Philosophies of Adult Environmental Education

Adult Education Quarterly Volume 60 Number 1 November 2009 3-25 © 2009 American Association for Adult and Continuing Philosophies of Adult Education 10.1177/0741713609336109 Environmental Education http://aeq.sagepub.com hosted at Pierre Walter http://online.sagepub.com University of British Columbia

This article offers a typology of philosophical traditions in environmental education for adults, based on five philosophical perspectives of adult education described by Elias and Merriam. These five traditions are liberal, progressive, behaviorist, humanist, and radical adult environmental education, respectively. A summary of each philosophy’s main tenets, including the aims of education, beliefs about the nature of learners, the role of educators, and instructional strategies and assessment of learning is given in the article. Limitations of the typology are also discussed. Prominent examples from the environmental movement and adult environmental education practice in North America are then presented to illustrate each philosophy. The article ends with a discussion of directions for future research and implications for practice.

Keywords: environmental education; philosophies of adult education; environmentalism

n recent years, the growing threat of global warming, the resource demands of a Ivoracious world economy, ever-expanding consumerism, and the untold ecological consequences of war have emerged as critical environmental problems. Together with continuing problems of toxic waste, industrial pollution, water contamination, urban sprawl, solid waste disposal, deforestation, the degradation of marine environments and wetlands, the destruction of wildlife habitat, and the loss of biodiversity, these new problems constitute a global ecological crisis (Clover, 2003; Merchant, 2005). This ecological crisis has given a new sense of urgency to environmental education for adults (and children). With adult education’s strong roots in community development, popular education, and social justice—in extension education, literacy, and workplace education, on one hand; and in the labor, civil rights, peace, and other social movements, on the other—the field is well positioned to lead the way forward in fostering environmental awareness and action among adults, social institutions, and social movements. A multiplicity of theorizing and expertise in more mainstream areas of adult education practice such as human resources development, citizenship education, distance education, seniors education, vocational education, and health education also provides a strong base of knowledge and experience for the development of diverse strands of thought and pedagogy in adult environmental education.

Author’s Note: An abridged version of this article was presented at the Western Region Research Conference on the Education of Adults, October 12-14, 2007, Western Washington University, Bellingham.

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However, in spite of its great promise, adult education is not yet a particularly “green” field of research and scholarship. Although there is a healthy and expansive world of “green” educational practice for adults, and a strong network of committed environmental adult educators and activists on the ground, research and theorizing in academia is still largely in the infant stage. Most of what is considered environmental education by academics takes place either with children in the K-12 school- ing system or with university students in environmental studies programs in higher education. In adult education, the outstanding exception to this rule is the area of environmental adult education, composed of a vibrant community of scholars and activists concerned with adult learning in social movements, global environmental justice, transformative learning, and popular education (Clover, 2000a, 2002a, 2004a; Clover, Follen, & Hall, 2000; L. H. Hill & Clover, 2003; R. J. Hill, 2003). However, this body of work in environmental adult education represents only one of many diverse traditions of practice in environmental education for adults. The typology of adult environmental education presented in this article was developed for several reasons: (a) to allow a wider consideration of approaches to theorizing adult environmental education than currently exists; (b) to allow adult educators within the vast, yet largely undocumented, field of “green” educational practice to begin to locate themselves within particular philosophies of environmental education; and (c) to stimulate questioning and debate about philosophies of environmental education for adults, about practice in the field, and the connections between the two. Drawing on five major philosophies of adult education described by John L. Elias and Sharan B. Merriam in Philosophical Foundations of Adult Education (1995), this article compares liberal, progressive, behaviorist, humanist, and radical philosophies of adult environmental education (Table 1).1 To date, Elias and Merriam’s typology has been used to good effect in understanding differing philosophies of adult education in fields of practice ranging from extension education (White & Brockett, 1987) and language education (Kelly, 1998) to entrepreneurship education (Hannon, 2005) and radiation safety training (Dauer & St. Germaine, 2006). However, the typology has not been applied to categorize philosophies of environmental education for adults, the central task of this article. Examples of adult environmental education in the typology were chosen for inclusion both for their illustrative power and their importance to the North American environmental movement. Relative importance was determined in an extensive review of relevant works in environmental history (Gottlieb, 2005; Hughes, 2006; Kline, 2007; Merchant, 2002; Nash, 2001; Wellock, 2007), and in an exhaus- tive review of (a) leading journals in adult education, (b) current scholarship in environmental adult education, and (c) leading journals in K-12 and tertiary environmental education.2 Examples were classified under a particular philosophy of environmental education using a constant comparative process of data analysis, common to qualitative research in adult education (Merriam & Associates, 2002). Although Table 1 shows an evenly balanced summary of philosophies, the discussion of each Table 1 Philosophies of Adult Environmental Education

Associated Groups, Role of Instructor and Assessment of Programs, Activities, Philosophy Purpose of Education Nature of Adult Learners Instructional Strategies Learning and Educators

Liberal Expansion of knowledge and Humans are rational beings Teacher as the source of Subject matter exams Nature conservancy understanding Rigorous Learners are empty vessels knowledge and Essays Audubon Society intellectual training Focus is on the power of authority: the Oracle Recitation Nature centers Development of spiritual, the mind Guides learners through Botanical gardens, moral and aesthetic sense content and zoos Enlightenment of citizens contemplation Museums of natural Book-centered pedagogy history Assign, study, recite Aquariums Socratic dialogue lecture Alice Hamilton, Focus on liberal arts Rachel Carson, Al curriculum Gore Progressive Education for democracy Humans are born neither Teacher as guide, Observation Izaak Walton League and social reform good nor bad facilitator Demonstration National Wildlife Liberation of talents, Humans are adaptive Learner-centered Federation experience, knowledge of Learners have unlimited Experimentation Outward Bound adults potential for growth Experiential learning Audubon Expedition Betterment of human Problem-based learning Model condition Apprenticeship Outdoor education Focus on scientific Ecotourism method Conservation movement Federick Law Olmstead Aldo Leopold Behaviorist Ensure survival and Human nature is neither Contingency manager Observation of Environmental minimize suffering of good nor bad Behavioral engineer behavioral change Defense Fund human species Human behavior is a result Environment shapes Measurable outcomes Natural Resources

5 of prior conditioning desired behavior Evidence-based Defense Council

(continued) 6 Table 1 (continued)

Associated Groups, Role of Instructor and Assessment of Programs, Activities, Philosophy Purpose of Education Nature of Adult Learners Instructional Strategies Learning and Educators

Control learning Humans are Behavioral objectives Criterion-referenced Environmental environment to lessen “preprogrammed” to Rewards and punishment legislation human tendency toward respond to stimuli in Green marketing self-gratification, predetermined ways Carbon tax aggression, and Recycling programs destruction Energy reduction programs Antilittering campaigns Humanistic Self-actualization Humans are by nature Facilitator: establishes Self-evaluation Sierra Club Transcendence essentially good climate of acceptance; Achievement of Wilderness Society Human happiness Humans are complex, promotes personal insight into problem First Nations Social, emotional, spiritual, autonomous beings with growth and self- solving environmental and intellectual an inherent sense of awareness; uses Individual learning education development freedom and dignity experiences and contracts Transcendentalists Learners have unlimited potentialities of learners Deep ecology potential Learning is holistic, Spiritual ecology Learners are internally subjective, and Preservation motivated & self-directed problem-centered and movement takes place through Henry David Thoreau cooperation and in John Muir groups Julia Butterfly Hill Learners take responsibility for learning Focus on humanities curriculum

(continued) Table 1 (continued)

Associated Groups, Role of Instructor and Assessment of Programs, Activities, Philosophy Purpose of Education Nature of Adult Learners Instructional Strategies Learning and Educators

Radical Liberation of humans from Humans are active agents in Facilitator, coinvestigator, Increased critical Raging Grannies, social, economic, and constructing the world organizer, activist consciousness Earth First!, political oppression Humans as creators of Pedagogy of the Political action Greenpeace Humanization of learners culture and history oppressed Visible social change Antinuclear, and society Dialogue, reflection, and antitoxins, and Social transformation action (“dialogic antiglobalization praxis”) movements Problem-posing Environmental justice education Environmental protest conscientization movements Focus on “generative Dave Foreman themes” and “reading Cesar Chavez the world” Lois Gibbs Esperanza Maya

Source: Based on Elias and Merriam (1995). 7 8 Adult Education Quarterly philosophy in the text is somewhat less even, reflecting the uneven development of scholarship for different traditions. Like any typology, this comparison of philosophies of adult environmental education is necessarily incomplete and limited in its scope and depth. It is meant to be illustrative rather than comprehensive; thus, not all figures, adult environmental education programs, or initiatives have been included here. Examples cited are mostly limited to the most prominent voices in the North American environmental movement. For this reason, the typology to some extent exhibits the same “upper- class White male” bias historically characterizing the U.S. environmental movement in general (Gottlieb, 2005) and scholarship in adult environmental education in particular (Clover, 1995; R. J. Hill, 2003). Although a strong effort has been made to include scholarship on and by women, people of color, and other marginalized persons—from Alice Hamilton, Rachel Carson, and Julia Butterfly Hill to Cesar Chavez, Lois Gibbs, Esperanza Maya, and Tzeporah Berman—a more widely inclusive typology is beyond the scope of this article. Likewise, in its emphasis on “wilderness” environmental education, the typology, like the environmental movement as a whole, also underemphasizes urban environmental issues such as occupational health and safety, toxic waste, air pollution, lack of green space, solid waste disposal, sanitation, and pesticide use. These are issues that disproportionately affect poor urban communities, African Americans, Hispanic communities, urban working-class immigrants, and other marginalized ethnic and racial groups. However, a deeper consideration of these issues is also beyond the scope of the study. Finally, whereas the present typology posits clear boundaries between five philosophical traditions, these categories are in reality imprecise and at times overlap- ping. However, the hope is that this typology, however imperfect, will stimulate others to think reflectively, in both philosophical and practical terms, about their own educational practice in adult environmental education, and allow for a wider consideration of these issues to flourish in the field of adult education as a whole.

Liberal Adult Environmental Education: An Inconvenient Truth

As Elias and Merriam (1995) explained, the purpose of liberal adult education is both the expansion of intellectual knowledge and the development of an enlightened moral and cultural sensibility in learners. In this tradition, humans are seen primarily as rational learners able to use their beautiful, powerful minds to reason logically and to absorb new knowledge. They should understand the basics of science and economics and appreciate art, music, literature, and theatre and, thus, also function more thoughtfully as informed citizens of the benevolent nation-state. Teachers here are wise, knowledgeable experts who guide learners step by step through increas- ingly complex bodies of knowledge toward subject mastery. Sages such as Socrates Walter / Philosophies of Adult Environmental Education 9 and Confucius are found in this tradition: Each used lecture, directed reading of the canon, and careful questioning of learners to elicit structured, logical thinking along particular lines of inquiry. This is the classic tradition found in undergraduate liberal arts education today. In adult environmental education, strands of a liberal philosophy can be seen most clearly in the educational initiatives of scientist-environmentalists such as Alice Hamilton, Rachel Carson, and Al Gore. Practical expressions of this philosophy are also found in adult education in botanical gardens, zoos, aquariums, museums of natural history, nature centers, and docent programs (see, for example, Ballantyne, Packer, Hughes, & Dierking, 2007) and in the public education initiatives of conservationist organizations like the Nature Conservancy, Audubon Society, World Wildlife Fund, and Wilderness Society. All share a common faith in the power of knowledge to transform adults’ understanding and appreciation of nature and to persuade them as citizens to protect and preserve their common natural heritage. As rational, thinking human beings, better knowledge of bird, plant, and animal popula- tions; wildlife ecology; geology; hydrology; forests; wetlands; deserts; and so on will result in better protection of the existing natural environment and will mean reduced risks of future environmental destruction. Alice Hamilton (1869-1970), medical doctor, pathologist, social activist, and eventually the first woman professor at Harvard, was among the earliest scientist- environmentalists to serve as a public environmental adult educator in the liberal tradition. Foreshadowing the environmental justice movement of the 1980s, from the 1890s to the 1920s, Hamilton investigated and publicized the toxic effects of sewage outflow, carbon monoxide, phosphorous, lead, and petrochemicals on the health of factory workers and the urban slums of industrial Chicago (Bois, 1997; Gottlieb, 2005). Working with Jane Addams and Chicago’s Hull House, first as head of the Illinois Commission on Occupational Disease and later as Harvard professor of industrial medicine and public health, Hamilton labored tirelessly to educate the medical profession, policy makers, the public, and urban workers themselves about the deadly consequences of industrial poisons and pollution.3 In the tradition of liberal adult education, the key to Hamilton’s labors as an environmental educator was the careful investigation and dissemination of knowledge of industrial toxicity; the step-by-step, logical exposition of its environmental and health consequences to often resistant medical, industry, and regulatory professionals; and the promotion among them of a moral sensibility encompassing the plight of the urban industrial workers affected. In 1925, Hamilton published her classic text Industrial Poisons in the United States and, in 1934, Industrial Toxicology, both of which helped to establish her as “the country’s most powerful and effective voice for exploring the environmental consequences of industrial activity” and a “powerful environmental advocate in an era when the term had yet to be invented” (Gottlieb, 2005, p. 88). A similar faith in the power of scientific knowledge and public education to transform environmental consciousness in the liberal tradition can also be found in the 10 Adult Education Quarterly

life and work of scientist and environmental educator Rachel Carson (1907-1964). Marine biologist and prolific science writer, Carson is best known for the publication of her book Silent Spring in 1962. A ringing indictment of the dangers to wildlife and fish of DDT and other pesticide use, Silent Spring is widely credited with spark- ing a new environmental consciousness that helped to found the environmental movement of the 1960s and 1970s (Kline, 2007; Zelko, 2006). The knowledge contained in the book not only transformed public understandings of the dangers of pesticide use but threatened corporate pesticide producers as well. As Gottlieb (2005) wrote,

Carson anticipated her information might be explosive, given the petrochemical industry’s power and willingness to attack any criticisms. As a result, she built her case method- ologically in the form of a writer’s brief in which the questions and findings of science could be used to educate and ultimately empower the public. (p. 124)

Although Carson’s book was attacked by other scientists citing opposing evidence and through innuendo suggesting that Carson was a communist, a lesbian, and as a woman unqualified to do science (Gottlieb, 2005, pp. 125-26), the strength of her intellectual argument ultimately prevailed and served as education and inspiration for generations of environmentalists. Following in the footsteps of Rachel Carson and Alice Hamilton, a timely contemporary example of the liberal tradition in action can be seen in former vice president Albert Gore and his dogged public campaign to raise awareness of global warming. Through An Inconvenient Truth (2006), a combined documentary film, DVD, coffee table book, Internet site, and PowerPoint lecture circuit, Gore offers a kind of Socratic dialogue on the evils of global warming, argued in scientific terms. In reading the book or watching the movie, it is clear that Al Gore has the Truth, the facts, and more facts, and it is up to readers, viewers, and listeners to study them and to act. An Inconvenient Truth offers constant claims to the authority of Science and scientist mentors and, in the liberal tradition, to a moral journey toward enlightened understanding that others should emulate. His is a moral truth, a spiritual truth, and a personal truth. In this, Gore himself is the model intellectual leader, whose lecturing in dry, measured tones reinforces a confidence that rationalism, logic, science, personal faith, and knowledge will prevail. Learners, on their part, are seen as thinking, compassionate beings, who, after having been presented with a reasoned account of the facts about global warming, will understand the seriousness of the problem and their own role in perpetuating it, and will take action for change. In solving the problem of global warming, more scientific knowledge—new energy generation technologies, more efficient homes, green power—is also critical. By 2006, the documentary An Inconvenient Truth had earned more than $20 million, garnered an Academy Award, and was widely credited with bringing the issue of global warming into the U.S. public consciousness (Sayre, 2007). Gore had won the Nobel Prize and had organized the Climate Project, a national “training of trainers” Walter / Philosophies of Adult Environmental Education 11 educational initiative on global warming. By 2007, the Climate Project had trained more than 1,000 community leaders as facilitators to screen the movie and give the same Inconvenient Truth presentation Gore offers in the film (Sayre, 2007). As one trainee described the experience, “It was like being in a university class with Al Gore as the professor. . . . He went over slide by slide and explained the science behind each one and discussed where there was consensus and where there was doubt” (quoted in Ramanujan, 2007). Following the training, each volunteer is required to give at least 10 talks a year. To maximize the multiplier effect of the trainings, volunteers include school teachers, celebrities (e.g., Carmen Diaz), and other persons in key positions of influence. DVDs of An Inconvenient Truth are regularly distributed in large numbers to school boards as well, provoking healthy, democratic debate over the politics and scientific evidence of global warming. In this, as was the case with Alice Hamilton’s exposure of industrial poisoning and Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring, Al Gore’s campaign on global warming, in the liberal tradition of adult environmental education, shows the ability of new knowledge of complex environmental issues, presented in a logical, thoughtful manner by impassioned experts, to stimulate environmental consciousness and provoke action for change.

Progressive Adult Education: Outward Bound

Progressivism has been the predominant influence in adult education since the 1920s: It has informed the development of vocational education, extension education, citizenship education, family education, and education for social action (Elias & Merriam, 1995). Building on the thought of John Dewey and Progressive Era (1900- 1920), notions of pragmatism, education for democracy, and, above all, the centrality of personal experience to learning, progressive education aims to free the talents of learners in service of the larger social good. It is learner-centered; it should develop democratic ideals in learners and promote experimentation and the application of the scientific method to solve social problems. It is thus more than just the refinement of intellect through study in the liberal tradition; it also involves socialization into democratic thought and practice. Moreover, it broadens the focus of learning and education from children to lifelong learning for adults and from schools as the sole site of education to education in the workplace, community, and society at large. Progressive education, both in and out of school, is practical, with hands-on problem solving and guided experience. The teacher now functions more as a guide and facilitator of learning than a didactic scholar and centers her or his teaching around the needs, knowledge, and experience of learners rather than on a set curriculum or cannon. Assessment of learning can be accomplished through the active demonstration of knowledge learned rather than exclusively through testing and recitation. Progressivism has been influential in shaping adult environmental education since at least the early 1900s. With roots in the environmental conservation movement of 12 Adult Education Quarterly the late 19th and early 20th centuries, strands of progressive environmental education have traveled through the teachings of environmentalists such as George Perkins Marsh in the 1860s, Gifford Pinchot in the early 1900s, and Aldo Leopold in the 1930s and 1940s, through the outdoor environmental education programs of the early 1970s, to the present. During the Progressive Era, the conservation movement developed in response to the unregulated commercial exploitation of natural resources by large logging, mining, and ranching concerns of the time. To counter this uncontrolled destruction of natural resources, conservationists focused on pro- moting properly planned, rational, and efficient “right use” of forests, land, and waters for recreation, logging, and agriculture, as this use was best determined by government scientists and expert bureaucrats (Gottlieb, 2005; Merchant, 2002). As part of the conservation movement, progressive adult environmental education took its most obvious form in wilderness recreation. In this, it was believed that the outdoor experience of hunting big game, fly fishing, hiking, skiing, and mountaineering would not only teach Americans (primarily men) the value of preserving wilderness of great scenic beauty but also build in them a virile, rugged manliness (Gottlieb, 2005, p. 282), presaging the character-building function of outdoor education from the 1970s to the present day. The conservation impulse was also enacted in urban areas, most famously by landscape architect Frederick Law Olmstead (1822-1903), who designed urban parks as natural landscapes, believing that “accessibility to nature by all walks of society (was necessary) for a democratic culture to thrive” (Merchant, 2002, p. 231). By the 1930s, disappearing wilderness, the traumatic effects of the Dust Bowl, and the widespread erosion of farmed soils was also stimulating a rethinking of agricultural land use and wildlife management along conservation lines. Scientist, naturalist, and conservationist Aldo Leopold (1887-1948), known for A Sand County Almanac (1949) and his foundational work in natural resources management, wildlife, and restoration ecology, was one of the most important environmental adult educators in the progressive tradition. In his work as a professor at the University of Wisconsin (1933-1948), in his writings on land conservation, and in the many environmental education programs inspired by his work, Leopold’s land ethic placed human beings within rather than outside of their local biotic communities. In this eco-centric environmental philosophy, humans were “citizens” of land communities alongside soils, water, plants, and animals and, thus, had an enlightened interest in natural conservation. As Leopold (1949/1968) famously put it, “We abuse land because we regard it as a commodity belonging to us. When we see land as a community to which we belong, we may begin to use it with love and respect” (p. viii). To foster this land ethic, Leopold believed conservation education should entail hands-on experience outside the classroom, with careful observation of wildlife, forest, and field, to develop in students an ecological consciousness and love for the land (Newton, 2006; Orr, 1999). Such education in the progressive tradition would include the use of experimental areas to study conservation problems, wildlife management Walter / Philosophies of Adult Environmental Education 13 demonstrations, natural history surveys, planting programs to restore native vegeta- tion, and ample opportunity to hike and explore natural areas. By the 1970s, an understanding of ecosystems and ecological consciousness was a growing part of the popular lexicon, and the field of environmental education was emerging in the K-12 and higher education, with many borrowings from Aldo Leopold and others in the progressive conservation tradition. However, it was outdoor education, focused mainly on children and young adults, but also including mature adults, that most closely embodied many of the basic tenets of progressive adult environmental education. Strongly influenced by the philosophy of John Dewey, outdoor education is practical and experiential. Learners are faced with numerous problem-solving tasks and are asked to help build a community of participants to cooperate in democratic fashion (Warren, 2005). Instructors act as guides and facilitators, and there is no fixed body of knowledge to be learned. Outdoor education programs for young adults may include science-based projects in ecology and environmental monitoring; outdoor survival skills such as backpacking, camp- ing, orienteering, and mountain climbing; ecological awareness and environmental ethics; and the building of self-confidence and a sense of community (McRae, 1990; Warren, 2005). Beyond programs designed for youth, outdoor education may also involve corporate team building and “wilderness therapy” for survivors of domestic violence, new immigrants, and others. Programs such as the Audubon Expedition Model (Wittmer & Johnson, 2000), experiential educational programs to revive traditional ecological knowledge (Feinstein, 2004), nonformal education in state and local parks (Taylor & Caldarelli, 2004), and many ecotourism initiatives (Walter, in press) can be located in the same progressive tradition. Probably the most well known of these experiential learning programs is Outward Bound, founded on principles of “hands-on learning through outdoor adventure” in the early 1950s and today encompassing a wide range of schools and programs across North America and internationally (Outward Bound, 2008). In Outward Bound programs, the basic assumption is that individual virtue is “a common human essence” that can be “unleashed through the confrontation with physical challenges,” in what Millikan (2006) called the “muscular Christian ethos of American Liberalism.” Today, all Outward Bound programs adhere to six basic values: Adventure & Challenge, Learning by Doing, Compassion & Service, Social & Environmental Responsibility, Character Development, and Inclusion & Diversity (Outward Bound, 2008). Environ mental knowledge may or may not be an integral part of the experience, but simple, intense exposure to nature is seen to promote an environmental ethic. Outward Bound instructors challenge, push, and encourage participants in various wilderness activities such as backpacking, canoeing, and rock climbing, and gradually withdraw as students gain skills and confidence of their own. The educational focus is on the potential for personal growth through outdoor experience, including increased self-confidence, leadership, compassion, communication skills, tolerance, problem solving, teamwork, and the welcoming and respecting of difference. 14 Adult Education Quarterly

Behaviorist Adult Education: “Don’t Mess With Texas”

Unlike progressivism and its focus on the experiential force of the nature, behaviorism, as a psychological theory of education, puts great emphasis on the power of the human-constructed environment to shape both individual and collective social behavior. Elias and Merriam (1995) explained that in the behaviorist tradition, education is a matter of educators structuring environmental stimuli in such a way that learners respond emotionally and cognitively with specific desired behaviors. Most famously, from the 1930s to the 1970s, psychologist B. F. Skinner elaborated behaviorist education as a process whereby desired behaviors could be promoted through rewards (positive reinforcement) and undesired behaviors extinguished through punishments (negative reinforcement). Familiar aspects of behavioral adult education—in human resource development, program planning, vocational education, and military training—include the development of behavioral objectives, competency standards, a programmed curriculum, the giving of grades, and an emphasis on accountability. By the early 1970s, a strong behavioral orientation to public adult environmental education could be found in a burst of new regulatory environmental legislation, in recycling initiatives and in antilittering campaigns. At the time, a variety of toxic industrial chemicals were being freely dumped into the soil, air, and waterways of the United States. Cleveland’s oil-slicked Cuyahoga River caught fire in 1969, regu- lar smog alerts occurred in Los Angeles, the Florida Everglades were drying out, and the bald eagle was near extinction from exposure to pesticides (Kline, 2007). The highways of the United States were littered with garbage; household trash was hap- pily dumped into one composite trash can; and energy-saving light bulbs, hybrid cars, and carbon-offsets were as yet nowhere to be found. In response to growing public concern over environmental problems, with impetus from the peace and antinuclear movements of the 1950s and 1960s, the modern environmental movement took off in the 1970s. The Green Decade of the 1970s, as it came to be called, began with the first Earth Day demonstrations in 1970 and ushered in an era of much expanded public influence for traditional conservation and preservation groups such as the Sierra Club, the National Wildlife Federation, and the National Audubon Society (Gottlieb, 2005; Zelko, 2006). Newer professionalized policy and legal environmental advocacy groups such as the Environmental Defense Fund and the Natural Resources Defense Council were founded at this time as well. Eventually known as the “Group of Ten,” these large environmental groups used their professional expertise in science, economics, and law to lobby the government for environmental legislation and litigate for its implementation. Focused initially on air and water pollution, federal environmental laws passed in the early 1970s included the Clean Air Act (1970), the Water Pollution Control Act (1972), the Endangered Species Act (1973), the Safe Drinking Water Act (1974), and the Resource Conservation and Recovery Act (1976). In 1969, the National Environmental Policy Act was also passed, establishing the Environmental Walter / Philosophies of Adult Environmental Education 15

Protection Agency and a federal regulatory framework to administer, monitor, and enforce environmental statutes. This vast policy and regulatory system relied implicitly on the principles of behaviorism to reward and punish primarily large corporate polluters. In this sense, it offered them a collective environmental education centered on learning how to reduce environmental pollution, with quantifiable outcomes measured against standards of compliance. This form of collective behavioral adult environmental education is readily apparent today in environmental impact assessment, standards regulating green building construction, corporate green marketing, sustainability initiatives, and other incentive and market-based systems of environmental protection. Rewards for desired corporate behaviors, for example, in green marketing and sustainability education, are both monetary (increased profits) and social (public acclaim, awards), whereas punishments may include fines and rep- robation (bad publicity, a drop in market share). On the individual level, a similar system has operated in public antilittering, recycling, and energy-saving campaigns from the 1970s to the present day. These campaigns have relied on the same principles of behaviorism in adult environmental education, drawing on market forces and social psychology to change citizen behavior through a system of tan- gible and intangible rewards and punishments. In the parlance of the environmental behavior field (Huffman, Grossnickle, Cope, & Huffman, 1995), “antecedent strategies” to reduce littering and other undesirable behaviors are “stimulus events prior to the target behavior that are developed to increase or decrease the probability of the desired or undesired response” (p. 154). These include verbal or written messages (e.g., “Littering is unlawful and subject to a $10 fine”), education (community events, publicity campaigns), modeling good behavior (picking up trash and dog excrement), and changes in environmental design (the presence and placement of trash cans, plastic dog bags, etc.). “Consequence strategies” are rewards or penalties after a behavior has occurred and operate as positive or negative reinforcement. Rewards include deposits collected on return of bottles and cans, merit badges and free consumer goods for picking up litter, as well as social approbation (a sense of community pride), whereas penalties include disap- proval (public shame and embarrassment).4 With primarily social rather than economic incentives, the Adopt-a-Highway antilittering campaign has proven to be widely successful from the 1960s to the present. This antilittering campaign stands as a global example of behavioral adult environmental education, today involving some 90,000 groups in 49 states, Puerto Rico, Canada, New Zealand, Australia, and Japan (“Don’t Mess With Texas” [DMWT], 2007). In the local DMWT campaign, for example, a community group or business is asked to adopt a 2-mile stretch of highway for a minimum of 2 years and clean it at least four times per year. In exchange, the group’s name is featured on an Adopt- a-Highway sign marking its road section, and it can then “bask in the glory of claim- ing a piece of Texas pride” over beautifying a strip of highway (DMWT, 2007). 16 Adult Education Quarterly

Currently the number of groups adopting highways throughout Texas stands at about 3,800. However, all Texans are urged to report litterers:

So what do you do when you see trash being tossed out of a car window or accidentally flying out of a truck bed? Instead of hog-tying the offender to your car, we suggest turning them in through the Texas Department of Transportation’s Report a Litterer Program. (DMWT, 2007)

Offenders identified this way are sent a Don’t Mess With Texas litterbag and a letter reminding them not to litter. Those caught by police can be fined up to $500; fines for repeat offenders increase to $2,000 along with a possible 180 days in jail. Don’t mess with Texas.

Humanist Adult Education: Learning From a Tree

In contrast to behaviorism, the humanist tradition in adult education places emphasis on personal growth and self-actualization in learning and is centered on the needs and desires of the learner (Elias & Merriam, 1995). Identified most commonly in adult education with Malcolm Knowles and his extensive writings on andragogy and self-directed learning, humanist adult education takes learners as autonomous, self- motivated adults who are able to take responsibility for their own learning. Drawing on the tenets of humanist psychology and the work of psychologists such as Carl Rogers and Abraham Maslow, humanist adult education allows room for intuitive, spiritual, and emotional learning, for personal transformation and fulfillment as well as intellectual growth. Adult environmental education has drawn on the basic premises and practices of humanism for many years. From First Peoples’ original conceptions of the earth, to 19th- century transcendental philosophers such as Ralph Waldo Emerson and Henry David Thoreau, to naturalist John Muir, and on to more contemporary figures such as tree squatter Julia Butterfly Hill, the humanist philosophical tradition is based on a belief in the wisdom of nature as integral to human spirituality, identity, and, indeed, existence. For Native Americans, environmental adult education is lifelong, lifewide, holistic, inter- dependent with, and contextualized within nature and the wisdom of the elders; human identity itself is inseparable from the Earth and from the cultural narrative of First Peoples (Burton & Point, 2006; Sterling, 2002). Within North American settler society, a host of prominent voices have likewise spoken to the value of wilderness for its role in nurturing human beings. Henry David Thoreau (1817-1862), arguably the most influential of the transcendentalists on today’s environmental movement, spent 2 and a half years living in solitude at Walden Pond, immersing himself in the natural environment to learn about the human condition. As Kline (2007) said, Thoreau expressed “a deep reverence for nature, a belief that it was essential for sustaining human life, and a convic- tion that it embodied both spiritual truth and moral law” (p. 33). Walter / Philosophies of Adult Environmental Education 17

A kindred humanist voice several decades later was that of naturalist John Muir (1838-1914), as he struggled to help preserve the great wilderness regions of the American West. In the campaign to establish Yosemite National Park and other wilderness areas, Muir, like Thoreau, celebrated the spiritual value of nature:

Thousands of tired, nerve-shaken, over-civilized people are beginning to find out that going to the mountains is going home; that wildness is a necessity; and that mountain parks and reservations are useful not only as foundations of timber and irrigating rivers, but as foundations of life. . . . [These people are] getting in touch with the nerves of Mother Earth; jumping from rock to rock, feeling the life of them, learning the songs of them, panting in whole-souled exercise, and rejoicing in deep, long-drawn breaths of pure wilderness. (Muir, 1901, cited in Kline, 2007, pp. 48-49)

Echoing the rhapsody of Muir, movements in spiritual ecology, deep ecology, and some versions of ecofeminism argue for the interrelatedness of all life on Earth and the need for human self-realization within nature (Merchant, 2005). In humanist adult environmental education, the restorative spiritual function of the natural environment is recognized in learning activities such as The Council of All Beings—a ritual in which humans take on the role of animals, rocks, and plants; in Gaia meditations—which call upon people to cycle the Earth’s elements through their bodies; and through song, music, art, and drama connecting people emotionally to the Earth (Clover et al., 2000; Merchant, 2005). More formal adult education programs also tap into the spiritual power of wilderness and natural settings to promote healing, reflection, and adult learning (Fair, 2006; Grill, 2004). Learning in this tradition is deeply personal and holistic, stressing the intrinsic biophysical and spiritual connection of human beings to nature and tapping into its healing powers, generally within a supportive community of learners and facilitators. There is some obvious overlap with progressive traditions, but the focus here is largely on the metaphysical, on the transformation of ecological consciousness through the practice of contemplation, reflection, and meditation within nature. This path to increased self-awareness as part of nature—akin to that taken by a guru on the mountaintop, a Native American on a vision quest, or an ascetic monk in the forest—aims to merge self with nature and the cosmos. One striking contemporary example of a humanistic adult environmental education journey is found in the experience of tree squatter Julia Butterfly Hill, who spent 2 years living in a towering redwood tree in Northern California. In her book, The Legacy of Luna: The Story of a Tree, a Woman and the Struggle to Save the Redwoods, Julia Butterfly Hill (2000) wrote that she came to understand, love, and respect Luna, the tree (her teacher); it protected her through fierce winter winds, cold rains, and howling snowstorms and taught her to remain steadfast in her quest to save the wild redwoods from logging. This radical awakening of her ecological consciousness occurred only slowly, but eventually with great depth, echoing transcendent humanistic traditions of environmental education. As Hill 18 Adult Education Quarterly explained, through Luna the tree, she at last came to understand her place in the universe:

Living in a tree this size, I felt balanced right at the center of Creation, the way we are all balanced at the center of Creation. I learned firsthand how everything that we can—or cannot—see is interconnected like strands in this web of life, from the micro- organisms in the soil helping feed nutrients to Luna, to the stars billions of light-years away, and everything in between. Living the way I live, I’ve learned how each thread reaches back to us. (J. B. Hill, 2000, pp. 142-143)

In educating herself about the forestry issues surrounding her tree-sit, Hill also exemplified the humanist self-directed learner: She listened to environmental radio shows; talked to experts about “slopes, watershed analysis, and timber harvest plans”; and read reams of Internet materials on sustainable logging, the Pacific Lumber Company, Northern California history, and the timber industry (pp. 147- 148). Hill also learned how to safely climb up and down the tree, exercise, and remain healthy. She studied the micro-environment of the tree’s ecosystem and learned how to effectively present herself and the case for forestry conservation to the media, schoolchildren, political activists, loggers, and timber industry CEOs. Most import to humanist traditions of adult environmental education, Julia Butterfly Hill also learned to love a tree.

Radical Adult Education: Saving Clayoquot Sound

Whereas humanist education focuses primarily on the development of the individual, radical adult education stresses collective conscientization, praxis, and action for social change (Elias & Merriam, 1995). Issues of social justice and oppression addressed by this philosophical tradition include literacy, civil rights, labor rights, and indigenous rights, to name a few arenas of action. Premised on the fundamental work of Paulo Freire and his Pedagogy of the Oppressed (1970), this educational tradition embodies political struggle in liberation movements of all forms. Adults here are active creators of their own lives, histories, and futures. They learn through problem-posing education to free themselves from the ideological and material bind- ings of oppression—whether by poverty, discrimination, racism, or sexism—and to uncover and challenge the systemic structures that support these forms of domination and disempowerment. In adult environmental education, this radical tradition broadly encompasses adult learning in social movement contexts, environmental justice, transformative learning, and feminist and popular education (Clover, 2002a, 2004a; Clover et al., 2000; L. H. Hill & Clover, 2003; R. J. Hill, 2003). Radical adult environmental education draws on humanistic and progressive traditions and, to some extent, liberal traditions of adult education, but rejects behaviorist philosophies (Clover, 2002b). Whereas there are many strands of thought and practice Walter / Philosophies of Adult Environmental Education 19 in this tradition, all tend to share a critique of relations and systems of power and dominance, whether in the domination of nature by humans, patriarchy, science, corporate capitalism, or colonialism. Systems of political, economic, and social oppression are seen as interlocking and often symbiotic; radical adult environmental education must therefore address the complex interconnections of social constructs such as race, class, and gender. Situated with the larger arena of new social movements, this form of adult education sees humans as capable not only of critically examining the root causes of environmental destruction but also of envisioning and enacting creative ways of addressing socio-environmental problems, in part by reconnecting with nature and human wisdom about it (Clover et al., 2000). Radical adult environmental education involves both personal and social change and draws on peoples’ lived experience and on local culture and place as its guide. Environmental protest movements are the main site of adult learning and educational practice in this tradition. The Freirian roots of radical adult environmental education can be found in the environmental protest music, humor, and street theatre of groups such as the Raging Grannies (Roy, 2000) and in the creative power of community arts to “conscienticize” and mobilize environmental movement participants (Branagan, 2005; Clover, 2000a). The informal, nonformal, and incidental learning found in environmental protest is central to this tradition. Foley’s (1999) study of environmental activists’ campaign to save an Australian rainforest, for instance, highlighted how these activists, in the course of their struggle, gained a critical understanding of relations of power and built up new skills, knowledge, and expertise in organizing action for social change. Radical environmentalists such as Dave Foreman, founder of Earth First!, and his advocacy of civil disobedience; gue- rilla theatre; tree spiking; and the sabotage of bulldozers, chainsaws, and power lines “in defense of Mother Earth” (Zelko, 2006) fall into this tradition as well. The environmental justice, antitoxins, antinuclear, antiglobalization, and environmental sustainability movements are also prominent sites of radical adult environmental education (Gottlieb, 2005; Merchant, 2002). Robert J. Hill (2003) explained the role of adult education in confronting the many intersecting forms of oppression faced in the environmental justice movement:

The confluence of such cultural practices as racism, White privilege, sexism, greed, and class advantage become especially dangerous intersections for many people when measured in environmental terms. Environmental adult education takes up activist projects, community building and solidarity, resistance, and marshaling networks of knowledge to reverse the hazardous impacts of this confluence of oppressions. (p. 28)

In this vein, the struggles faced by Cesar Chavez and the United Farm Workers in their campaign to stop the poisoning of farm workers by pesticides in the 1960s, Lois Gibbs and other community members confronting the issue of toxic waste in Love Canal as part of the antitoxics movement of the late 1970s and 1980s, and activist Esperanza Maya and the campaign against toxic wastes in Hispanic 20 Adult Education Quarterly communities in California in the late 1980s and 1990s are other clear examples of adult environmental education in the radical tradition (Gottlieb, 2005; Merchant, 2002). Further instances connecting race and gender in radical adult environmental education can be found in Tan’s (2004) study of present-day Chinese and African Canadian immigrant efforts to confront urban environmental health issues such indoor pollution, health hazards, energy conservation, and waste management in urban Toronto. The role of women leaders, activists, and educators; feminist popular education; and principles of nonviolence underscores the importance of the feminist movement in directing social change within the environmental movement in general and in radical adult environmental education in particular. This has historically been the case in the antinuclear and peace movement, where groups such as Women Strike for Peace, key figures such Helen Caldicott and Anna Gyorgy, and events such as the Women’s March on the Pentagon defined the movement from the 1960s to the 1990s (Gottlieb, 2005). Clover’s (2004b) work on a feminist community arts and artists in the transformation of streetscapes and environmental consciousness and in creative environmental protest in urban areas of Canada offers a further example. A final case illustrating radical adult environmental education, and its embrace of humanist, progressive and liberal educational practices, is the 1993 environmental protests over the clear-cutting of old-growth temperate rainforest in Clayoquot Sound, British Columbia, Canada (Walter, 2007). Involving some 10,000 people, young and old, in the blockading of logging roads (900 protestors were arrested), this movement taught participants about feminist principles of nonviolence and consensus decision making and gave them knowledge of forestry, ecosystems, First Nations’ land claims, traditional ecological knowledge and culture, large corporations, government, media, politics, law, and the legal system. It also involved experiential learning in the progressive tradition: The experience of living in the forest “Peace Camp,” participating in blockades, getting arrested, and being jailed was a transformative learning experience for many protestors. Participants also gained scientific knowledge of ecosystems and forestry practices in the liberal tradition as well and fostered human spirituality and connection to nature through song, dance, art, meditation, and group activities, in the humanist tradition. The protest leaders— Tzeporah Berman, Valerie Langer, and other women—who were well aware of the coercive power of patriarchy and its connection to environmental destruction developed a nonviolent feminist pedagogy to confront it. The outcome was preservation of most of the old-growth forest in Clayoquot Sound and transformation in the lives of many toward a more radical environmental consciousness and activism.

Conclusion

The purpose of this article was to identify various disperse strands of adult educational practice within the North American environmental movement, to draw them Walter / Philosophies of Adult Environmental Education 21 into the field of adult education, and to position each within a typology of philosophical traditions in adult education. In mapping the diversity of educational philosophies within the environmental movement, the present typology helps to widen the scope of what is considered adult environmental education: It captures alternative currents of theorizing and educational practice in the environmental movement, gives them an organizing framework, and brings them into the realm of adult education. From the analysis in the article, it is clear that currently only the radical philosophical tradition of adult environmental education has a strong presence in scholarship in adult education, above all through the research, writing, and theorizing of Canadian scholar and activist Darlene E. Clover (1995, 2000a, 2000b, 2002a, 2002b, 2003, 2004a, 2004b). Research in the progressive tradition of adult environmental education has also begun to appear in the field (e.g., Feinstein, 2004; Taylor & Caldarelli, 2004), albeit in more limited fashion. The other three philosophical traditions of adult environmental education—that is, liberal, behaviorist, and humanist— although widely enacted in practice, are, by contrast, largely absent in the academic literature of adult education. Each philosophical tradition of environmental adult education is in itself a fertile site for further research, whether this is on beliefs about the nature of adult learning, the role of the instructor, the teaching-learning transaction, or the impact of learning within the environmental movement and larger society beyond. Case studies would be very valuable, for instance, on nonformal education in zoos, nature centers, aquariums, and so on in the liberal tradition; on outdoor education or adult learning and ecotourism in the progressive tradition; on corporate “greening” education and public environmental education campaigns in the behaviorist tradition; on the learning that takes place within humanistic environmental education in deep ecology or spiritual ecology; and on further instances of learning and education within environmental protest in the radical tradition. As noted in the introduction, a more widely inclusive typology of adult environmental education also remains to be researched and written. That is, although it is fair to say that the world would be much impoverished without the insights and writings of such thoughtful and feeling White men as Henry David Thoreau, John Muir, and Aldo Leopold, this does not mean theirs is the only important narrative in adult environmental education: It is only the most dominant, prominent, and easily accessible. There are countless unsung stories of environmentalists, activists and adult educators—women, people of color, elderly, aboriginal, Queer, disabled, working-class—that likewise deserve the attention of researchers and writers in adult education but have thus far been largely neglected. It would be wonderful to see, for example, expanded scholarship in the field on Queer environmental adult education, disability studies and adult environmental education, African American environmental theory, Inuit aboriginal education on global warming, wilderness education by Chinese immigrant laborers, and so on. A better understanding of the complex relationships of how White middle-class male epistemologies dominate marginalized perspectives in adult environmental education, 22 Adult Education Quarterly in both theory and practice, is also clearly needed. For example, the same 20th- century conservation movement celebrated in mainstream scholarship in progressive environmental education also helped to destroy the material basis of a second more humanist environmental epistemology, land ethic and educational practice, namely, that of Native Americans. Following the logic of one version of White upper-class male environmentalism, that is, wilderness conservation, U.S. national parks such as Yellowstone, Glacier, and Yosemite were in fact created through the “Indian Removal” policies of the time: Crow, Shoshone, Bannock, Blackfeet, and Yosemite peoples were dispossessed and evicted from their ancestral lands to form these national parks (Spence, 1999). As environmental historian Carolyn Merchant (2002) wrote,

When the parks came, Indians were expelled from lands they had long inhabited and ranged to create recreational resources for Whites. Except as tourist attractions, Indians vanished from memory as well as from view. Wilderness was redefined as untainted by human presence, and parks were conceptualized as places were White tourists could be inspired by the sublimity of depopulated natural beauty. (p. 146)

Today, the stunningly beautiful wilderness of the parks remains, but the First Peoples are relegated to reservations. Their land ethic, history, and environmentalism are still mostly missing or misrepresented in many versions of mainstream environmentalism and adult environmental education. In other instances, however, conservationists and Native American groups have found common cause in wilderness conservation (Merchant, 2002). In northern Wisconsin, for example, conservationist White sport fishermen, once bitterly opposed to native fishing rights, formed a grassroots alli- ance in the late 1990s with the Chippewa and other local tribes to successfully oppose the opening of an ecologically destructive zinc and copper mine on Chippewa-ceded ancestral lands (Gedicks & Grossman, 2003). Such examples show not only that there are many relationships of dominance and oppression between and among philosophies of adult environmental education—based on racism, colonialism, classism, and patriarchy—but also that the possibility of cooperation exists across difference. Finally, in presenting this typology, it is hoped that adult educators, broadly situated within the environmental movement, will be better able to understand their personal philosophies of adult education and their connection to educational practice; that is, they might better understand why they do what they do. In considering the range of possibilities in adult environmental education presented here, adult educators will also be able to critically question their own philosophies of education and perhaps decide to locate themselves in different traditions, trying on new roles as instructors, testing assumptions about adult learners, and experimenting with new educational practices. Moreover, they might in fact find themselves reflected in several philosophical traditions and take an “eclectic approach” to their philosophy of adult environmental education (Elias & Merriam, 1995, p. 206). Lastly, using the typology, adult educators will be able to better understand and Walter / Philosophies of Adult Environmental Education 23 appreciate the philosophical positions of others. In this way, they might more readily engage in dialogue across differences of philosophy and practice and find common cause within the environmental movement, enriching it with their individual and collective learning, knowledge, and experience.

Notes

1. Analytical philosophy, a sixth tradition described in the book, is not considered here. As the authors noted, its influence had already “diminished greatly in the past 15 years” by 1995, the time the second edition of the book was written (Elias & Merriam, 1995, p. 234) and is therefore not likely to constitute a major philosophy of practice today. 2. Journals reviewed in adult education included Adult Education Quarterly, Canadian Journal for the Study of Adult Education, Studies in the Education of Adults, Convergence, and Adult Learning. Scholarship reviewed in environmental adult education included, but was not limited, to Clover (2004a); R. J. Hill (2003); L. H. Hill and Clover (2003); Clover (2002a); Clover (2000a); and Clover, Follen, and Hall (2000). Journals reviewed in K-12 and tertiary environmental education included the Journal of Environmental Education, Environmental Education Research, Canadian Journal of Environmental Education, and the International Journal of Sustainability in Higher Education. 3. As a woman professor, Alice Hamilton was denied access to Harvard’s Faculty Club, could not purchase football tickets, and was not be allowed to march in commencement processions (Bois 1997). 4. Within North America, the province of British Columbia was the first to enact a beverage container deposit system in 1970, followed by Oregon’s bottle bill in 1971, which mandated refundable deposits on all beer and soft drink containers (Bottle Bill, 2008). These and subsequent bottle bills have proven to be effective in both reducing litter and conserving resources. Today, however, only 11 states have a refundable deposit law.

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Pierre Walter is an associate professor in the adult and higher education program at the University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada.