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Biological Absorption and Genocide: a Comparison of Indigenous Assimilation Policies in the United States and Australia

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Biological Absorption and Genocide: a Comparison of Indigenous Assimilation Policies in the United States and Australia Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal Volume 4 Issue 1 Article 5 April 2009 Biological Absorption and Genocide: A Comparison of Indigenous Assimilation Policies in the United States and Australia Katherine Elinghaus Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp Recommended Citation Elinghaus, Katherine (2009) "Biological Absorption and Genocide: A Comparison of Indigenous Assimilation Policies in the United States and Australia," Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal: Vol. 4: Iss. 1: Article 5. Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp/vol4/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Biological Absorption and Genocide: A Comparison of Indigenous Assimilation Policies in the United States and Australia Katherine Ellinghaus School of Historical Studies, Monash University, Australia This article examines biological absorption (the imagined process by which indigenous identity would disappear through interracial sexual liaisons) and its relationship to the assimilation policies of the United States and Australia. In the debates about whether or not indigenous assimilation policies constituted genocide, biological absorption has often been pointed to as a particularly salient example of genocidal thinking. US and Australian historians, however, have mostly seen biological absorption as only a minor aspect of assimilation. This article argues that biological absorption should be recognized as a pervasive construct underlying many aspects of Australia’s and the United States’ dealings with Aborigines and Native Americans, respectively. Acknowledging its pervasiveness blurs the boundaries between ethnocide and genocide, demonstrating that strict definitions are not always useful for historians attempting to understand the actions of settler societies. Keywords: indigenous peoples, genocide, biological absorption, assimilation policies The statistics of all attempts to civilise and convert the savage show that the savage dies out sooner through civilisation and conversion than by the more straightforward method of lead and rum. Only the master-races of the world are fit material for the ordeal of civilisation. ([Sydney] Bulletin, 9 June 1883, 6) Since at least the 1970s, historians in Australia and the United States have been assessing the morality of their nations’ origins, prompted by what Antoinette Burton has termed ‘‘the imperial turn’’—the increasing attention paid by scholars to the impact of colonialism and imperialism in the wake of ‘‘decolonization, pre-and post- 1968 racial struggle and feminism in the last quarter century.’’1 In the 1990s this scholarly preoccupation was channeled into public debate. In Australia in 1997 the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission (HREOC) released its report, titled Bringing Them Home, on the Australian government’s practice of removing Aboriginal children from their parents. The report argued that this practice was a form of genocide under the definition given in the United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide (UNCG) of 1948, which includes the ‘‘forcible removal of children’’ as one of its five subsections.2 This claim prompted much public controversy at the time, and it was closely followed by ‘‘history wars’’ in which conservatives and liberals debated the extent of Aboriginal massacres on the frontier. Whether or not genocide took place in Australia has since been deliberated on by a number of Australian scholars, who have published explorations of the issue of Katherine Ellinghaus, ‘‘Biological Absorption and Genocide: A Comparison of Indigenous Assimilation Policies in the United States and Australia.’’ Genocide Studies and Prevention 4, 1 (April 2009): 59–79. ß 2009 Genocide Studies and Prevention. doi:10.3138/gsp.4.1.59 Genocide Studies and Prevention 4:1 April 2009 genocide in Australian history.3 In the early 1990s in the United States a similar public discussion centered around the 1992 quincentenary of Christopher Columbus’s arrival on the North American continent. This event prompted an enormous outpouring of scholarship and public discussion about the implications of the United States’ beginnings as a nation, one strand of which was the condemnation of the decline of Native American populations since 1492 and the invocation of the crime of genocide by scholars whom US historian James Axtell condescendingly described as having ‘‘itchy fingers [on] the trigger of moral outrage.’’4 Few would deny the value of the project of recognizing the high price paid by the original owners of the lands on which these settler societies imposed themselves. However, the use of the word ‘‘genocide’’—used most often to refer to the Holocaust perpetrated by Nazi Germany during World War II—complicated and politicized the issue. Many Australians and Americans were uncomfortable conflating this event with frontier ‘‘wars,’’ population loss due to disease, or the removal of indigenous children, not wishing, perhaps, to undermine the uniqueness of the Holocaust experience.5 This discomfort has, in some ways, infected the debate about whether or not the crime of genocide was committed against the indigenous peoples of North America and Australia, despite the fact that many cogent arguments have been put, not least by the HREOC report itself, that what occurred did fit with the UNCG’s definition.6 ‘‘Historians,’’ writes Laurence M. Hauptman of the US context, ‘‘have a responsibility to use words such as genocide, holocaust, concentration camp, or, more recently, ethnic cleansing in a careful manner.’’7 ‘‘If the word is to retain any meaning or moral impact at all,’’ Axtell argues, ‘‘we must not apply it wholesale to every Indian death in the colonial period. To do so is to dilute our moral vocabulary to insipidity and to squander its intellectual and emotional force.’’8 Australian historian Inga Clendinnen believes that the use of the word ‘‘genocide’’ has unhelpfully generated ‘‘outrage ... accompanied by the slamming-shut of minds.’’9 Henry Reynolds, who has written a book-length investigation of the issue in Australian history, has written of his hesitation to speak of the subject of genocide, which he believes is destined to be tossed on a sea of controversy, likely to be battered from all sides—by those who are hostile to the mere suggestion that such an ‘‘outrageous word’’ could be applied to Australia and by their opponents, who feel that no other term is powerful enough to capture their anger.10 The issue is so fiercely debated, Reynolds writes, that ‘‘neither side appears to welcome a careful and reasonably dispassionate investigation of the topic.’’11 The issue of whether or not indigenous peoples were the victims of genocide has been further complicated by the assimilationist policies under which they suffered—and the question of whether the removal of culture through education, Christianization, institutions, child removal, and the breaking up of families was as genocidal as the actual physical destruction of human bodies. Indeed, a common tendency is to use linguistic subcategories such as ‘‘ethnocide’’ or ‘‘cultural genocide’’ to describe what happened to indigenous peoples in settler societies. This articles focuses on one particular aspect of US and Australian assimilation policies—the phenomenon of biological absorption. Biological absorption was a discernible strategy in both countries during the assimilation period and is of particular relevance to the question of the applicability of genocide to indigenous peoples. This is because its basic premise—that, through interracial relationships, indigenous people would biologically disappear, or be ‘‘bred out’’—blurs the boundaries between cultural removal and the physical destruction of a people. In this discussion my aim has been to move beyond 60 Indigenous Assimilation Policies in the United Sates and Australia concepts of ‘‘national guilt’’ and debates over the legal meanings of the UNCG definition–and to some extent the conservative/liberal political battle into which the issue is so easily swept (it is worth noting that the vast majority of the participants in the debates over indigenous genocide in Australia are not indigenous themselves)–and into the realm of further historical understanding generated by the perspectives that can be gained from comparative history. Ann Curthoys has argued for historians to be less ‘‘national’’ and more ‘‘transnational’’ in their reassessments of national histories in the light of indigenous issues, and asks whether such an approach might make it ‘‘possible to participate more ...in worldwide historiographical conversations.’’12 Most comparative studies of genocide that look at indigenous peoples compare them with non-indigenous groups, most often the Jewish Holocaust.13 But comparing the genocidal treatment of indigenous populations in different colonial contexts is particularly helpful in assessing whether, as Robert Hitchcock and Tara Twedt have discussed, the word ‘‘genocide’’ can in fact be applied to indigenous people.14 It is my contention that a better understanding of biological absorption in the United States and Australia helps us to assess the particularities of indigenous genocide. The histories of indigenous
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