesian and will ing ness to swim out to greet the boats. In ad di tion, groups, and French Poly ne sia is no ex cep tion, were noted not all young women swam out to the boats or en gaged in for a pat tern of fluid child adop tion. This pat tern still oc curs sex with the sail ors. The young girls that came out to the to day. Adop tion may oc cur in for mally through kin net - ships were out side the tapu classes, so their rela tions with French Polynesia: Basic Sexological Premises 435 the vis i tors pro vided them ac cess to sta tus and wealth that quesas Islands are over 90% Cath o lic; Prot es tant ism domi - they would not nor mally have. For eign sail ors and ob serv - nates the Aus tral Is lands and the Lee ward Islands, while the ers were not aware of the situational and contextual factors Tuamotu Islands are two-thirds Cath olic and one-third behind this behavior (Dening 1980). Mormon. Although Thomas (1987) suggests that Ca thol i - Others who swam out to the ships were the Marquesan cism’s an tag o nism to contra cep tive use has re sulted in typ i - Ka’ioi. These were ado les cents who were sepa rated at pu - cally large fam ilies, large fam ilies are more proba bly a con - berty in or der to be ed ucated in the so cial conven tions and tin ua tion of an ear lier pat tern that ex isted prior to depopula - skills neces sary to become singers and dancers at koina tion, rather than as the consequence of Catholic religious (feasts). For girls, this was a pe ri od of in tense sex ual play attitudes. and dis play. It in volved learn ing songs and dances for the It is impor tant to re member that once the Eu ro pe ans ar - feasts, as well as the art of beauti fi ca tion, which included rived in Poly ne sia, the tra di tional cul ture be gan to un dergo the ap pli ca tion of oils and bleaches. High-sta tus girls were ma jor change and dis rup tion. Ar chi val and his tor i cal re - not ed u cated as Ka’ioi, nor did they swim out to the ships. search can pro vide im por tant clues in un rav el ing the tra di - However , it was this be hav ior among the Marquesans that tional pat terns that have per sisted de spite Eu ro pean co lo - also con trib uted to the West ern ste reo type of Polynesian nial ism and mission ary ac tiv ity. Broadly speak ing, the var i - sexual license (Dening 1980). ous de nom i na tions of mis sion ar ies found the Poly ne sian In their mas sive cross-cul tural re view of the ethnographic sex-posi tive cul tures re pug nant. They were ap palled by the lit er a ture, Ford and Beach (1951) clas sified the Man gare - Poly nesian joy of sex, and repelled by the marital practices vans, the Marquesans, and the Pukapukans as “permis sive that allowed for polygyny and even polyandry. so ci et ies,” char ac ter ized by tol er ant at ti tudes to ward sex ual In dis cuss ing re li gion, it is in ap pro pri ate to seg re gate the ex pres sion in the life span of the in di vid ual. Ac cord ing to sa cred as pects of in dig e nous Poly ne sian life from the wider Gregersen (1983), Poly ne sia is known for “publi c cop ula - culture, since these soci et ies are un like the West, where tion, erotic fes ti vals, cer e mo nial or gies and sex ex pe di tions,” there is a clear divi sion between the sacred and the secu lar . which had dis ap peared by modern times. It should be pointed In contrast, the sacred and secu lar are inter wo ven in an inte - out that this does not imply a sex ual free-for-all by any grated fash ion within Poly ne sian cul tures. An at ti tude in means, as noted by Douglas Ol i ver’s ac count in An cient Ta- which sex was highly val ued was re pro duced as part of the hi tian So ci ety (1974). While mission ar ies were im me di ate ly syn the sis of the social and the sa cred in Poly ne sian life. Sa - struck by the Poly ne sian vari ance from West ern Chris tian cred as pects of sex u al ity in cor po rated be liefs about re pro - stan dards of sex ual moral ity, it should not be as sumed that duc tion, fer til ity, and fe cun dity that were sym bol i cally ex- Poly ne sian sex u al ity was with out cul tural rules. Like sex u al- pressed through cer e monial sex. Mar shall (1961) re ports ity ev ery where, Poly ne sian sex u al ity was struc tured and ev i dence of pub li c sex as so ci ated with sa cred tem ples on bound by norms, regu la tions, and sanc tions—al though these the Is land of Ra’ivavae. This was also re corded for Ta hiti. were dif fer ent from those of the ex plor ers, mission ar ies, and Among Ta hi tians, the sa cred tem ples, or ma rae, served as co lo nials. It was pri marily the young and unmarried people the center of daily life. The re ligious sys tem was based on who had the greatest sexual freedom; married people and the be liefs in spir its and gods. Hu mans and gods were in a re la - elite class had much less. tionship that perme ated all aspects of the Ta hitian’ s daily Al though Poly ne sian so ci et ies con doned pre mar i tal sex - life. Even the gods were regarded as joyous and sexually ual expres sion, access to partners was strictly structured. playful in concert with the positive sex ethos of the culture. Gregersen (1983), for exam ple, re ported that on the is land of The tapu (ta boo) sys tem reg u lated so cial be hav ior. It was Raroia in the Tuamotu Archi pel ago, there were only 109 based upon an im por tant re li gious el e ment, mana, a fun da - peo ple in 1951. Such a small popu la tion meant that seven of mental prin ci pal of di vin ity and sa cred ness, that has been lik - the nine women of mar riage able age were pro hib ited from ened to elec tric ity, prev a lent among some Poly ne sian so ci et- hav ing sex ual part ners be cause of in cest reg u la tions. In the ies. Mana pro vided a re la tional and con tex tual struc ture, as neigh bor ing atoll of Tepuka in the 1930s, the young peo ple well as demar cated sacred boundaries around class, time, were all re lated and had to jour ney to other is lands or await events, space, and peo ple. “Theo ret i cally mana is an in her- the arrival of visitors to find a partner. ited po ten tial, trans mit ted ge ne a log i cally, with greater pro- Specific laws were enacted with French colo ni za tion. In por tions go ing to first born chil dren. It is there fore a mat ter of 1863, for ex ample, the French ad minis tra tors banned much de gree—a gra di ent ide ally co in ci dent with kin ship se nior ity. of the tradi tional cultural practices that involved tapu, the Ulti mately it stems from the gods” (Howard & Kirkpatrick re li gion, tra di tional songs and dances, war fare, na ked bath - 1989, 614). Mana, how ever, must be demon strated through ing, wear ing of per fumed oils, polygyny, poly an dry, and acts and ac tiv i ties of an in di vid ual. Suc cess dem on strated the other practices at variance with Christian mo rality . These strength of one’s mana, while failure signi fied weak mana laws did much to re press the precolonial cul ture, but, as (Howard & Kirkpatrick 1989, 64). Mana was also asso ci ated Ellis ton (1996) points out, “Poly ne sians found ways around with fer til ity, fecundity, and abundance—both reproductive both the Church teach ings against sex-out side-mar riage, and agricultural, according to Shore (1989, 142). FrenchFactorsand against Polynesia:Affecting French Sexualitylaws.”Religious, Ethnic, and Gender Shore suggests that this as pect of mana may ac count for the tra di tional Poly ne sian em pha sis on the gen i tals of the 2. Religious, Ethnic, and Gender chief. In the mana, re la tional and con tex tual con struct power was somat i cally embod ied in the head and the gen i tals, Factors Affecting Sexuality which were regarded as sacred. For the Marquesans, these A. Source and Character of Religious Values were the bodily sites for the pro tec tion of the self (Dening Poly ne sians to day are pri mar ily Chris tian, with 54% 1980). Linton reports that in tradi tional times, “there was Protestant, 30% Ro man Cath o lic, and 16% other, in clud ing con stant men tion of the geni tal or gans of the chief, which Mor mon, an i mist (the in dig e nous sys tem), and Bud dhist. were given names in di cat ing their vigor and size” (Lin ton The impact of mission ary ac tivity in the Pacific is reflected 1939, 159, in Shore 1989, 142). The Marquesan con cepts of in the high per cent age of Chris tian re li gious af fil i a tion. De - sa cred personhood and the au ton omy of the in di vid ual ap - pend ing on the par tic u lar his tor i cal sit u a tion, dif fer ent de - parently also transcended class and gender in some respects . nomi na tions may pre domi nate in an area, e.g., the Mar - All in di vid u als were cred ited with an in her ent di vin ity that 436 Con tin uum Com plete In ter na tion al En cy clo pe dia of Sexuality granted them inalien able so cial respect. However , in terms of words, “Poly ne sians through out the ar chi pel a gos con tinue rank ing, the chiefly group held a higher po sition, be cause it to have a very strong sense of their own lo cally-based iden - was be lieved that their per sonal mana far exceeded oth ers. tities by which I mean that their contem po rary iden tities are Nev er the less, re gard less of rank or sta tus, the in di vid ual was strik ingly based on their islands and ar chi pel a gos of ori - en dan gered if the tapu regions around the head and groin gin.” Ellis ton ex plains this as “in part be cause Poly ne sians were violated. as so ci ate dif fer ent char ac ters, eco nomic prac tices, even dif - Bradd Shore (1989, 137-173) has de scribed tapu in fer ent cul tures with dif fer ent is lands and ar chi pel a gos; depth. Tapu is a dif fi cult con cept for West ern ers to un der - where one is from en codes a great deal of infor mation in the stand. It is not di rectly trans lat able into our con cept of ta - local signifying systems,” noting that Polynesians them - boo. Tapu has mul ti ple ref er ents. Ac cord ing to Shore, selves generally see a great deal of diversity in the islands. Oli ver spearheaded a research project in which the social First, the term has two quite dis tinct us ages, one active, or ga ni za tion of eight Ta hi tian com mu ni ties were stud ied, the other pas sive. As an active qual ity, tapu suggests a two each by Douglas Ol i ver, Ben Finney, An tony Hooper, con tained po tency of some thing, place, or per son. In its and Paul Kay. The so cial orga ni za tion of these island peo ples pas sive us age, it means forbid den or dan ger ous for some- var ied, as did their meth ods of food produc tion, as adaptive one who is noa [not di vine, common]. More over, it seems re sponses to dif fer ent en vi ron men tal riches. In East ern Poly - to com bine con tra dic tory prop er ties, sug gest ing on the ne sia, as in West ern Poly ne sia, so cial or ga ni za tion was a one hand sa cred ness, rev er ence, and dis tinc tive ness and, ranked sys tem. The precolonial social system was a chiefly on the other, dan ger, dread, and pollution. (1989, 144) struc ture and within it vari ance oc curred. There fore, un like When peo ple were en gulfed by tapu, they were in sacred West ern Poly ne sia in which rank was graded, East ern Poly - states, and con se quently, re stric tions and pro hi bi tions were ne sia was strat i fied by class (Bur rows 1968, 185). Four ma- placed on their be hav ior as well as their per son. Tapu was the jor kinds of socio eco nomic rank ing or “de grees of strat i fi ca - sys tem that struc tured be hav ior in re la tion to mana. For ex - tion” existed in the tra ditional chiefly structures of what is ample, ac cord ing to Nich olas Thomas (1987), fe males were now constituted as French Polynesia. con sid ered me’ie, com mon or free of tapu in rela tion to men. Ta hiti had a very complex rank ing system that usu ally in - This clas sifi ca tion, how ever, did not mean that women could cluded he red i tary sta tuses con sist ing of ari’i (ar is toc racy), not have a high sta tus or could not en ter mana states. How - ra’atira (gen try), manahune (com mon ers), teuteu (servant ever, mana was a fun da men tal spir i tual ra tio nal iza tion for class), and a small nonhe red i tary slave class of titi, captured seg re ga tion of the sexes that re sulted in tapu, or restric tions dur ing war fare. The peo ple of Mangareva had “two ba sic sta - on the interaction between the genders in certain domains. tus levels with ten dency to form a third,” while the Mar- Marquesan women were also regarded as poten tially quesas had “two sta tus lev els,” and the Pukapukans “two sta - dan ger ous when men stru at ing, which pro vided them with tus lev els; the up per con tain ing very few members” (Sahlins cer tain kinds of power. For ex ample, a woman could curse an 1967; Stan ley 1992; Ferdon 1991). While class strat i fi ca tion object by naming it for her geni tals or by plac ing the ob ject con tin ues in mod ern times, the tra di tional cat e go ries have be neath her but tocks. Sim i larly, tapu could be as signed to an been abandoned (Oliver 1981, 37). object by naming it for one’s head or plac ing the item above These hi er ar chi cal as pects of Poly ne sian so ci ety were one’s head. Among the Marquesans, who be lieved women per meated with re li gious mean ing since the chiefs and other were po ten tially dan ger ous, sex ual re stric tions were also elites were regarded as divine and rich in mana. Tapu, mana, placed on inter course at var i ous times. Ac cord ing to Thomas the arioi, and a hier ar chi cal chiefly structure were inter con - (1990, 67) “some aspects of female ness seem to be at the cen - nected as aspects of the sex ual system. For exam ple, in Ta - ter of the tapu system.” This was not, however , a universal hiti, as elsewhere, hier ar chy was man dated by the gods and pattern in French Polynesia. man i fested in all lev els of so cial or ga ni za tion. The kin-con - The re li gious as pects of in dig e nous sex u al ity were also gre ga tion or ex tended fam ily had small ma rae to make of fer - ev i dent in the Ta hi tian arioi cult (dis cussed later in greater ings to spir its. Ex tended-fam ily house holds were or ga nized de tail and de scribed by Oli ver (1974).) Mem bers of the into neigh bor hoods that had larger ma rae with the chief’s arioi so ci ety, an or ga ni za tion of trav el ing Ta hi tian en ter - ma rae, which was the largest and most potent (Scupin & tain ers, danc ers, and ath letes, were per mit ted un re stricted DeGorse 1992). It was be lieved that “the high est rank ing sex u al ity. Their roles as en ter tain ers in cluded sex ual tit il la - chiefly family . . . was . . . de scended from the first humans tion and cel e bra tion for the pub li c. The sexual el e ment of created by the creator god, Ta’aroa,” and was, therefore, the this cult was perme ated by the re ligious, as the arioi were most powerful spiritually (Scupin & DeCorse 1992, 31). dedicated to the Tahitian god, ’Oro (Oliver 1974). The bi lat eral kin ship sys tem was one in which the chiefly sta tus and sib ling or der (first-born sib lings ranked in sta tus B. Source and Character of Ethnic Values above oth ers) de ter mined one’s social po sition. This was not The peo ples of French Poly ne sia are part of the larger neces sar ily limited through the patrilineage. Women, like cul ture area of Poly ne sia, shar ing lin guistic and many other men, could have access to chiefly posi tions . The practice of cul tural char ac ter is tics (Bur rows 1968, 179). How ever, in bi lat eral reck on ing pro vided for flex i bil ity in sta tus and rank, precontact times, there was much cultural varia tion and di- fa cil i tat ing af fil i a tion through ei ther the pa ter nal or ma ter nal ver sity among the five is land groups mak ing up French line (Scupin & DeCorse 1992, 313). As a re sult of co lo nial ism Poly ne sia. To day, uni fi ca tion by the French has pro vided and Christianization, the tra di tional so cial-po liti cal or ga ni za- “the Poly ne sians liv ing in these dif fer ent ar chi pel a gos and FrenchSexualitytion of inheri Polynesia:ted rank Knowledge no longer exists and Education(Hooper 1985, about 161). islands . . . new grounds for re lat ing to one an other, in clud - ing the use of French and Ta hi tian languages” (Elliston 3. Knowledge and Education 1996). However , it should not be as sumed that vari a tion has been lost. For ex ample, Ol i ver’s study in 1954-55 of two about Sexuality Ta hi tian vil lages, one on Huahine and the other on Mo’orea, A. Government Policies and Programs led him to state: “I came to recog nize that there were almos t Be cause Ta hiti con tains over 70% of the popu la tion, as many subspecific va ri et ies of Ta hi tian so ci etal cul tures pub li c health ef forts are fo cused in this area. Not cur rently as there were commu ni ties” (1981, xii). In Elliston’ s (1996) available at the time of this writing is infor ma tion from a French Polynesia: Knowledge and Education about Sexuality 437 sex ual sur vey con ducted in Ta hiti in No vember 1993 un der opens and closes pe ri od i cally, open ing each month to al - the aus pices of La Di rec tion de la Santé Publique. low the old blood to flow out. . . . Semen cannot en ter when the uterus is closed, so there is no pos si bil ity of con- B. Informal Sources of Sexual Knowledge cep tion dur ing the greater part of the cycle. (Hanson 1970, In for mally, spa tial or ga ni za tion and sleep ing ar range - 1445) ments may con trib ute to sex u al ity ed u ca tion of the young. Ford and Beach (1951) re ported that among the Pukapukans This the ory is also found in the Tuamotu Archi pel ago on and Marquesans, fam i lies of ten slept in one room, thereby Pukapuka. In the Huahine and Mo’orea vil lages stud ied by pro vid ing chil dren an op por tu nity for sex u al ity ed u ca tion Ol i ver (1981, 334), as else where in Ta hiti, chil dren were through clan des tine ob ser va tion. This, how ever, must be highly val ued. Prob lems in con cep tion were treated by a placed in cul tural con text. Par ents were not putt ing on an woman spe cial ist who used an in dig e nous med i ca tion of hi - open dis play for chil dren; but, be cause fam i lies slept in close Frenchbiscus and Polynesia: green coconut. Autoerotic Behaviors and Patterns prox im ity, this pro vided chil dren an op por tu nity to se cretly ob serve their par ents cop u lat ing. In these so ci et ies, dis cus - 4. Autoerotic Behaviors and Patterns sions about sex with chil dren were also very open and frank A. Children and Adolescents as part of a pat tern of sex pos i tive ness. For ex ample, among Among the Pukapukans, Mangarevans, and the Marque - the Ra’ivavaens stud ied by Mar shall (1961, 241), chil dren sans, dur ing in dig e nous times prior to Christianization, a tol - were aware of or gasm, the role of the penis (ure), and the cli - er ant at ti tude was taken to ward child hood sex ual ex pres sion. to ris (tira) in sexual arousal. Among the Pukapukans, chil dren mastur bated in pub li c with Other av e nues for sex u al ity ed u ca tion in cluded prac - no oppro brium. The par ents ap par ently ig nored their be hav - tices around child birth. Ol i ver (1989) re counts that on old ior (Ford & Beach 1953). Levy’s re search among Ta hi tians Raroia in the Tuamotu Archi pel ago, childbirth was a so cial from 1962-1964, cites early ex plorer and mis sionary ac - event in which the whole com munity at tended, in clud ing counts of mastur ba tion among adults and chil dren (1973, children, and even male mem bers who also assist ed in 113-116). His work among rural Ta hi tians in di cates chil dren child birth. This custom of includ ing males in child birth as mastur bate, al though the Ta hi tian term used to de scribe mas - assis tants is nota ble, for in many parts of Oceania, as else- tur ba tion re fers to males, since it in cludes the mor pheme for where, men are pro hib ited from participating in childbirth. uncircumcised pe nis. Levy notes that “the empha sis on In dig e nous be liefs about con cep tion in French Poly ne - prepubertal male mastur ba tion is strik ing” (1973, 115). It is sia are part of the in for mal sys tem of ed uca tion. In a study of con sid ered a boy’s ac tiv ity out grown with ad o les cence. the Marquesas in the late 1970s, Kirkpatrick (1983) re - However , adult cen sure of mastur ba tion does oc cur and ported the then-cur rent be lief that, al though ba bies were seems to be cen tered on the fear that the boy’s fore skin might con ceived through the cop u la tion of males and fe males, this tear. Mastur ba tion by post-superincised males is criticized as was not suf fi cient. Divine in ter ven tion was also a necessary an indication that he cannot attract a female. component. The Ta hi tian ethnotheory of con cep tion as serted that the B. Adults fe tus re ceived phys i cal and di vine char ac ter is tics from both Ac cord ing to Wil liam Dav en port (1973), in tra di tional parents. The infant’ s sacred attrib utes were regarded as cy no- pre-Chris tian Ta hiti, mas tur ba tion was sanc tioned pos i- sure of its birth. In Old Ta hiti, the gene a logi cal sys tem of FrenchBehaviorstively for Polynesia: young women Interpersonal and men. Heterosexual rank ing reck oned that the de gree of di vin ity in each child was di rectly pro por tional to the de gree of de scent from his or 5. Interpersonal Heterosexual Behaviors her an ces tral de i ties. The first born in her ited more di vin ity or mana than the sub se quent chil dren, so that a ge ne a log i cal It needs to be noted here that the three Euro-Amer i can line con sisting of all firstborn chil dren had more di vin ity de vel op men tal stages of child hood, ad o les cence, and adult - than oth ers. The amount of divin ity was also syner gistic, so hood may be of lim ited util ity when en coun ter ing non- that a firstborn of par ents of equal divinity possessed more Western peoples. Ado les cence is a fairly re cent Western sacredness than either parent. con struct whose rel e vance and mean ing cross-cul tur ally F. Allan Hanson (1970, 1444-1446) has written on the will vary. For ex ample, Kirkpatrick (1983) notes that the “Rapan The ory of Concep tion.” This anal y sis focuses on the con tem po rary Marquesas is land ers have an ethnotheory Rapanese ethnotheory that con cep tion is most likely to oc cur that en compasses four stages of hu man de vel op ment: in - in the three to four days follow ing menstru a tion when it is be - fancy, childhood, youth, and age. lieved women are most fer tile. In or der to pre vent preg nancy, A. Children Rapanese cou ples ab stain from sex dur ing this three- to four- During the tra di tional times, the Pukapukans, Mangare - day pe ri od. While this prac tice is not an ef fec tive method for vans, and Marquesans per mitted chil dren open sex play lim it ing fam ily size, it can be un der stood as ar tic u lat ing with (Ford & Beach 1953). The cul tural prac tices of Marquesans Rapan the ories of physiology and repro duction. and Pukapukans not only al lowed open sex play among The Rapanese woman, based on Hanson’s survey of chil dren but, as men tioned ear lier, pro vided chil dren clan - 85% of the pop ula tion, has an aver age of 6.3 births and des tine op por tu ni ties to ob serve adult sex ual be hav ior be - raises about five chil dren per woman. This is con sidered cause of the sleep ing ar range ments. Ac cord ing to Ol i ver bur den some by the Rapanese who would like to re duce (1974) on Ta hiti, coital sim u la tion be came ac tual pen e tra - family size to ide ally two to three children. The Rapanese tion as soon as young boys were physi o log i cally able. The say that: Ta hi tians found chil dren’s im i ta tion of cop u la tion hu mor- a fetus is formed when sem en enters the uterus and co - ous. Other ev i dence sug gests that young girls may have alesces with the blood harbored there. The exist ence of engaged in copulation before age 10 (Gregersen 1983). ova ries, Fal lo pian tubes, and ova is not rec ognized. Men - Kirkpatrick’s re search (1983), based on 25 months of stru ation ceases after con ception, be cause all the blood field work in the Marquesas (pri marily on Ua Pou and Ta hiti goes to build ing the fe tus. If con cep tion has not oc curred, dur ing the late 1970s) pro vides much in for mation on the the blood becom es stale after a month, is ex pelled in men - lifecycle, gender identi ties, and the inte gration of tradi - stru a tion and is re placed with a fresh sup ply. The uterus tional pat terns with new cul tural in flu ences. Ac cord ing to 438 Con tin uum Com plete In ter na tion al En cy clo pe dia of Sexuality

John Kirkpatrick, ba bies are mas saged with oils and herbal though Kirkpatrick (1983) found that in the late 1970s, the lo tions to make their skin smooth, and baby girls are given age of superincision was ex panded to in clude 11- to 18- vagi nal astrin gents to make the geni tal area sweet smelling. year-old boys. Fre quently, a boy or group of boys would re - Such treat ments for girls con tinue through pu berty and in - quest that a superincision be performed. clude men strual prep a ra tions as well. The ap pli ca tion of Levy (1973) de scribes Ta hi tian superincision in very fra grant oils, and the con cern with clean li ness and per sonal simi lar terms. Superincision among Ta hitians is part of a hy giene, is tied into a wider Poly ne sian val uing of beauty boy’s entré into taure’are’a (“the time or pe ri od of plea - and the body embed ded in the tra di tional precontact cul - sure”). Levy points out that this precontact pat tern con tin - ture. Suggs (1966, 25) com ments that in tra di tional Mar - ues in modern times be cause of its as soci a tion with Chris - quesan so ci ety, girls may have had their first coital ex pe ri - tian circum ci sion. Peer pres sure, such as teas ing about ence by age 10, and boys were circumcised between 7 and smegma, is the rea son boys gave when asked why they pur - 12 years old. sued superincision. Re in forc ing this is a be lief that super - Ol i ver’s (1981) eth nog ra phy in cludes in-depth dis cus - incision en hances sex ual plea sure. Lin guis tic ev i dence in - sion of in fancy, child hood, and other life-course stages in cludes an in dig e nous term for “skin or gasm,” which de - Ta hiti (see the chap ter on “Passing Through Life,” pp. 342- scribes the unsuperincised male’s or gasm as quick and 400). In this re gard, he notes that chil dren played in mixed- unsatisfying (Levy 1973, 118-119). gen der groups un til 13 or 14 years old. The Ta hi tian at ti - In superincision, the fore skin is cut, var i ous prep a ra - tudes to chil dren play ing at cop ula tion was one of amuse - tions may be ap plied on the wound, and then the pe nis is ex - ment (1981, 366). How ever, as chil dren ap proached the age posed to heat and salt wa ter to heal. Young men will go to of 11, adult pa ren tal at ti tudes shifted in re gard to young fe - rock pools in the sea and ex pose their pe nis to the heat from males but not males. Ol i ver points out that par ents ob jected sun-warmed rocks and then al ter nately bathe in the sea. to girls en gag ing in sex prior to mar riage, an ideal that co ex - When the in ci sion is healed, the boys may re turn to their isted with an open and sex-pos i tive at ti tude. Given Atean daily ac tivi ties and wear shorts. This pattern is simi lar to the and Fatatan flex i ble def i ni tions of mar riage and the co hab i - Ta hi tian reg i men that has changed very lit tle from tra di - ta tion of young peo ple as a kind of trial mar riage, the ideal tional times. A group of boys gets to gether and asks a man of chas tity in veiled-bride wed dings ac counted for only known for his abil ity to op er ate on them. Parents are not told 8.9% of Atean and 22.5% of Fatatan weddings. be fore hand of the boys’ plan to do this. A ra zor blade is now used to cut the skin, fol lowed by bath ing in the sea and ap - B. Adolescents plica tion of herbal medi cines. A fire is made with leaves, In dis cuss ing ad o les cents, it is es pe cially im por tant to and the boys heat the pe nis from the va pors and then avoid ethnocentrism. Ad o les cence is a West ern con struct bandage it (Levy 1973, 118-119). with spe cific age and social concomitants that is of limited Mar shall (1961, see be low) re ports that superincision, use cross-cul tur ally. A more cul tur ally rel e vant ap proach prac ticed among the an cient Ra’ivavaens, in cluded sex u al - for a dis cus sion of Poly ne sian sex u al ity is mar i tal sta tus and ity ed u ca tion by a priest, as well as a train ing compo nent in hierarchy rather than age. which the superincision scab was re moved by cop ula tion with an ex pe ri enced woman. A boy can not be come a man, Rites of Passage even among con tempo rary Ra’ivavaens, with out the super - Puberty rit uals were prac ticed in tradi tional times among incision. While spe cial ists per formed the super incision tra - the Poly ne sians, in clud ing cer e mo nies in which male gen i - di tion ally, any male with knowl edge of the pro ce dure may tals were altered sur gically , and females and males were both do so today . However , tra di tional el e ments per sist in the tat tooed. These rit u als de fined the in di vid ual as hav ing tech nique, as well as in the re moval of the scab through in - reached the age of pro cre ation. Tra di tion ally, superincision, ter course with the older experienced woman (Marshall along with tat too ing, oc curred some time af ter childhood, 1961, 248). but be fore adulthood in the Society Islands. Superincision is a char ac ter is tic Poly ne sian prac tice. Superincision con tin ues to be part of con tem po rary Al though the fore skin is only slit, the out come of ex posing Poly nesian practices among some soci et ies. One of the the boy’s pe nis is the same as in cir cumci sion, ac cord ing to func tions of the superincision is to make the pe nis hy gienic Dav en port (1977, 115-163). Al though Dav en port main - and clean, just as vagi nal astrin gents are used for cleanli - tains that the dra matic ritual aspects of superincision have ness in young girls. This is part of the con tin u ing tra di tional been lost, the gen i tal op er a tion con tin ued at the time of his Poly ne sian cul tural em pha sis on beauty and clean li ness. It writing in 1976 in Polynesia. is believed that clean and sweet-smelling gen itals make one Gener ally speaking, in the Poly nesian area, women were more attrac tive as a partner (Kirkpatrick 1983). not rig idly iso lated when men stru at ing as in Mel a ne sian However , the pu berty cer e monies were and continue to groups. Like fe male pu berty rit uals through out the world, the be much more than male geni tal sur gery. They are markers Marquesan girl’s rite of pas sage is more con tin uous and less of a pro cess of social-i den tity trans for mation as the youth dra matic than the boys. Re pro duc tion readi ness was rec og - ap proaches com pe tence and adult hood. Kirkpatrick (1987) nized by the growth of pu bic hair. Kirkpatrick (1983) notes discusses Marquesan superincision as a “free ing or en - that if a menstru at ing female climbs a breadfruit tree, it is be - abling event. It re sults in emer gence into the world, rather lieved that the fruit will have blotched skin. In the Old So ci ety than the in cor po ra tion of the sub ject into a new group or sta - Islands, there was no rit ual around men stru a tion, al though at tus” (1987, 389). Young Marquesan males take pride in be - puberty , girls did re ceive tat toos on the but tocks. Men struat - ing superincised for these rea sons. Addi tion ally, it is not ing women were not to en ter gar dens or touch plants. Levy con sidered proper for an unsuperincised male to have in ter - re ports in his early 1960s re search that some tra di tional be - course. In the Old Soci ety Islands, Ol i ver (1974) notes that liefs per sist re gard ing men stru a tion among Ta hi tians. Ap par - sex was al lowed prior to the comple tion of the tattooing or ently, young women who were menustrating were told to superincision. avoid get ting chilled or eat ing cold foods, as this could re sult The superincision was tra di tion ally done in the Mar - in ma’i fa’a’i (the filled sick ness). It is believed that if a girl quesas by a lo cal in dig e nous special ist. In the Old Mar - does not men stru ate, and/or if she re mains a vir gin, the blood quesas, the superincision was per formed af ter pu berty, al - will fill her body and head and make her crazy, also leading French Polynesia: Interpersonal Heterosexual Behaviors 439 to ma’i fa’a’i. One act of inter cours e was believed necessary relationships” through cohabitation with one or more part - to ensure good menstruation (Levy 1973, 124-126). ners serially (Elliston 1996). Ac cord ing to Kirkpatrick (1983), peers are very impor - Premarital Sexual Activities and Relationships tant for the Marquesan youth, es pe cially the find ing of a Among tra di tional French Poly ne sian so ci et ies, and for con fi dant with whom one can share se crets, in clud ing sex - Poly nesia gener ally , there were two standards for premar i - ual ones. Of ap par ent equal in ter est is the es tab lish ment of tal sex that var ied by sta tus and rank, ac cord ing to Dav en - hetero sex u al re la tion ships. These sex ual li ai sons must re - port (1976). For ex ample, among the Ta hi tians, first born main se cret be cause of the rigid Chris tian sex ual pro hi bi - daugh ters in lin eages of firstborns were very sa cred. As a tion against pre mari tal sex. For ex ample, if pregnancy were con se quence, their virgin ity was val ued and pro tected until to oc cur, the girl would be ei ther forced into mar riage or her a mar riage with a part ner of suit ably high sta tus was ar - re la tion ship would be ended, al though this is not true of Ta - ranged. Among these elite daugh ters, vir gin ity was demon - hiti or other areas of French Poly nesia. Peer rela tions are not strated, for ex ample, by the dis play of a stained white bark sev ered with mar riage, al though one’s be hav ior is ex pected cloth fol lowing co itus. Sub se quent to the birth of their first - to mature. Sex ual gos sip is con sidered nor mal for youths born child, fe males of high rank were per mitted to es tab lish but not for adults. There is some ex pec ta tion of a dou ble ex tra mar i tal li ai sons. On Pukapuka, ac cord ing to Mar shall stand ard for youth ful males and fe males. Youth ful fe males Sahlins (1967), the chief kept a sacred virgin in his retinue are expected to act more coy than their male counter parts. In as a symbol of his spiritual power. the Marquesas of the late 1970s, males were the sexual initi - Among the Margarevans and Marquesans, the only ap - a tors, while it was con sidered in ap pro pri ate for girls to take par ent re strictions on ad o lescent sex u ality were in cest, ex- the lead. However, it is a cultural value that both partners ogamy reg u la tions, and/or the up per-class sta tus of cer tain should desire and enjoy sex. fe males. Pre mar i tal vir gin ity was re quired for a chief’s Levy also re ports on the taure’are’a pe ri od among rural daugh ters but not for other youths. This pat tern, ac cord ing Ta hi tians. Taure’are’a for Ta hi tians dur ing the 1960s was to Kirkpatrick (1983), con tin ues even to day, where con - very simi lar to that de scribed for the Marquesans. For girls, cern for rules of ex ogamy and re lat ed ness still per sist taure’are’a sta tus con verged with men stru a tion and the de - among Marquesans. How ever, Marquesan youths may not vel op ment of sec ond ary sex ual char ac ter is tics. Ac cord ing be aware of their degree of relat ed ness to a poten tial part- to Levy, the girls’ taure’are’a peri od is less distinc tive than ner when they be gin a re la tion ship, a source of concern to the boys in terms of role con trast with child hood norms their elders. (Levy 1973, 117-122). For boys, taure’are’a sta tus does not Mar shall’s study of Ra’ivavae (1961), based on re ports be gin with superincision, but oc curs grad ually over the next from the ar chives of eth nogra pher J. Frank Stimson, his year or two following it. own ethnographic re search with el derly con sultants, ar che - In Piri (a pseud onym), Levy notes that most youngsters o log i cal, and lin guis tic anal y sis, pres ents a pic ture of a had sex ual in ter course be tween 13 and 16 years of age. Vir - highly eroticized Ta hi tian cul ture that has been largely dis - gin ity was re garded as un usual for taure’are’a males and fe- man tled by co lo nial ism and Christianity. males, al though shift ing de mo graph ics, with the mi gra tion The clito ris, among ancient Ra’ivavaens, received a of taure’are’a girls to Papeete, seems to be hav ing an im - great deal of cultural atten tion. Marshall reports that the cli - pact on the prev a lence of vir gin ity. At the time of Levy’s re - to ris was elon gated by the child’s mother through oral tech - search (1962-1964), the taure’are’a male was the initi a tor niques as well as ty ing it with an hi biscus cord. An elon - in terms of making the ar range ments for a sex ual en coun ter gated cli to ris was con sidered a mark of beauty. Ac cord ing (Levy 1973, 122-124). to Mar shall’s re search, the king would in spect a girl’s cli to - Douglas Ol i ver’s Two Ta hi tian Vil lages (1981), his tor i - ris to see if it was suf ficiently elongated for her to marry. cally sit u ated in 1954-1955, of fers a de tailed enthnography The girls who were ready for marriage would dis play their of social life, life stages, sex ual be hav ior, court ship, mar - gen i tal at trib utes at a sa cred ma rae (Mar shall 1961, 272- riage, and re la tion ships in two rural vil lages on Huahine and 273). Both cunnilingus and fel la tio were prac ticed among Mo’orea. Ol i ver’s male Ta hi tian con sul tants be gan hav ing tra di tional Marquesan youth and adults (Gregersen 1994, in ter course be tween the ages of 12 and 15 years old. Ac - 272; Mar shall 1961). Suggs (1966, 71-73) de scribes con - cord ing to Ol i ver, the stand ard po sition was male on top. tempo rary Marquesan sex as in clud ing vir tu ally no fore - Male foreplay , which typ ically lasted from five min utes to play and lasting five or less minutes. half an hour, in cluded: “breast fon dling and kiss ing, clitoral For the in dig e nous pop u la tion of French Poly ne sia, the ma nip u la tion, and cunnilingus; mu tual or gasms were ex - taure’are’a peri od in the lifecycle is demar cated as a special pected and . . . nearly always achieved” (1981, 274). sta tus. Taure’are’a is part of a tradi tional pattern that con- Night crawling/creep ing is a tradi tional practice that tin ues to day pri marily in ru ral ar eas. In the Marquesas, ad o - con tin ues even to day in var i ous forms throughout Poly ne - lescence includes a cat egory known as taure’are’a that op - sia. It is known as moe totolo among Samo ans and motoro er ates as a tran si tional pe ri od be tween child hood, to’iki among Mangaians and Ta hi tians. There is some con tro - (kid), and adult hood ’enana motua (par ent per son). Kirk - versy among an thro pol o gists as to the func tion and mean - patrick de scribes it as “er rant youth” (1987, 383-385). ing of this in sti tu tion. Ol i ver (1989) re gards night crawl ing/ Taure’are’a are charac ter ized by their sexual adven tures creep ing as re sult ing from sleep ing ar range ments in which and same-gen der peer ori en ta tion. Taure’are’a are known family members shared the same sleeping quarters. It seems for brief sex ual li ai sons in contrast to adult sex u al ity, which to be em bed ded in the taure’are’a pat tern for adventure by is inte grated within the larger context of domes tic ity. As a both females and males. peri od in the lifecycle, taure’are’a is charac ter ized by its Night crawl ing is char ac ter ized by the ef forts of a young plea sure-seek ing goal and is looked back upon fondly by man to sneak into the house of a sleep ing young woman and adults (Kirkpatrick 1987, 387). Taure’are’a is regarded as a cop ulate with her with out her par ents find ing out. Ap par - tempo rary sta tus that grad ually evolves into adult hood. It is ently, this could be ac complished ei ther with col lu sion from one in which brief sexual encoun ters are replaced by rela - the young fe male or with out her prior con sent. In the lat ter tions and co hab i ta tion with their part ners (Levy 1973, 123). case, the belief was that the suitor would pene trate the It has also been ar gued that taure’are’a is a time of “testing young female while she was asleep; and, if she awoke, she 440 Con tin uum Com plete In ter na tion al En cy clo pe dia of Sexuality would en joy it so much she would not want to scream and di vided into sects, lo cated through out the So ci ety Islands, alert her par ents. Ol i ver (1989) of fers a dif fer ent ex pla na - who trav eled within the ar chi pel ago as sing ers, danc ers, tion, sug gest ing that the par ents may have abet ted the sit ua - ath letes, and sex ual ex hi bi tion ists. Erot i cism per vaded the tion if their daugh ter was with out suit ors by making ar - Ta hi tian songs and dances of the arioi en ter tain ers. The range ments for a young man to sneak into their home, and arioi mem bers were allowed free sexual expres sion on their then de lib er ately catch ing the cou ple and forc ing them to jour neys, but they were not al lowed to marry or have chil - get mar ried. Levy re ported that motoro con tin ued among dren. This or ga ni za tion was em bed ded with re li gious mean - Ta hitians in Piri at the time of his research, but that the ing and has been inter preted as a fertil ity cult. The arioi pattern was on the decline (1973, 123). prac ticed abor tion and in fan ti cide, be cause hav ing chil dren was not per mitted for the mem ber. Should an arioi become C. Adults a par ent, he or she was humil i ated and their par tic i pa tion in Cohabitation, Marriage, Family, and Sex the cult lim ited. The arioi were well known for their sex ual Adult in ter per son al hetero sex u al be hav iors, like other pur suits with one an other and with noncult members en - aspects of French Poly nesian sexu al ity , must be placed coun tered on their jour neys. Members were se lected on the within its cul tural con text. Ol i ver (1974, 1981, 1989) has re - ba sis of physical beauty and talent that transcended chiefly ported that the tra ditional Ta hitians, both premaritally and boundaries to include commoners as well. mar i tally, ex pe ri enced sex u al ity with great joy and gusto, Sex and eroti cism were made publi c in other ways as and that this value was ex pressed in the wider cul ture well. Linton’ s 1939 re port of the Marquesans re vealed that through styles of in ter ac tion and ver bal ban ter, re li gion, en - na ked danc ing, along with pub li c group cop u la tion, was tertain ments , my thology , and so on. This ties in with Wil - practiced as part of feasting and festi vals as a pre-Christian liam Dav en port’s anal y sis of the “erotic codes” of Poly ne - tra di tional pat tern. Lin ton dis closed that women would sia, de fined as those symbolic as pects of cul ture that “both pride them selves on the num ber of men they had sex with. arouse sex ual ity and en hance its ex pres sion” (1977, 127). In an cient times, Pukapukans of the Tuamotu Archi pel ago Dav en port’s 1977 essay on “Sex in Cross-Cultural Per spec - would reserve places called ati, where men and women tive” is very useful in summa riz ing this cultural framework could go for sex par ties. These were or ga nized by a per son and describing intracultural variations. who also acted as a guard, to pre vent con flict by an gry ex- Mar riage was tra di tion ally re stricted be tween in di vid u- lov ers and husbands (Gregerson 1983). als by sta tus in the chiefly struc ture and lineage. Upper One of Mar shall’s (1961, 273) Ra’ivavaen con sultants ranks were not per mitted to marry lower ranks. For mal mar- con tended that, in tra di tional times, publi c sex fol lowed riages were rele gated to the upper and perhaps middle eche - men’s prayers in the sa cred tem ples. Ac cord ing to this par - lons (Oli ver 1989b). Al though cou ples of dis pa rate sta tus tic u lar con sult ant, var i ous po si tions were used, cunnilingus were not usu ally per mitted to marry, they could co habit, al - was practiced, and “sperm was smeared upon the face and though they were dis suaded from hav ing chil dren (Ol i ver in the hair as a kind of mono’i’ (co co nut oil)” (Mar shall 1974). Di vorce was tra di tion ally han dled flex i bly with the 1961, 273; Ellis ton 1996). Cer e mo nial cop u la tion was in te - cou ple re turn ing to her or his own fam ily. They were then grated within the spir i tual ethos, which, ac cord ing to Mar - free to remarr y. There was no for mal legal divorce in shall, was satu rated with eroti cism as a central theme. The premodern Polynesia, according to Weckler (1943). erotic was related to fertility, reproduction, and the sacred. Beauty and sex were closely linked in Poly ne sia, al - Poly ne sian so ci et ies have been dis tin guished by a po si- though in Old Ta hiti it was most pro nounced. In Ta hiti, be - tion for co itus at vari ance from the West ern “mission ary ” cause large size was a sym bol of beauty, higher-ranked boys po sition, as the Poly ne sians ref er to the male-prone-above- and girls were se cluded, over fed, and pre vented from ex er - prone-fe male po si tion. Ac cord ing to Ol i ver (1989b), the cise so that they could put on weight. Sub se quently, they “Oce anic po si tion” was tra di tion ally far more pop u lar than were dis played in all their pale and fat beauty so as to attract the mission ary posi tion. The “Oceanic po sition” is one in a po ten tial spouse. Ac cord ing to Ford and Beach (1951), which the cou ple sat fac ing each other. Other po sitions in - Pukapukans also liked plump builds on men and women. cluded the man squat ting or kneel ing be tween the woman’s Appar ently , the Tahi tian’ s value on beauty was reit er ated in legs and pull ing her to ward him, ly ing side-by-side fac ing the be lief that a baby could have sev eral bi o log i cal fa thers one an other, or with the woman’s back to the man’s front. In who would con trib ute their re spec tive physi cal traits. Since the Marquesas, a sit ting po sition was re ported where the ex tra mar i tal, as well as pre mar i tal sex was ac cepted, woman sat astride the man’s lap or as sumed a side-to-side women would select at trac tive and ath letic young men as ly ing po sition. A va ri ety of sex ual po sitions were used, al - sex ual part ners. In the tra di tional Marquesas, Ford and though the woman on top seems to have been the more- Beach (1951) noted that elon gated la bia majora were con - prev a lent po si tion re lated to the gen er al ized Poly ne sian sidered at trac tive. Levy has un cov ered an ethnotheory of con cern for the sexual plea sure of women. The most com- re la tion ships that sug gests cou ples must have a physi cal mon posi tion taken to day seems to be the mis sionary posi - compat i bil ity . This is in contrast to one-night trysts in tion, which is undoubtedly a result of Christian missionary which one person may be as good as another (1973, 129). efforts (Gregersen 1983). In the mid-1950s Aeta and Fatata, Tahi tian attrac tive - Delayed ejacu lation for the man was consid ered a val- ness norms favored physi cal types that were nei ther too thin ued exper tise in Old Poly nesia because it facil i tated the fe- nor too fat. Aside from the veiled-bride wed dings in which male partner ’s pleasure. Multi ple or gasms were valued by chas tity, or at least ev i dence of strong pa ren tal con trol over both part ners in tra di tional Poly ne sia as well. Al though the daugh ter’s so cial be hav ior, was a pre req ui site, pre vious there was a lesser empha sis on foreplay and more concern sex ual ex pe ri ence was not un ex pected (Ol i ver 1981, 291- with in ter course, the Marquesans were known for prac tic - 292). See be low for Ol i ver’s (1981) typology of Tahitian ing cunnilingus and fel la tio. Co itus in ter rup tus was also re - weddings. ported among the Marquesans. Ac cord ing to Ford and The sex ual prac tices of in dig e nous French Poly ne sians Beach (1951), the Pukapukans had no pref er ence for sex in clude cul tural-re li gious in sti tu tions. Gregersen’s (1983) dur ing the day or at night; each was just as likely. review of Oceanic sexual practices makes note of the arioi Kissing among Poly ne sians is a West ern cus tom. The cult. This was an or ga ni za tion of Ta hi tian men and women tra di tional Ta hi tian/Poly ne sian kiss (ho’i) con sisted of mu- French Polynesia: Interpersonal Heterosexual Behaviors 441 tual sniff ing and rub bing of noses on the face. Ac cord ing to du ties, al though as members of elite house holds, they had Levy (1973, 128), priv i leges as so ci ated with the ar is toc racy (Goldman 1970, 142). Ac cord ing to Thomas’s 1987 re view of gen der in the kiss ing on the mouth is still con sid ered a mild per ver sion. Marquesas, poly an dry is better un der stood as part of do - Con tem po rary Ta hi tian fore play ac cord ing to youn ger mes tic re la tions rather than con ju gal re la tions per se. How - male Pirians in cludes: “kiss ing, fon dling the woman’s ever, Goldman as serts that an un equal sex ra tio of 2.5 men breasts, and oc casion ally cunnilingus.” Fella tio was con- to one woman may ac count for the pat tern (1970, 142). sid ered a prac tice of “bad girls” in Papeete. (Levy 1973, Common ers prac ticed cohabitation rather than the formal - 123) ized marriages of the privileged classes. In ter course among Pirian youth con tin ues the tra di - The Marquesans tra di tion ally en gaged in a rit ual in tional pattern that em phasizes the female or gasm. A man is which the hus band was re quired to have in ter course with humil i ated by not bring ing his part ner to or gasm. The role his wife al most im me di ate ly af ter child birth. Fol low ing ex- of the clito ris in women’s pleasure, as in tradi tional times, pul sion of the af ter birth, the wife would bathe in a stream. It still is part of people’ s sexual knowledge. In Piri, it is re- was be lieved that in ter course should then oc cur while the ferred to as teo. Lin guistic ev i dence pro vided by the term wife was in the stream in order to stifle the flow of the ’ami’ami suggests a precontact fo cus on erot i cism. It is con - bleeding. sidered a unique ca pa bil ity of some women who can con- In con tem po rary French Poly ne sia, mar riage is le git i- tract and re lax the vagi nal muscles dur ing co itus (Levy mized by the Church al though most people are not for mally 1973, 128). Ellis ton (1996) notes that Sahlins makes ref er - married. The Protestant Marquesans must be mar ried before ence to the Hawai ian term ’amo’amo in Islands of History , member ship in the Church is granted. The tran sition from the writing: “Girls were taught the ’amo’amo[,] the ‘wink- secret liai son to marriage signals a dramatic change from wink’ of the vulva, and the other techniques that ‘make the youth to adult hood (Kirkpatrick 1983). On Ra’ivavae, Mar - thighs rejoice’” (p. 10). shall found that of 31 marriages, 29 couples had co hab ited Survey s on the fre quen cies of sex for tra di tional in dig e - (1961, 275). This con tin ues the tra di tional pat tern of pre mar- nous French Poly ne sians at var i ous points in his tory are ital sex despite a Christian overlay. sparse, al though qual i ta tive re ports found in the ethnogra - Nonlegalized adop tion, a common pattern through out phic liter a ture are available for some of this area. Suggs’s Poly ne sia, must be in ter preted in the con text of the social 1956-1958 study, Marquesan Sex ual Be hav ior (1966), com - or ga ni za tion of the family . Kirkpatrick (1983) has noted bines qual i ta tive and quan ti ta tive data. Fre quen cies for that the tra di tional Marquesans had a pat tern of large multi - Marquesan ado les cents are sometimes said to be more than couple house holds that in cluded not only ex tended fam i - ten times in a sin gle night. This may be com pared to fre - lies, but also oth ers not closely re lated. Such house holds quen cies for older mar ried cou ples that are re ported of from may have been indic a tive of wealth. This pat tern would also five times a night to two to three times a week. Questions of in clude chil dren whose bi o log i cal par ents were un able to ac cu racy and bias must be con sidered in eval uat ing this raise them for a va ri ety of rea sons. Although this kind of data. Levy’s Pirian male con sultants re ported that sex oc - adop tion or fosterage is not le gal in co lo nial French Poly ne - curred daily in the first year or two of a steady re la tion ship, sia, it is socially insti tuted and infor mally prac ticed. It rep- but dropped to about one to three times a week, de clin ing af - re sents an old and more wide spread Poly ne sian pat tern of ter several years to once every two or three weeks or once a fluid adop tion that may in clude close kin, more-distant kin, month. A sex-posi tive at ti tude is ev i dent as there is no in di - and even those not directly related. ca tion of sanc tion ing of sex among the el derly. Sex con tin - The trend in the Marquesas in the late 1970s was to ward ues up to two to three weeks prior to childbirth and is re - nu clear con ju gal fam ily dwell ings. This rep re sents the in - sumed in one to two months. However, sex is prohibited fluence of Cathol i cism as well as broader Western trends. during menstruation (Levy 1973, 125-126). However , the tra di tional pat tern of fos ter par ents and ca sual Data on con tem po rary sex u al ity in French Poly ne sia are adop tion still contin ues to day. Kirkpatrick (1983) found not abun dant. A sex ual sur vey was con sidered in Ta hiti un - that on Ua Pou, 19% of the in di vid u als in the house holds der Le Di rec tion de la Santé Publique in 1993, but had not were un re lated to the house hold head. Ta hi tians have a sim- been ini ti ated as of early 1997. Spiegel and col leagues i lar pat tern of fosterage. Levy re ports that 25% of the Ta hi - (1991) have pro vided re cent sex ual data col lected be tween tian chil dren were not re siding with their bi olog i cal par ents Oc to ber and De cem ber 1990 on 74 sex u ally ac tive women at the time of his research (1973, 474-483). be tween the ages of 18 and 44 who were work ing in bars or Poly ne sian childrearing pat terns have con tin ued to per - nightclubs. It must be noted that this sample is not at all rep - sist de spite the so cial disrup tion caused by ex ploi ta tion, re sentative of the pop u la tion at large. The me dian number missionization, and co lo nial ism. The Ritchies (1983) have of sex ual part ners among this group was 3 (range 1 to 200), iden ti fied sev eral com mon themes de lin eat ing tra di tional and the me dian number of sex ual en coun ters was 104 Poly ne sian childrearing. Among these are fosterage and (range 12 to 1,095). This seg ment of the pop ula tion is im - adop tion as part of a wider pat tern of com munity in vest ment por tant be cause of their risk for contacting and spreading in chil dren. Be cause the com mu nity was tra di tion ally com- sexually transmitted diseases. posed of lin eages of re lated people, parenting was a col lec - Mar riage pat terns in tra di tional French Poly ne sia in- tive en deavor, un like that in the West where it is ex clu sive to cluded mo nogamy , se rial mo nog amy, polygyny, and poly - the nu clear family . Howard and Kirkpatrick note that adop - an dry. For ex ample, Ol i ver (1974) ob serves that elite chiefs tion con tin ues to day to func tion as a mech a nism to foster re - were re quired to en gage in mo nogamy ; lower male chiefs la tionships between fam ilies at the com munity level and to could have two to three wives, al though only one wife’s create alli ances at a more macro level (1989, 87). There are chil dren could in herit ti tles and prop erty. The mid dle and eco nomic and eco log i cal im pli ca tions as well. Adop tion of lower classes of Ta hiti were known to have been polygy - children may help a family with domes tic la bor since chil- nous. The Marquesas were known for poly an dry. An elite dren have cer tain tasks to do. As they mature, they be come woman’s household might in clude a pri mary as well as sec - im por tant eco nomic con tri bu tors for a house hold. Adop tion ond ary hus bands (pekio). The sec ond ary husbands were is also “a pow er ful adap tive mech a nism for eq ui ta bly dis trib - subor di nate to the pri mary husband and per formed menial ut ing peo ple rel a tive to re sources, in clud ing land, in island 442 Con tin uum Com plete In ter na tion al En cy clo pe dia of Sexuality en vi ron ments” (Howard & Kirkpatrick 1989). In ad di tion, tu nity, would be likely to do (1981, 317). While church pas - early in dul gence of in fants was fol lowed by an ex pec ta tion tors in both vil lages de clared adul tery as a sin and cause for of au ton omy for chil dren be gin ning around 2 to 3 years of explusion, the Tahi tian atti tude was more relaxed, reflect - age. Peer social iza tion be gan with sib ling care and re sponsi - ing a dou ble stand ard of greater tol er ance of male adultery bil ity for younger siblings, and included larger community FrenchBisexualthan female Polynesia: Beha (p. viors334). Homoerotic, Homosexual, and groups of peers who spanned a broad age range from 2 to 20 years old. 6. Homoerotic, Homosexual, and Bisexual Behaviors Extramarital Sex Extra mar i tal sex was also part of precolonial French A. Children and Adolescents Some Ta hi tian up per-class men, ac cord ing to Douglas Poly nesian cul tures. The Pukapukans cele brated a success - Ol i ver, kept boys in their house hold for sex, al though this ful fish ing ex pe di tion with ex tra mar i tal sex. Ap par ently, was not a wide spread prac tice. Suggs (1966, 24) states that women would initi ate sex ual jok ing as the men re turned homo sex u al ex pe ri ences among boys, and pos si bly girls, with their catch. This was followed by trysts in the bush. were com mon among Marquesan adolescents. Both sin gle and mar ried peo ple par tic i pated in these ex tra - mar i tal op por tu ni ties with no op po si tion from their spouse, B. Adults pro vided they re spected class and in cest pro hi bi tions (Ol i - Since first co lo nial con tact, the in dig e nous peo ples of ver 1989b). Among the Ta hi tians, re stric tions on sex ual ity Poly ne sia have been en gaged in cul ture change and trans - occurred for upper -class women, sometimes before as well for ma tion. In dig e nous sys tems of homo sex u al op tions may as af ter mar riage, al though men and women of common sta- be in flu enced, or even re in vig o rated, by the ad vent of West - tus were free to participate in extramarital sex (Oliver ern homosex u al iden ti ties. For French Poly ne sia, it is nec - 1989b; Davenport 1977). es sary to point to this complex ity in or der to un der stand There were, therefore, two standards in ef fect for tradi - homo sex u ali ty/bi sex u al ity from a cul tural per spec tive that tional Ta hi tians—one for com moners and oth ers, and one for is not a Western-based psychological model. the very elite. First born chil dren, in ge ne a log i cal lines of There were two forms of homosex u al be hav ior in an - firstborns, were re garded as very high rank ing and sa cred. cient Ta hiti. Some Ta hitian ari’i men, ac cord ing to Ol i ver Pu rity of the ge ne a log i cal line was im por tant and con trolled (1989), kept boys in their house hold for sex. The other con - through rules against pre mar i tal and ex tra mar i tal sex un til, at text for homo sex u al ex pres sion was as so ci ated with the least, the woman gave birth to a suc ces sor. Then, she was mahu status. The mahu was a transvestic tradi tion that in- per mit ted ex tra mar i tal free dom. For ex am ple, Douglas Ol i- cluded homo sex u al prac tices with nontransvestic males. It ver notes that married ari’i women were noto ri ously pro mis- is impor tant to note that since the mahu is a transgendered cu ous (per sonal com mu ni ca tion with Ol i ver 1994). Elite cat e gory, the term homo sex u al is not re ally an ap pro pri ate women were known to sepa rate from their hus bands and to descriptor for mahu sex u al ity. Swal low ing se men was be - es tab lish their own res i dence and have lov ers (Ol i ver 1974). lieved by Ta hi tians to fos ter mas cu line vigor (Gregersen Men and women of common status faced no restrictions on 1994, 274). The in dig e nous pat tern of the mahu is not an extramarital sex (Davenport 1976, Oliver 1989). equiv a lent to West ern subcultural homo sex u ali ty or West - On Ta hiti, ac cord ing to Sahlins (1976), a male chief who ern trans ves tism, but was an in te grated part of the wider Ta - pro duced an il le git i mate heir prac ticed in fan ti cide un less hi tian cul ture. The homo sex u al as pects of the mahu status measures were taken to alter the status of the mother to be were not its most signif i cant features, but rather it was the equal to that of the chief. On Mangareva, the chief’s power cross-gendered as pects of dress and be hav iors that identi - was such that the rule of pro hi bi tion against marriage to a fied one as a mahu. The mahu is re ported through out Poly - first cousin was often disregarded. ne sia and was found among the Marquesans, where it was Ex tra mar i tal sex was also in sti tu tion al ized in the So ci- very simi lar to the Ta hitian form, ac cording to Oli ver ety Islands in terms of sexual hospi tal ity. Male taio par tic i- (1989). Ferdon (1981) found ev i dence that the mahu be gan pated in a form of formal friend ship re la tions where sex ual dressing in women’s attire while very young. (See Section 7 inter cours e was permit ted with one’s married taio‘s wife. on gender diversity for further discussion.) Taio of the op posite sex were not per mitted in ter course be - Data on West ern-type homo sex u ali ty in con tem po rary cause their re la tion ship was a social siblinghood and pre - French Poly ne sia is sparse. Chanteau et al. (1986) dis tin - vented by the in cest ta boo (Ol i ver 1974; Ferdon 1981). Sex - guish the pres ence of a male homosex u al com munity of ual hos pital ity is re garded by some research ers as a wide- Poly ne sian men that fre quented ho tels, bars, res tau rants, spread Polynesian pattern (Gregerson 1983). and night clubs of Ta hiti (pre sumably in Papeete). This pop - Among the Pukapukans, adul tery was be lieved to cause u la tion was con sidered at high risk for LAV/HTLV-III in - de layed de liv ery, and women in such sit ua tions were ex - fec tion by Chanteau et al. who con ducted a serological sur - pected to con fess (Gregersen 1983, 255). Kirkpatrick (1983) vey. (See dis cus sion on HIV/AIDS below in Sec tion 10.) did not find ex tra mari tal affairs prac ticed on Ua Pou, al - The pop u la tion re cruited for the serological survey con - though Suggs (1966) re ported that ex tra mari tal affairs were sisted of 50 trans ves tite homo sex u als known as raerae. common in the Marquesas dur ing his sojourn there. How- Forty per cent of this popu la tion had only one part ner and ever, ac cord ing to Goldman (1970, 585) precontact adul tery fre quency of in ter course was once a week. Eighty-five per - could have dire con se quences, re sult ing in murder by jeal ous cent of this group had in ter course only once a month. Some husbands and pos sible sui cide by the wife of an adul ter ous of this pop ula tion had had plas tic sur gery and fe male hor - husband. Suggs (1966, 119-120) re veals that at the time of mone therapy . It is dif ficult from this report to as sess the his re search, al though adul tery was con demned, it still oc - char ac ter of this population, since there are a number of curred. How ever, it caused jeal ousy and hard feelings among possible gendered identities. both sexes if found out. Spiegel and col leagues (1991) col lected data from 156 Although adul tery was the pri mary cause of break ups male homosex uals aged 13 to 54 be tween Oc to ber and De - and di vorce in Aeta and Fatata in the mid-1950s, it was not cem ber 1990. The an nual me dian number of sex ual part ners rea son enough by it self. Ol i ver’s Ta hi tian con sul tants re - was 9.5 (range 1 to 600) and the me dian number of sex ual en - garded adul tery as something any Ta hi tian, given an op por - coun ters was 156 (range 2 to 5,810). Of this pop ula tion, French Polynesia: Homoerotic, Homosexual, and Bisexual Behaviors 443

56.4% were transves tites. Un for tu nately, it is not pos sible to ety. Ac cord ing to Kirkpatrick (1983), the Ua Pou Mar- place the transves tites in the cultural milieu, as sam pling in- quesans note that there are no mahu in their area today be - for mation was not pro vided by the re search ers. Nor is it pos - cause the mahu have mi grated to Ta hiti. Kirkpatrick de - sible to deter mine the social identity of the trans vestites in scribes the mahu as an am big uous or disvalued sta tus. The terms of the mahu, West ern gay trans vestism, a modern syn- Marquesans also have a more recently in troduced term, thesis of both patterns, or some other identity (Williams raerae, which is used in ter change ably with mahu. The 1986, 255-258). These trans ves tites are employ ed in bars, Marquesan mahu are not con sidered women, but rather men ho tels, and night clubs. Ap par ently a raerae subcultural ex - who want to act as women. The sig nif i cant at trib utes for the pres sion is found in the Miss Tane and Miss Male beauty Marquesan gen der par a digm in terms of mahu status relate con tests. It should be noted here that the West ern term trans- to oc cu pa tion and ap pro pri ate peer re la tions, rather than ves tite is not re ally ap pro pri ate in de scrib ing the com plex ity homo sex u al be hav ior per se. of transgendered identities and homosexualities of French Kirkpatrick (1983) re ports on the Marquesan vehine Polynesia. mako, or shark woman, which is a gender -vari ant iden tity Levy also re cords the in tro duc tion of the term raerae to for females . Unlike the mahu, the vehine mako is not based ref er to homo sex u al and les bian be hav ior. While Pirians on re la tional or oc cu pa tional cri te ria. In stead, the shark main tained les bian be hav ior (oral and mu tual mas tur ba - woman is char ac ter ized by an ag gres sive and vig or ous sex- tion) did not oc cur on Piri, it was be lieved common in u al ity. The de fin ing fea ture of vehine mako woman is that Papeete in the bar scene. It was not con sidered part of a les- she is a sexual initi a tor, an ac tivity defined as mascu line. bian ori en ta tion but rather con text-spe cific. Women who Thus, both the mahu and vehine mako are defined in terms en gaged in lesbian en coun ters were not stig matized, ac - of the re ver sal of gen der-role at trib utes. How ever, vehine cord ing to Levy (1973, 139-141), but more-re cent re search mako is not a fe male equiv a lent of the mahu, or rec og nized indi cates that lesbian lifestyles are problematic in Tahiti as a form of fe male homosex u ali ty. Levy re gards the in sti tu - FrenchIssues(Elliston Polynesia: 1996). Gender Diversity and Transgender tion of the mahu as a bound ary-main te nance mech a nism that identi fies the lim its of what is consid ered conven tional male and female gen der behav ior , i.e., mascu lin ity and fem- 7. Gender Diversity and inin ity . Whether this applies to the vehine mako must be Transgender Issues determined by further research. In dis cuss ing transgendered in di vid u als among in di ge - [Up date 2002: In the text above writ ten in 1996, I raised a nous pop u la tions, West ern-based ter mi nol ogy, such as cau tion ary note con cern ing the use of “Gen der Con flicted “trans sexualism” or gen der dysphoria, are in ap pro pri ate, Per sons” as a subhead ing, which was used then for this sec - since they ref er to 20th-cen tury West ern psy chi at ri cally tion, be cause of its ethnocentric bias. That cau tion is even de rived cat e go ries. The ex pres sion of cross-gen der or more impor tant in light of the emer gence of intersexed and trans gender roles needs to be un der stood in the socio - transgendered per sons in North America and Europe dur ing cultural con text and not viewed from the West ern per spec - the 1990s. It is even more impor tant to day that re search ers tive as “de vi ant” be hav ior. Levy (1971, 1973) has pro - avoid bi ased and ethno centric wording that is rooted in the vided some of the most signif i cant re search on this sub ject Greco-Ro man philo soph i cal du al ism of male and fe male in his study of the mahu of Ta hiti. The mahu was a gen ders/sexes. The con cept of “gen der con flicted” is in ter - transgendered role for males who dressed and took on the twined with West ern med i cal/psy chi at ric de rived cat e go ries so cial and oc cu pa tional roles of Ta hi tian women in clud ing whose ap pli ca bil ity in the cross-cul tural re cord re mains to be ta boos and re stric tions. Ac cord ing to Levy, the mahu tradi - de ter mined. I have sug gested sub sti tut ing the terms “gender tion has con tin ued from precontact times, al though at trib - di ver sity” or “gen der vari ance” gen er ally, and the in dig e - utes of the sta tus have changed somewhat, so that to day the nous terms specif i cally, fol lowing Sue El len Jacobs rec om- mahu no lon ger cross-dresses, but still en gages in work men da tion for re plac ing the term Berdache with “two spirit” that is con sidered tra di tion ally fe male, such as house hold in ref er ence to Na tive Amer i can gen der di ver sity (1994, 7). ac tiv i ties. Levy con sid ers the mahu a role vari ant for men. The trend among anthro polog i cal re search ers is to use less An in ter est ing pa ram e ter of the mahu in rural Ta hiti is that “cul ture-bound” terminology and to seek to understand gen - a man can be “mahu-ish” with out be ing mahu. Mahu are der vari ance within the extant gender paradigm. re garded as be ing “nat ural,” yet one does not have to re - [In the orig i nal text above, I re ported on Rob ert Levy’s main mahu through out the life course. There is a con cep - (1971, 1973) sub stan tial re search on the Ta hi tian mahu. tion of ef fem i nacy as so ci ated with mahu. Mahu are not Levy con sid ered the mahu a role vari ant for men, which op - stigma tized nor are their heterosex u al male partners. Ac - erated as a nega tive identity for Tahi tians in a soci ety where cord ing to Levy, “a mahu is seen as a substi tute female” there was little gender dis parity in roles. The mahu, ac cord- (1973, 34). In Piri, the mahu are not be lieved to practice ing to Levy’s inter pre ta tion, serves as a clear model of what sodomy, but are fellators of other men. not to be. Al though this re search and ar gument are com pel - As men tioned pre vi ously, this in sti tu tion was wide - ling, it is impor tant to note that this re search has not gone spread through out Poly ne sia. The mahu en gaged in fel la tio un chal lenged. In his dis cus sion of “Poly ne sian Gen der with nontransvestite male part ners, but these part ners were Liminality Through Time and Space” (1996, 285-328), not con sid ered mahu or homo sex u al. Mahu were also re- Niko Besnier makes a strong and per sua sive ar gument that ported to have been sex part ners of chiefs. This suggests the mahu, al though clearly not a third gen der as found in the that the Poly ne sian gen der par a digm is one in which sex and cross-cul tural re cords else where, is nev er the less some thing gen der are dis crete cat e go ries and the mahu identity func- more and out side of a vari ant role for men, as Levy claims. tioned to high light gen der dif fer ences. Levy suggests that Besnier sug gests that the mahu is part of a wider Poly ne sian the mahu may be an a lyzed as an em bodied warn ing to other pat tern of gen der liminality (thresh old) or gen der-liminal males on how to avoid nonmale behavior. personhood that oc curs within a di morphic gen der par a - In neo-Ta hiti, the mahu con tin ues to be re garded as a digm. Besnier makes sev eral im por tant points re gard ing the nat u ral phe nom e non. While var i ous ex pla na tions are of - Poly ne sian mahu in gen eral, but ar gues for a his tor i cal fered for its occur rence, the mahu is gen er ally a non - particularistic in ter pre ta tion of the mahu as gender limi - stigmatized status and accepted within wider Ta hitian soci - nality. He argues that although gender liminality: 444 Con tin uum Com plete In ter na tion al En cy clo pe dia of Sexuality

is best viewed as a borrow ing process rather than as a role act ing as con fi dants to per sons of chiefly rank and of fer ing or identity , it does give rise second arily to a rather loosely sexual services for male chiefs, althoug h it is not clear if the de fined iden tity. Fun da men tally counterhegemonic, it can mahu are actually of chiefly rank themselves (Besnier be a means through which some indi vid uals stake a claim 1996, 297-298). on certain forms of prestige, but at some cost, as evi denced [Ac cord ing to Besnier (1996, 300), “sexual re la tions in the low status with which it is asso ci ated in the poli tics of with men are seen as an op tional con se quence of gen der sex ual en coun ters, for ex ample. (Besnier 1996, 327) liminality, rather that its deter miner , prereq ui site or pri - mary at trib ute.” Levy (1973) re ports that the Ta hi tian [Thus, Besnier takes is sue with Levy’s function al ist in- mahu en gages in fel la tio with non-mahu men, who in re - ter pre ta tion of the mahu as lo cated in Ta hi tian low sex-role turn view the mahu as an ac ces si ble and un en cum bered al- dispar ity. Rather, Besnier points to a clear di vi sion of la bor terna tive to women for sexual release. However , same-sex by gen der in Ta hiti and ar gues that the mahu “blurs gender re la tions with non-liminal men do not de fine the mahu cate go ries rather than af firms them” in a so ciety where “. . . (Ellis ton 1999). In con tem po rary Poly ne sia, erotic en - gen der bound aries are any thing but blurred.” (Besnier 1996, coun ters with mahu do not commonly oc cur once a man 307). The question of the char ac ter of Ta hi tian gen der roles is has married, sug gest ing that sex with liminal men is a sec - an impor tant one that has in flu enced sub se quent re search. ond choice to sex with a woman (Besnier 1996, 301-303). Thus, Levy’s perspec tive that Tahi tian gender roles are rela - Thus, the mean ings as soci ated with sex with mahu vary tively an drog y nous has in formed sub se quent lit er a ture on from that of the hetero sex ual ideal, such that it is “viewed men’s and mascu lin ity studies, such as Da vid Gilmore’s as pro mis cu ous, tran sient and lack ing in sig nif i cance,” Man hood in the Mak ing, spe cif i cally his chap ter, “Ex cep - con test ing Levy’s (1973) stance that the mahu is “non- tions: Ta hiti and Semai” (1990, 201-219). Gilmore pro vides stig matized” (Besnier 1996, 302). Sex with liminal men a cul tural-eco log i cal ex pla na tion for Ta hi tian gen der roles, can be con ceived as embed ded in wider Poly ne sian ide ol o - wherein it is ar gued that in en vi rons where re sources are gies of il licit sex u al ity. Mahu sex u al ity is fur ther com pli- abun dant and where there are no en e mies and se ri ous en vi - cated by West ern-style gay iden ti ties, known as raerae, ron mental chal lenges, Ta hi tian men have nothing to prove currently emer gent in urban ized areas. This is consid ered a and no reason to sepa rate their roles as radi cally dif ferent French im por ta tion (Nanda 2000, 65). Both Levy (1971, from women. Besnier (1996) ar gues against this view that 1973) and Besnier (1996) of fer pro voc a tive in ter pre ta - Ta hi tian gen der roles have lit tle gen der dif fer en ti a tion and tions of the mahu in French Poly nesia that deserve careful re jects Levy’s ex pla na tion of the mahu as related to androgy - re view be fore con clu sions can be drawn. Serena Nanda nous gender roles. (2000) pro vides an over view in “Liminal Gen der Roles in [Besnier re gards the mahu status as an extremel y com - Poly ne sia” that in te grates Levy (1971, 1973), Besnier plex po si tion ing that si mul ta neously in cor po rates am bi gu ity, (1996), and Elliston’ s (1999) research. (End of update by conflict, and contestation. It is artic ulated within the Poly ne- FrenchBehaviorsA. Bolin Polynesia:)] Significant Unconventional Sexual sian, and spe cif i cally Ta hi tian, concept of personhood as con text ori ented (Besnier 1996, 328; Nanda 2000, 70). While 8. Significant Unconventional Besnier (1996) notes that the gen der liminality is porous, it Sexual Behaviors may be adopted as a tem porary posi tion. Ellis ton’s re search in Ta hiti finds that long-term partic ipa tion in gender limi- A. Coercive Sex nality fa cil itates its legitimization (1999, 236). Douglas Ol i ver’s (1974) in ten sive re search could not find ev i dence of rape in the precolonial Soci ety Islands, and [While com mon al i ties may oc cur through out Poly ne sia, ac cord ing to J. E. Weckler, “rape is prac ti cally unknown in there are also re gional differ ences that pro hibit the view of (tra di tional) Poly ne sia” (1943, 57). How ever, to day, rape the mahu as a monolithic Poly nesian presence, as tes tified does oc cur. Ac cord ing to one an thro pol ogist with a re search in the work of Levy and Besnier. In deed, fur ther re search is back ground in Ta hi tian cul ture, first encoun ters with a needed to un der stand re gional con text, but also the gen der young girl are of ten forced by the young man. Levy’s con - crossings with West ern-de rived iden ti ties such as gay and sul tants ar gued that haree (rape) may have oc curred in the transgender. There is far less evi dence of liminal females past on Piri, but it does not oc cur to day. Levy found no re - and that the iden tity may be of more re cent or i gin (Besnier ports of vi olent rape on the is land of Huahine in which Piri 996, 288; Elliston 1999). In deed, there is lit tle re search on is lo cated (1973, 124). More re cently, Elliston (1996) re - this subject, most nota bly Kirkpatrick’s (1993) ethno gra - ported rape and attempted rape on Huahine and in Papeete. phic research of the vehine mako in the Marquesas, and recently, Elliston (2000) in Tahiti. B. Prostitution [However , Besnier re ports “copi ous early ac counts of Oli ver re ports that pros ti tu tion, as de fined in the West, mahu in Tahiti, . . . Hawaii, the Marquesas and New Zealand was as so ci ated with Eu ro pean con tact and ex ploi ta tion of . . .” (1996, 294), and ar gues that there ap pears to be his tor i - the Pa cific. In Old Poly ne sia, there were op por tu ni ties for cal con ti nu ity in con tem po rary gen der liminality, al though women in the royal courts to en ter tain vis i tors sex ually . she cau tions that this needs more ethnographic and ethno - These po sitions were not stig matized in the least. One con - historical research. For exam ple, the mahu, whether in ru ral sult ant re ports that to day, in the West ern ized and ur ban ized or ur ban set tings, has pro cliv i ties to wards oc cu pa tions and city of Papeete, prosti tu tion is not un common, al though sta - tasks as soci ated with women. The mahu is thought to have tistics were not available at the time of this writing. Stanley excep tional exper tise in these areas. For exam ple, in ur ban also re ported that to day there is ev i dence of male prostitu - set tings, mahu demon strate skill as secre tar ies and as do- tion among some transvestites (1992, 34). mes tic work ers. While some in ter mit tent cross-dress ing oc- curs on special occa sions , such as dances, perma nent cross- C. Pornography and Erotica dressing is not re ported among mahu. However , Elliston’ s Infor ma tion was not available at the time of this writing. (1999, 236) re search in di cates that most Ta hi tian mahu men The sex ual sur vey of La Di rec tion de la Santé Publique wear a pa reu, a cloth ing item worn mainly by women. Gen - (1995) is ex pected to ad dress this (see ad dress in Sec tion der-liminal per sons also span social back grounds. Histor i - 12B, Sex Re search and Ad vanced Pro fes sional Ed u ca tion, cally, mahu have been re ported as part of chiefly ret i nues, Ma jor Sexological Survey s, Journals, and Organizations). French Polynesia: Significant Unconventional Sexual Behaviors 445

D. Paraphilia cases, in fan ti cide had no con nec tion with pop u la tion con trol, It is espe cially impor tant here to spec ify the cul ture of but was prac ticed instead to coun ter a vi ola tion of in ter class der i va tion in dis cuss ing un con ven tional be hav iors. What is marriage. This was tied to the sta tus system in which titles un con ven tional from West ern per spec tives is not nec es sar - and po sitions were in her ited through chiefly lin eages. In fan - ily re garded so from the in dig e nous view. Gen er ally, the Pa - ticide was prac ticed in situ a tions in which either a woman’s cific peoples have a low in cidence of Western cate go ries of child was con ceived with a male of lower rank or in which a paraphilia. In fact, Gregersen’s review of the liter a ture of man’s child was con ceived with a woman of lower rank. Al - Oceania re vealed only the two rather suspi cious re ports de - though, ac cord ing to Goldman, male in fan ti cide was more scribed be low. Ar chi val data on which these re ports are common on Ta hiti, Marquesan fe male in fan ti cide was preva - based may be in accu rate and even fanci ful. It is with caution lent enough to result in a ratio in which men far outnumbered that these are presented here. women (1970, 563). Ac cord ing to Gregersen (1983, 1987, 278), among the In the villages of Aeta and Fatata, mixed atti tudes were precolonial Pukapukans, a form of sex ual con tact with voiced on con tra cep tion, al though few, if any, used con tra - corpses was said to have oc curred. In this group, a strong cep tives reg u larly. Ac cord ing to Ol i ver, only “some [from aver sion to corpses was ex pressed in tapu. Contact with both vil lages] . . . knew of the ex ist ence of con tra cep tive de - corpses was prohib ited and friends were not even per mitted vices, mainly con doms” (1981, 341). to look at the dead. This tapu was miti gated in certain cir- While at ti tudes about abor tion was var ied in these two cumstances by the be lief that the “grief of a cousin will be Tahi tian villages, it was gener ally viewed as the concern of nat urally so intense that the tabus will be bro ken—not only the in di vid ual. A folk abortificient, a blend of green pine ap - by look ing at the corpse but even embrac ing it and some - ple and lemon juices, was avail able from older women spe - times hav ing in ter course with it.” This vi ola tion of the corpse cial ists and believed to cause miscar riage within two months tapu was referred to with a special term, wakaavanga. Al- (Oliver 1981, 34). though con tact with corpses was tapu, such be hav ior was ex - pected of cousins. Ar chi val data on which this re port is based D. Population Control Efforts In for mation could not be obtained by the au thor at the may or may not be inac cu rate and is subject to Western and time of this publi ca tion. See La Direc tion de la Santé historical bias. Publique “Sexual Sur vey” (1995; see ad dress in Sec tion Gregerson (1983) also notes that sex ual con tact with an - 12B, Sex Re search and Ad vanced Pro fes sional Ed u ca tion, i mals oc curred among the Marquesans when part ners were FrenchHIV/AIDSMa jor Sexologica Polynesia:l SurSexuallyvey s, Jour Transmittednals, and OrDiseasesganizat ions).and unavail able. Men were known to have sex with chick ens, dogs, and even horses, while women were said to have lured dogs into per forming cunnilingus on them. However , this 10. Sexually Transmitted Diseases ac count may also be in need of fur ther in ves ti ga tion of its and HIV/AIDS accuracy. A. Sexually Transmitted Diseases From the van tage of the in dig e nous peo ples of French In Ta hiti, test ing for sex u ally trans mit ted dis eases is Poly ne sia, there was one be hav ior that was con sidered sex - available at STD and mater nity pub lic clinics. There is a ually de viant. The celi bate role of the priest is consid ered at dearth of in for ma tion on the ep i de mi o log i cal study of chla - great vari ance with male Marquesan ways of being, accord - myd ia in the Pacific Is lands, with the ex cep tion of one study ing to Kirkpatrick (1983). This role is con sidered dis tinc - in New Cal edo nia. Chungue et al. (1988) have ex amined the FrenchPopulationtive and Polynesia:de vi Planning ant with Contraception, the na ture of Marquesan Abortion, masculi and nity. rate of Chla myd ia trachomatis in three pop ula tions of at-risk in di vid u als in or der to il lus trate the im por tance of spe cific di - 9. Contraception, Abortion, and ag nos tic test ing for mon i tor ing of this in fec tion. Chla myd ia Population Planning was found in 53% of 53 bar women (ages 15 to 45), 24% of 75 women at tend ing a pub li c ma ter nity clinic for rou tine care A/B/C. Attitudes, Practices, Teenage (ages 14 to 40), and 37% of 71 men at tend ing an STD clinic Pregnancies, and Abortion with acute or subacute urethritis (ages 17 to 37). In precolonial Ta hi tian times of the lat ter 1700s, dis cus - Neisseria gon or rhea in fec tion was as so ci ated with chla- sion of teen preg nan cies must be sit u ated within the cul tural myd ia in fec tion in 11.4% of the bar women and 18.3% of the and his tor i cal con text. The taure’are’a was a pe ri od of sex - men with ure thri tis. Of the chla myd ia-pos i tive women, ual free dom during ad o les cence, and this, com bined with 58.3% of the bar women and 23.2% of the women at the ma- fosterage, testi fies that teenage pregnancy was not prob- ternity clinic were without clini cal complaints. Eight bar lematic and should not be in ter preted in terms of West ern women (15%) were in fected with Trichomonas vaginalis. concerns over teenage pregnancy , where the cultural ideal This study proves that Chla myd ia trachomatis is common in is de layed preg nancy until young adult hood. It was not un - Ta hiti and warns that asymptom atic women who are chla - usual among tra di tional in dig e nous so ci et ies for preg nancy myd ia-pos i tive may be vec tors for the spread of the disease. to oc cur dur ing the teen age years; in many cul tures, it was The au thors have pro posed rou tine testing for Chla myd ia the norm. Today , ac cord ing to one con sult ant with Ta hi tian trachomatis in STD or maternity clinics. cul tural ex pe ri ence, grand par ents may adopt the child, Ac cord ing to a 1984 pub li c health re port by John A. R. while teenage marriage is much rarer. Mile s, in 1971, three cases of syph i lis were re ported, but by The precontact Ta hi tians prac ticed in fan ti cide and abor- 1977, the rate was 23 per 10,000. The rate of gon or rhea is 27 tion on occa sion. The strati fi ca tion by class was castelike and per 10,000. in ter mixing was strictly pro hib ited. The off spring of par ents who were respec tively from an upper - and lower-class status B. HIV/AIDS was strangled at birth. The arioi soci ety members were pro- Incidence, Patterns, and Trends hib ited from pro duc ing off spring, since chil dren would be a Several im por tant sur veys have been con ducted re gard - hinderance to the many re li gious ac tiv i ties re quired by cult ing HIV in the French Poly ne sian pop ula tion. Chanteau et al. mem ber ship (Ferdon 1981). Abor tion and in fan ti cide were (1986) con ducted a serological sur vey screen ing for an ti- prac ticed not only by arioi mem bers, but also in cases where LAV/HTLV-III an ti bodies us ing Institut Pas teur and Ab bot arioi cou ples of two dif fer ent class lev els con ceived. In these Lab o ra to ries immunoassay kits. Four pop u la tions con sid - 446 Con tin uum Com plete In ter na tion al En cy clo pe dia of Sexuality ered high risk were tested. These in cluded 80 homo sex ual 9.45, a me dian of 9.65, and the ex tremes of 7.2 and 11.4. As and trans ves tite men of low-SES (so cio eco nomic sta tus); 37 of June 21, 1993, 30 cases of AIDS were reported for homo sex u al/bi sex ual men of Poly ne sian, Eu ro pean, and French Poly ne sia, ac cord ing to the re gional of fice for the Chi nese eth nic back ground of middle- or up per-SES, 35 fe - West ern Pa cific of the World Health Or ga ni za tion (1993, male pros ti tutes, and 33 blood-trans fu sion pa tients. Four 9). Twenty-two cases were re ported for 1979-1990, five posi tive re sults were ob tained from the group of 37 homo - AIDs cases for 1991 with a rate of 2.7, and three in 1992 for sex u al/bi sex ual men; three Eu ro pe ans and one Chi nese were a rate of 1.6, with no cases reported as of July, 1993. posi tive. This group was a highly trav eled pop ula tion that ap - The ELISA test can be per formed in only six lab ora to - pears to be the source of the in tro duc tion of LAV/HTLV-III ries on the Is land of Ta hiti. A West ern Blot con fir mation test in French Poly ne sia. Nichol son and col leagues (1992) mea - is re quired for the HIV-posi tive cases. HIV-posi tive pa tients sured the prev a lence of HTLV-I using the ELISA test and are pro vided sex ed u ca tion on con dom use, and fol low-up con fir mation by West ern Blot in 19,975 blood samples from of asymp tom atic in di vid u als con tin ues for six months. Aus tralia and the western Pacific. No an tibody was detected Treat ment may be ei ther by a pri vate phy sician or un der the in the 198 sera from the French Poly ne sian pop ula tion. How - Chef du Serv ice de Medecine du Cen tre Hospitalier Ter ri to - ever, a 1989 study by Alandry et al., a 1991 re port by Spiegel rial. A medi cal exam for the oc cur rence of op por tu nistic et al., and research by Gras et al. (1992) all report evidence of diseases is also available. Indi vid u als with AIDS may be HIV and AIDS in French Polynesia. treated with AZT and pentamidine. These research ers suggest that HIV was in troduced in French Poly ne sia as early as 1973. Fac tors con trib ut ing to Availability of Treatment and Prevention Programs the in tro duc tion and spread of HIV in clude blood trans fu - Gov ern ment pol i cies con trib ute to the track ing of HIV sions prior to August 1985, tour ism primar ily from conti - through readily avail able testing at hos pi tals and pub li c nen tal France and the United States, and cer tain groups of health cen ters. Test ing may be done at the fol lowing cen - in di vid uals whose behaviors put them at risk. ters: Le Centre de Trans fu sion Sanguine, Le Cen tre Hos - The Allandry (1991) re port on HIV is based on data col - pitalier Ter ri to rial, L’Institut Ter ri to rial de Recherches lected over three years. In June 1988, 27,000 HIV tests were Medicale Louis Malarde (Cen tre des Mala dies Sexuelle - given, in clud ing to 16,881 blood do nors. Of the 27,000, 45 ment Transmis sibles, Centre de Lutte contre la Tubercu - were sero positive; none of the blood do nors were HIV-posi - lose). La Di rec tion de la Santé Publique en Polynésie tive. While an ad di tional two chil dren not older than 18 Française has been mandated by the Bu reau d’Education to months were HIV-posi tive, these were not in cluded in the teach safe-sex practices. A Decem ber 1985 law requires study per se. The age break downs for the HIV-posi tive in di - test ing of blood do nors. In 1986, a con sult ing commis sion vid uals are: 18 months to 6 years, 1; 20 to 29 years old, 24; for HIV was formed, along with efforts at fol low-up. Since 30 to 39 years, 10; 40 to 49 years, 8; 50 years and over, 2. 1987, con doms may be imported tax-free. In 1990, free and Of the 32 HIV-posi tive men and 13 HIV-posi tive anon y mous testing was made avail able to the pub li c. In women, 22 are of Poly ne sian an ces try, 19 are Eu ro pean, mon i tor ing HIV, the French Poly ne sian Pub li c Health Serv - and 4 are Asi atic. Twenty-two are homo sex u al or bi sex ual ice and health author i ties have imple mented HIV-serum males (48.8%), 12 are polytransfusions re cip i ents (26.6%), sur veil lance fol low ing World Health Or ga ni za tion guide - 6 are part ners of HIV-posi tive peo ple (13.3%), 3 are hetero - lines. Twenty thou sand screen ing tests for both HIV I and sex uals with mul ti ple part ners, and 2 are for mer drug users. HIV II are done on a population of less than 200,000. Thus Based on this data, the rate of HIV-positives is 2.4 per far, only HIV I has been found. 10,000. [Up date 2002: There is very lit tle infor ma tion on cur rent Only 1 (0.7%) of the 147 homo sex u als screened by French Poly ne sian sex ual be hav ior and HIV/AIDS avail - Spiegel et al (1991) showed a pos i tive re sult. A subse quent able, with the ex cep tion of high-risk pop ula tions of raerae screen ing of 156 male homo sex uals, among whom 56.4% and bargirls (Beylier 1998). Con fu sion over ter minol ogy of are trans ves tites work ing in ho tels, night clubs, and restau - raerae ex ists in the lit er a ture. An thro pol o gists, in clud ing rants, and 74 sex ually ac tive fe males working in bars, was Levy (1973) and Besnier (1996), de fine raerae as Western- con ducted be tween Oc to ber and De cem ber 1990. Among style homosex uali ty in ref er ence to a per son “who does not the male homo sex uals 13 to 54 years old, 3 (1.9%) are pos i - perform a female’ s village role and who dresses and acts tive for HTLV-I. Among the 74 fe males 18 to 44 years old, 3 like a man, but who indulges in ex clu sive or pre ferred sex - (4.1%) are pos i tive. The me dian number of sex ual part ners ual be hav ior with other men” (Levy 1973, 140). How ever, was 9.5 and the me dian number of sex ual en coun ters was in the re port Sex ual Be hav ior and AIDS Pre ven tion in 156 in male homosex uals, while for the fe male pop u la tion, French Poly ne sia sum marized below , “raerae” are referred the me dian number of part ners was 3 and the me dian num - to as transvestite or transsexual males (1999, 7). ber of sex ual en coun ters was 104 for the pe ri od of Oc to ber [This con fu sion was rec og nized as a prob lem by the to De cem ber 1990. Among the to tal pop ula tion of 230 sub - French Poly ne sian Health De part ment in its ef forts to eval - jects, 2 are IV-drug users, but both are HTLV-I neg a tive. u ate and di rect HIV-pre ven tion ac tiv i ties for the com mu- The au thors con cluded that the risk for HTLV-I in fec tion nity-at-large. A study was con ducted with the ap proval of among male homosex u als is increasing, and the infection is the Ter ri to rial AIDS Con trol Com mit tee in No vem ber also present in a female population at risk. 1998. The re port was pub lished in No vember 1999 by the Gras et al. (1992) re ported on 96 cases of HIV-posi tive Minis try of Health and Research, Health Depart ment, and and AIDS-infected persons . Of these, 78% were between the Messager Contre le SIDA as soci a tion, un der the ti tle: 21 and 40 years old, 72 of the 96 had ac quired HIV through Sex ual Be hav ior and AIDS Pre ven tion in French Poly ne sia. sex ual con tact, and 94% live in Ta hiti. The sex ra tio was 2.8 Papeete, Polynésie Française . The ob jec tive of this in valu - males to 1 female. Fifty-five percent were Eu rope ans, 38% able research was to “describe sexual and preven tion-r e- Poly nesians , and 7% Asiatic. Gras esti mates the rate of new lated be hav ior in the pop u la tion re siding in French Poly ne - HIV infec tion at 20 new cases per year in a French Poly ne- sia and to gather in for mation in an at tempt to un der stand the sian pop ula tion of 200,000, with 150 cases of AIDS per 1 social logic which leads cer tain peo ple to pro tect them- mil lion in hab it ants. The rate of prev a lence of HIV-pos i tive selves, but others not, when faced with a possible risk of in - cases be tween 1987 and 1990 per 100,000 was a mean of fection” (1999, 2). French Polynesia: Sexually Transmitted Diseases and HIV/AIDS 447

[The pop u la tion sur veyed in cluded 1,043 peo ple, 523 The tupapa’u is re garded as hav ing a personality and can be males from 15 to 35 years old and 520 fe males from 15 to protective, but also vengeful and playful. 35 years old on Ta hiti, Moorea, and the Lee ward Islands. One form of ghost sickness en tails vis i ta tions from Re spondents ranged from those with no school ing through tupapa’u of the oppo site sex. While erotic dreams are re- those with se nior high school ed u ca tion or higher. All eth - garded as en coun ters with tupapa’u of the op po site sex (no nic groups and mixes thereof were in cluded (1999, 6). mention of same sex was made) and are therefore not really Areas cov ered in cluded life time number of part ners, sex - dreams at all, these are not regarded as problem atic if they ual ori en ta tions, first sex ual ex pe ri ence, forced sex ual ac - are occa sional and the partners are varied. How ever, illness tiv ity, re cent sex ual ac tiv ity in clud ing new part ners and can oc cur if an in di vid ual be comes obsessed with a par tic u - oc ca sional part ners, so cial ac cep tance of in fi del ity, so cial lar vis it ing tupapa’u. In such a case of ghost sick ness, the ac cep tance of homo sex u ali ty, pre ven ta tive be hav ior with in di vid ual may lose weight, re fuse sex with his or her re gard to AIDS and STDs includ ing con dom use over the spouse, and may be seen chat ting and laugh ing with in visi - life time, opin ions about con dom use and other pre ven ta - ble tupapa’u. Hooper de scribes the case of B, who re fused tive be hav iors, screen ing for HIV an ti bod ies among the sex with her hus band. “She would bathe in the eve nings, put pop u la tion sur veyed, knowl edge and at ti tudes about on scented oil and special clothes, and lie on a sepa rate bed, AIDS, sources of in for ma tion about sex u al ity, con tra cep - talk ing and laugh ing with a tupapa’u tane (male ghost).” A tion, preg nancy, and abor tion, com par ing 1993 and 1999, healer was called in who “command ed the tupapa’u to and sexually transmitted diseases. Some of the important leave and never re turn. B slept soundly for the rest of the find ings are listed below: night and had no more deal ings with the male ghost again. Ac cord ing to . . . the healer . . . the ghost was ‘ripped up’ by • “Over the last five years, al most half of young peo ple his familiar” (Hooper 1985, 178). used con doms during their first sex ual ex pe ri ence” (1999, 3). Levy’s Pirian con sultants re ported that fri gid ity and im- po tence did not oc cur. The only con di tions ac knowl edged • The high est level of pro tec tion was with those most at risk, those who have in ter course with oc ca sional part - as leading to im potence were illness or getting chilled. The ners, and homo sex u al or bi sex ual men. Ta hi tian the ory of sex ual at trac tion may ex plain this, and clearly points to the impor tance of a rela tivis tic perspec tive • “The non-use or in ter mittent use of con doms with occa - sional part ners by more than half of the subjects was a when re gard ing West ern cat e go ries of sex ual dys func tion. par tic ularly high risk” (1999, 3). A Ta hi tian man who does not have an erec tion with a woman in an in ti mate sit ua tion, as sumes that he must not • Men were most often the ones to take the initia tive in condom use whereas women gave pref erence to rela - FrenchProfessionalwant to Polhaveynesia: iEducationntercourse Sex Research (Levy 1973, and 128-129). Advanced tion ship-based models of risk man age ment, which tend to uti lize care ful se lec tion of part ners than on re duc ing 12. Sex Research and Advanced risks with con dom use in sexual in ter course (1993, 4). Professional Education • “People with little edu ca tion had less access to preven - A. Sexological Research tion in for mation” (1993, 4). Re gard less of age group, Sex ual re search con cern ing in dig e nous peo ples of the the cost of con doms was regarded as an ob sta cle by half area of French Poly ne sia in cludes the work of Richard Levy those surveyed. (1971, 1973), as well as Douglas Ol i ver (1989ab, 1974), [Ac cord ing to the World Health Or ga ni za tion, 54 cases I. Goldman (1970), W. H. Dav en port, R. Linton (1939), and of AIDS were re ported for the years 1979-1996, with no R. C. Suggs (1966), among oth ers. In ad di tion, con tempo rary cases re ported for 1997 and 1998 (WHO Re port 1999, 1). sex re search with a fo cus on HIV and at-risk sex ual be hav - Frenchand(End Therapies of Polynesia:up date by A. Sexual Bolin )]Dysfunctions, Counseling, iors has been conducted by G. Alandry et al. (1989), C. Gras et al. (1992), and Spiegel et al. (1991). La Di rec tion de la Santé Publique conducted a sex ual sur vey in Novem ber 11. Sexual Dysfunctions, Counseling, 1993. The re sults were to be avail able in 1995, but were not and Therapies published at the time of this writing. The inter ested reader is A. Concepts of Sexual Dysfunction en cour aged to write for the sur vey. There is no or ga nized ad - Sexual dysfunc tion must be con sidered within the cul - vanced edu cation in sexuality in French Polynesia. tural con text. For ex ample, sex ual dreams with or gasm among Levy’s rural Ta hi tians were thought to be the work B. Major Sexological Surveys, Journals, of spir its and were re garded as “dan ger ous” (Levy 1973, and Organizations 129). The con cept of “dan ger ous” is not trans lat able as a A major sexological survey is the fol low ing: sex ual dysfunc tion, but nei ther is it considered desirable. Minis try of Health and Research, Health Depart ment, Hooper (1985, 158-198) col lected ethnomedical data in and Messager Contre le SIDA Asso ci a tion. Sex ual Be hav - two ru ral Ta hi tian com muni ties on the Iles Sou-le-Vent, a ior and AIDS Pre ven tion in French Poly ne sia. Papeete, group of is lands north west of Ta hiti in the 1960s. In dig e - Polynesie Francaise. No vember 1999. nous folk med i cine con tin ues de spite the cul tural dis rup tion Jour nals and pe ri od i cals in which sexological in for ma - caused by missionization and co lo nial ism and the in tro duc - tion, re search, and re ports on French Poly ne sia may be tion of West ern med i cine. Hooper de scribes a form of found include: “ghost sickness” with sex ual im pli ca tions. Ghost sick ness, La Di rec tion de la Santé Publique “Sex ual Sur vey,” mai tupapa’u, is a special cat e gory of ill ness that is believed Epistat CMRS Laure Yen, BP 611, Papeete-Ta hiti, Poly - to be caused by tupapa’u. Such illness es are char acter ized nésie Française. by their “bi zarre” as pects and can only be cured by an in dig - Counseil Economique So cial et Cul tural, Ave nue Bruat, enous healer, a tahu’a. Tupapa’u is an incorporal as pect of BP 1657, Papeete, Tahiti, Polynésie Française. the self, dis tinct yet coex ist ing along with the Chris tian no- Minis try of Social Af fairs, P. O. Box 2551, Papeete, Ta - tion of the soul. Each per son has a tupapa’u that can travel hiti, Polynésie Française. dur ing one’s dreams. When an in di vid ual dies, his tupapa’u Institut Terri to rial de la Statistique, BP 395, Papeete, Ta - con tin ues to re main in the vi cin ity watch ing over his kin. hiti, Polynésie Française. 448 Con tin uum Com plete In ter na tion al En cy clo pe dia of Sexuality

Serv ice d’Information et de Doc u menta tion, BP 255, risk pop u la tion in French Poly ne sia. The Med i cal Jour nal Papeete, Tahiti, Polynésie Française. of Aus tra lia, 145(2):113. Institut Terri to rial de Recherches Medicales, Louis Chungue, E., et al. 1988. Chla mydia trachomatis geni tal infec - Malarde, BP 30, Papeete, Tahiti, Polynésie Française. tions in Ta hiti. Eu ro pean Jour nal of Clin i cal Mi cro bi ol ogy The Med i cal Jour nal of Aus tra lia, Australasian Medi cal & In fec tious Dis eases, 7(5):635-638. Publish ing Company , 1-5 Commer cial Road, P. O. Box 410, CIA. 2002 (Jan u ary). The world factbook 2002. Wash ing ton, Kingsgrove, New South Wales, 2208 Australia. DC: Cen tral In tel li gence Agency. Avail able: http://www .cia.gov/cia/pub li ca tions/fact book/index.html. Medecine Tropicale, Institut de Medecine Tropicale, CIAO (Co lum bia In ter na tion al Af fairs On line). Maps and coun- Marseille Armee, France. try data. The CIA world fact book 1999. http://www.ciaonet Oceania Uni ver sity of Syd ney, Oceania Publish ing, .org. Re trieved Octo ber 10, 2000. Mackie Building, Sydney , New South Wales, 2006 Aus tra lia. Dav enport, W. H. 1977. Sex in cross-cul tural perspec tive. In: F. Bernice P. Bishop Mu seum Bulle tins, 1525 Bernice A. Beach, ed., Hu man sex u al ity in four per spec tives (pp. Street, Box 19000-A, Hono lulu, HI 96817-0916, U.S.A. 115-163). Balti more, MD: Johns Hopkins Univer sity Press. Jour nal of the Poly ne sian So ci ety, Uni ver sity of Auck - Dening, G. 1980. Islands and beaches. Ho no lulu, HI: Univer - land, An thro pol ogy De part ment, Poly ne sian So ci ety, Pri- sity of Hawaii Press. vate Bag, Auckland, New Zealand. Drage, J. 1995. The ex ception, not the rule: A compar a tive Jour nal de la Sociétédes Océanistes, The As so ci a tion anal y sis of women’s po lit i cal ac tiv ity in Pa cific Is land for So cial An thro pol ogy in Oceania. coun tries. Pa cific Stud ies, 18(4):61-92. The Jour nal of Pacific History . Elliston, D. 1996/1997. (Jan uary 15). Comments re Bolin, Pa cific Stud ies. Anne, ‘The Poly nesian Islands: French Polyne sia.’ Un pub - Aus tra lian and New Zea land Jour nal of So ci ol ogy. lished comments. Ellis ton, D. A. 1999. Ne go ti at ing tran si tional sex ual econ o mies: Fe male mahu and same-sex sexu ality in Tahiti and her is- Acknowledgments lands. In: E. Black wood & S. E. Wieringa, eds., Fe male de - I am deeply in debted to Dr. Douglas Ol i ver who gave sires: Same-sex rela tions and transgender practices across gen er ously of his time in read ing and com ment ing on this cul tures (pp. 230-252). New York: Colum bia University manuscript. His ex per tise and many works have been an in - Press. valu able source of knowl edge and in spira tion to me. I Ferdon, E. N. 1981. Early Ta hiti: As the explor ers saw it 1767- would also like to thank Dr. Vic to ria Lock wood and Dr. 1797. Tuscon, AZ: Uni versity of Ari zona Press. Paul Shankman for their help ful sugges tions for re search - Ferdon, E. N. 1991. Tahiti. In: T. E. Hayes, ed., En cy clo pe dia of ing this sub ject. Dr. Deborah A. Ellis ton pro vided an ex - world cultur es, vol. II: Oceania (pp. 305-307). Boston: G.K. tremely detailed com mentary on this paper . Her research Hall & Company . Ford, C. S., & F. A. Beach. 1951. Pat terns of sex ual be hav ior. among the Tahi tians has been criti cal in this review , as she New York: Harper & Row. pro vided thought ful and up-to-date feed back. I am grate ful Gilmore, D. 1990. Manhood in the making: Cultural concepts to Linda Martindale for manu script prep a ra tion, ed it ing, of mas cu lin ity. New Haven, CT: Yale Univer sity Press. computer magic, and reference research. Goldman, I. 1970. An cient Poly ne sian so ci ety. Chi cago: Uni- Ac knowledg ments for updates: I would like to thank Dr. versity of Chicago Press. Bruno Hubert, Medecin Coordinateur pour les Mal a dies Gras, C., et al. 1992. Sur veillance epidemiologique de l’infec- Transmissibles, Direc tion de la Santé, Papeete, Polynésie tion par le vi rus de l’immunodeficience humaine (VIH) et Française, for making available to me a crucial docu ment du syndrome d’immunodeficience acquise (SIDA) en for this up date: Sex ual Be hav ior and AIDS Pre ven tion in Polynésie Française en 1991. Medecine Tropicale, 52(1): French Poly ne sia (Minis try of Health and Research, Health 51-56. Depart ment, and Messager Contre le SIDA Asso ci a tion, Gregersen, E. 1983. Sexual practices: The story of human sex u - Papeete, Polynésie Française, No vember 1999). Thanks are al ity. New York: Franklin Watts. due to Rob ert Francoeur for tak ing on and con tin uing this Gregersen, E. 1994. The world of human sexu al it y: Behav iors, ad mi ra ble en deavor of the IES and for be ing a won der ful customs, and be liefs. New York: Irvington Pub lishers, Inc. mentor and friend. Special thanks to my in trepid Elon stu- Gros venor, M. B., ed. 1963. Na tional Geographic atlas of the dent research er , Hillary Sherman, for locat ing the recent world. Wash ing ton, DC: Na tional Geo graphic So ci ety. Frenchdata on PolHIVynesia: and AIDS Ref erencesin French and Poly Suggestednesia. Readings Hanson, F. A. 1970. The Rapan the ory of concep tion. Ameri can Anthr opol o gist , 72(6):1444-1446. Hanson, F. A. 1991. Rapú. In: T. E. Hayes, ed., En cy clo pe dia of References and Suggested Readings world cultur es, vol. II: Oceania (pp. 273-276). Boston: G.K. Alandry, G., et al. 1989. In fection par le virus de l’immuno- Hall & Company . deficience humaine (VIH) en Polynésie Française. Mede- Hays, T. E., ed. 1991. En cy clo pe dia of world cul tures. Vol ume cine Tropicale, 49(1):71-72. II: Oceania. Boston: G.K. Hall & Co. Besnier, N. 1996. Polyne sian gender liminality through time Henningham, S. 1992. France and the South Pacific: A contem - and space. In: G. Herdt, ed., Third sex/third gender: Beyond po rary his tory. Ho no lulu: Uni ver sity of Ha waii Press. sexual dimor phism in cultur e and history . New York: Zone HIV InSite 2000. HIV/AIDS throughout the U.S.: The Pa cific Books. Is lands area. http://hivinsite.ucsf.edu. Feb. 19, 1997-Sept. Blackwood, E. 1986. Break ing the mirror: The construc tion of 18, 2000. Re trieved Octo ber 12, 2000. les bi an ism and the an thro po log i cal dis course on homo sex- Hooper, A. 1966. Marriage and household in two Tahi tian u ali ty. Jour nal of Homo sex u ali ty, 11(3-4):1-17. com mu ni ties. Cam bridge, MA: Harvard Univer sity (unpub - Blot, W. J., L. Le Marchand, J. D. Boice, & B. E. Henderson. lished Ph.D. dis ser ta tion). 1997. Thy roid cancer in the Pacific. Journal of the National Hooper, A. 1985. Tahi tian healing. In: C. D. F. Par sons, ed., Can cer In sti tute, 89(1): 90-94. Healing practices in the South Pacific (pp. 158-198). Ho no - Burrows, E. G. 1968. Poly nesia: Culture areas in Polyne sia. In: lulu, HI: The Insti tute for Polyne sian Studies. A. P. Vayda, ed., Peo ples and cultur es of the Pacific (pp. Howard, A., & J. Kirkpatrick. 1989. Social or gani za tion. In: A. 179-191). Gar den City, NY: The Natu ral History Press. Howard & R. Borofsky, eds., De vel op ments in Poly ne sian Chanteau, S., F. Flye Sainte, M. E. Chungue, R. Roux, & J. M. eth nol ogy (pp. 47-94). Ho no lulu, HI: Univer sity of Hawaii Bonnardot. 1986. A serological survey of AIDS in a high Press. French Polynesia: References and Suggested Readings 449

Howard, M. C. 1989. Con tem po rary cul tural an thro pol ogy. Ol iver , D. L. 1989a. Oceania: The native cultur es of Austra lia New York: Harper/Collins. and the Pacific Islands (vol. I, part 1. Background and part Hu man Rela tions Area Files. 1991. Mangareva. In: T. E. 2. Ac tiv i ties). Ho no lulu, HI: Uni ver sity of Hawaii Press. Hayes, ed., En cyclo pe dia of world cul tures, vol. II: Oceania Ol iver , D. L. 1989b. Oceania: The native cultur es of Austra lia (p. 172). Boston: G.K. Hall & Company . and the Pacific Islands (vol. II, part 3. Social rela tions). Ho- Hu man Rela tions Area Files. 1991. Raroia. In: T. E. Hayes, ed., no lulu, HI: Univer sity of Hawaii Press. En cyclo pe dia of world cul tures, vol. II: Oceania (pp. 276- Pa cific Re gion Ac knowl edges AIDS Ep i demic. 2000. Aus tra - 277). Boston: G.K. Hall & Company . lian Nursing Journal , 6(9):14, (electronic pages 1 and 2), Institut Terri to rial de la Statistique, Polynésie Française. 1988. April 1999. http://proquest.umi.com. Retrieved Novem ber Résultats du recensement génêral de la popu la tion de la 28, 2000. Polynésie Française du 6 Septembre 1988. Ritchie, J., & J. Ritchie. 1983. Polyne sian childrearing: An al- Jacobs, S. E. 1994. Na tive Ameri can two spirits. An thro pol ogy ter na tive model. Al ter nate Life styles, 5(3):126-141. News let ter, 35(8):7. Sahlins, M. 1967. So cial strat i fi ca tion in Poly ne sia. Se at tle, Kay, P. 1963. Aspects of social structur e in Manuho’e. Cam - WA: Uni ver sity of Wash ing ton Press. bridge, MA: Har vard Univer sity (unpub lished Ph.D. dis ser- Scupin, R., & C. R. DeCorse. 1992. Anthr opol ogy: A global ta tion). perspec tive . Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Kirkpatrick, J. T. 1985. Some Marquesan un derstand ings of ac- Sex ual behav ior and AIDS preven tion in French Polyne sia. tion and identity . In: G. M. White & J. T. Kirkpatrick, eds., 1999 (No vember). Papeete, Polynésie Française: Min istry Per son, self, and ex pe ri ence: Ex plor ing Pa cific ethnopsy- of Health and Research, Health De partment, and Messager chol o gies (pp. 80-120). Berke ley, CA: Uni versity of Cal ifor - Contre le SIDA Association. nia Press. Shore, B. 1989. Mana and Tapu. In: A. Howard & R. Borofsky, Kirkpatrick, J. T. 1983. The Marquesan notion of the person . eds., Devel op ments in Polyne sian ethology (pp. 137-174). Ann Ar bor: UMI-Uni ver sity of Mich i gan Re search Press. Ho no lulu, HI: Uni ver sity of Ha waii Press. Kirkpatrick, J. T. 1987. Taure’are’a: A liminal cate gory and Socio-de mo graphic pro file: French Poly ne sia. Coun try Pro- passage to Marquesan adulthood. Ethos, 15(4):382-405. files United Na tions Pop u la tion In for ma tion Net work Le Marchand, L., J. Hankin , F. Bach, et al. 1995. An eco logi cal (POPIN). http://www.undp.org/popin. Re trieved Octo ber study of diet and lung cancer in the South Pacific. The Inter - 19, 2000. na tion al Jour nal of Can cer, 63:18-23. Spiegel, A., et al. 1991. HTLV-I in French Poly ne sia: A sero- Levy, R. 1971. The commu nity function of Tahi tian male trans- logical survey in sexu ally exposed groups. Medi cal Journal ves tism: A hy poth e sis. An thro po log i cal Quar terly, 44:12- of Aus tra lia, 155(11):718. 21. Stanley , D. 1992. Ta hiti-Poly ne sia hand book. Chico, CA: Levy, R. 1973. Ta hi tians: Mind and ex pe ri ence in the So ci ety Moon Pub li ca tions. Is lands. Chi cago: Univer sity of Chicago Press. Suggs, R. C. 1960. The is land civ i li za tions of Poly ne sia. New Linton, R. 1939. Marquesan culture. In: A. Kardiner, ed., The York: The New Amer ican Library . in di vid ual and his so ci ety (pp. 138-196). New York: Co- Suggs, R. C. 1966. Marquesan sexual behav ior . New York: lum bia Uni ver sity Press. Har court, Brace and World. Lock wood, V. S. 1989. Tubuai: Women potato plant ers and the Ta hiti Friend ship So ci ety. 2000. Pop u la tion 1988. http:// po lit i cal econ omy of intra-house hold gen der re la tions. In: tahitinet.com/presense/pop u la tion.html. Re trieved Oc to ber R. R. Wilk, ed., The household economy (pp. 197-220). 19, 2000. Boulder , CO: Westview Press. Thomas, N. 1987. Complementarity and history: Misrecogniz- Mann, J. M., D. J. M. Tarantola, & T. W. Netter. 1992. AIDs in ing gender in the Pacific. Oceania, 57(4):261-270. the world: The Global AIDs Policy Coali tion . Cam bridge, Thomas, N. 1990. Marquesan so ci et ies: In equal ity and po lit i - MA: Har vard Uni ver sity Press. cal trans for ma tion in East ern Poly ne sia. Ox ford, Eng land: Marshall, D. 1961. Ra’ivavae. Gar den City, NY: Doubleday & Clar en don Press. Co., Inc. Thomas, N. 1991. Marquesas Islands. In: T. E. Hays, ed., En cy - Medecins Sans Frontires. 2000. The health of the popu lation of clope dia of world cul tures, Volume II: Oceania (pp. 188- French Polyne sia and nuclear test ing (pp. 1-15, 1995). http: 191). Boston: G.K. Hall & Company . //www.oneworld.org/news/pa cific/msf_re port.html. Re - United Na tions sta tis tics. 2000. http://www.un.org. Re trieved trieved Octo ber 12, 2000. Oct. 10, 2000. Medecins Sans Frontires. 2000. Health in French Polyne sia— Vayda, A. P., ed. 1968. Peo ples and cultur es of the Pacific . Gar- The effects of French nuclear test ing (pp. 1-3, 1995). http:// den City, NY: The Natu ral History Press. can ter bury.cybersplace.co.nz/peace/nuchealth.html. Re - von Strokirch, K. 1993. Ta hi tian au ton omy: Il lu sion or re al ity? trieved Octo ber 12, 2000. (Doc toral dis ser ta tion). Bun doora, Vic to ria, Aus tra lia: De - Miles, J. A. R. 1984. Pub lic health progress in Polyne sia. In: J. A. partment of Poli tics, La Trobe University. R. Miles, ed., Pub lic health in the Pacific (pp. 157-173). Weckler, J. E. 1943. Poly ne sian ex plor ers of the Pa cific (Smith - Helmstedt, Germany: Geo Wissenschaftliche Gesellschaft. sonian Insti tu tion War Background Studies. No. 6). Wash- Moorehead, A. 1966. The fatal impact: An account of the in va- ing ton, DC: Smith so nian Institution. sion of the South Pacific 1767-1840 (Part I. Tahiti, chaps. 1- Williams, W. L. 1986. The spirit and the flesh: Sexual diver sity 6, pp. 3-86). New York: Harper & Row. in Ameri can Indian Cultur e. Boston: Bea con Press. Nanda, S. 2000. Gen der di ver sity: Crosscultural vari a tions. World Health Orga ni za tion. 1993. The current global situ a t ions Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press, Inc. of the HIV/AIDs pan demic. Global Programme on AIDS. Nicholson, S., et al. 1992. HTLV-I infec tion in selected popu la - Geneva: WHO. tions in Aus tralia and the Western Pacific Region. Med i cal WHO Re port on global surveil lance of epi demic-pr one infec - Jour nal of Aus tra lia, 156(12):878-880. tious diseases . AIDS Cases Re ported to WHO as of No - Oli ver , D. L. 1974. An cient Ta hi tian so ci ety. Ho no lulu, HI: vember 1999. http://www.who.int/emc-docu ments. Re - Uni ver sity of Ha waii Press. trieved Novem ber 29, 2000. Oli ver , D. L. 1981. Two Tahi tian vil lages: A study in compar i - Worldmark en cy clo pe dia of na tions. 1988. New York: World sons. Provo, UT: Brigham Young Univer sity Press. Press, Ltd. Critical Acclaim for The Continuum Complete International Encyclopedia of Sexuality 1. The In ter na tion al En cy clo pe dia of Sex u al ity, Vols. 1-3 (Francoeur, 1997) The World As so ci a tion of Sexol o gy, an in ter na tion al so ci ety of lead ing schol ars and eighty pro fes sional or ga ni za tions de voted to the study of hu man sexual be hav ior, has en dorsed The In ter na tion al En cy clo pe dia of Sex u al ity as an im por tant and unique con tri bu tion to our un der stand ing and ap pre ci a tion of the rich va ri ety of hu man sex ual at ti tudes, values, and behavior in cultures around the world. Re cip i ent of the “1997 Ci ta tion of Ex cel lence for an out stand ing ref er ence in the field of sexol o gy,” awarded by the Ameri can Foun da tion for Gen der and Gen i tal Med i cine and Sci ence at the Thir teenth World Con gress of Sexol o gy, Valencia, Spain. Rec om mended by Li brary Jour nal (Oc to ber 1, 1997) to pub li c and ac a demic li brar i ans look ing to up date their col lec tions in the area of sex u al ity: “An ex traor di nary, highly valu able syn the sis of in for ma tion not avail able else where. Here are in-depth re ports on sex-re lated prac tices and cul ture in 32 coun tries on six con ti nents, con trib uted by 135 sexol o gists worldwide. . . . For all academic and larger public collections.” Picked by Choice (As so ci a tion of Col lege & Re search Li brar ies/Amer i can Li brary As so ci a tion) as Best Ref er ence Work and Outstand ing Ac a demic Book for 1997: “Al though this en cy clo pe dia is meant as a means of un der stand ing hu man sexu al ity, it can also be used as a lens with which to view hu man cul ture in many of its other man i fes ta tions. . . . Con sid er ing cov er age, or ga ni za tion, and au thor ity, the com par a tively low price is also no ta ble. Rec om mended for refer ence collec tions in universities, special collections, and public libraries.” “Most impres sive, pro vid ing a wealth of good, solid in for mation that may be used by a wide va ri ety of pro fes sionals and stu dents seek ing in for mation on cross-cul tural pat terns of sex ual be hav ior . . . an in valu able, unique schol arly work that no li brary should be with out.”—Con tem po rary Psy chol ogy “. . . en ables us to make transcultural com par i sons of sexual at ti tudes and be hav iours in a way no other mod ern book does. . . . Clin ics and train ing or ga ni za tions would do well to ac quire cop ies for their li brar ies. . . . In di vid ual ther a pists and re search ers who like to have their own col lec tion of key publi ca tions should cer tainly con sider it.”—Sex ual and Mar i tal Ther apy (U.K.) “. . . schol arly, straight for ward, and tightly-or ga nized for mat in for mation about sex ual be liefs and be hav iors as they are cur rently prac ticed in 32 coun tries around the world. . . . The list of contri butors . . . is a vir tual who’s who of schol ars in sexual science.”— Choice “. . . one of the most ambi tious cross-cul tural sex sur veys ever un der taken. Some 135 sexol o gists worldwide de scribe sex-re lated prac tices and cul tures in 32 dif fer ent coun tries. . . . Best Ref er ence Sources of 1997.”—Li brary Jour nal “What sep a rates this en cy clo pe dia from past in ter na tion al sex u al ity books is its dis tinct dis sim i lar ity to a ‘guide book to the sex ual hotspots of the world.’ . . . An im pres sive and im por tant con tri bution to our un der stand ing of sex ual ity in a global so ci ety. . . . fills a big gap in peo ple’s knowl edge about sex ual at ti tudes and be hav iors.”—Sex u al ity In for mation and Ed u ca tion Council of the United States (SIECUS) “Truly impor tant books on hu man sexu al ity can be counted on, per haps, just one hand. The In ter na tion al En cy clo pe dia of Sex u al ity de serves spe cial at ten tion as an im pres sive ac com plish ment.”—Jour nal of Mar riage and the Fam ily “. . . a land mark ef fort to cross-ref er ence vast amounts of infor mation about hu man sexual be hav iors, cus toms, and cul tural at ti tudes ex ist ing in the world. Never be fore has such a com pre hen sive un der tak ing been even re motely avail able to re search ers, schol ars, ed u ca tors, and cli ni cians ac tive in the field of hu man sex u al ity.”—San dra Cole, Pro fes sor of Phys i cal Med i cine and Re ha bil i ta tion, University of Michigan Medical Center 2. The In ter na tion al En cy clo pe dia of Sex u al ity, Vol. 4 (Francoeur & Noonan, 2001) “. . . a mas ter piece of or ga ni za tion. The feat of suc cess fully compil ing so much infor mation about so many coun tries into such a co her ent and read able for mat de fies sig nif i cant neg a tive crit i cism.”—Sex u al ity and Cul ture, Paul Fedoroff, M.D., Co-Di rec tor, Sex ual Be hav iors Clinic Fo ren sic Program, The Royal Ottawa Hospital, Ottawa, Canada 3. The Con tin uum Com plete In ter na tion al En cy clo pe dia of Sex u al ity (Francoeur & Noonan, 2004) “. . . [a] trea sure trove. . . . This unique compi la tion of spe cial ized knowl edge is rec ommended for re search col lec tions in the social sciences . . . as well as a second ary source for cross-cultural research.”— Li brary Jour nal, March 15, 2004, p. 64 “. . . a book that is truly historic, and in many ways compa ra ble to the great sexological sur veys of Havelock Ellis and Al fred Kinsey. . . . Many works of unde ni able im por tance are in tended to speak about hu man sexu al ity. But in this en cy clo pe dia we hear the voices of a mul ti tude of na tions and cul tures. With cov er age of more than a quar ter of the coun tries in the world, . . . not only will the Con tin uum Com plete In ter na tion al En cy clo pe dia of Sex u al ity remain a stand ard ref er ence work for years to come, but it has raised the bar of sexological schol ar ship to a rig or ous new level.”—John Heidenry, ed i tor, The Week, and au thor of What Wild Ec stasy: The Rise and Fall of the Sex ual Revolution For more review excerpts, go to www.SexQuest.com/ccies/.