Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20

Izak Atiyas Badye Essid E. Fuat Keyman Raden Pardede Agnès Bénassy-Quéré Gustavo H.B. Franco Homi Kharas Jean Pisani-Ferry Suman Bery Thomas Fues Miguel Kiguel Aleh Tsyvinski Colin Bradford Paolo Guerrieri Wonhyuk Lim Peter Wolff Kemal Derviş Sergei Guriev Jacques Mistral Qiao Yu Peter Drysdale Paul Jenkins Guillermo Ortiz Yongding Yu

April 2011 Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20

Izak Atiyas Badye Essid E. Fuat Keyman Raden Pardede Agnès Bénassy-Quéré Gustavo H.B. Franco Homi Kharas Jean Pisani-Ferry Suman Bery Thomas Fues Miguel Kiguel Aleh Tsyvinski Colin Bradford Paolo Guerrieri Wonhyuk Lim Peter Wolff Kemal Derviş Sergei Guriev Jacques Mistral Qiao Yu Peter Drysdale Paul Jenkins Guillermo Ortiz Yongding Yu

April 2010 Contents

Introduction: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 ...... 1 Kemal Derviş Vice President, Global Economy and Development, Brookings Institution; Former Executive Head of the United Nations Development Program; Former Secretary of Treasury and Economy Minister, The Republic of Turkey; Advisor, Istanbul Policy Center, Sabanci University

Homi Kharas Senior Fellow and Deputy Director, Global Economy and Development, Brookings Institution; Former Chief , East Asia,

Argentina

World : A New Challenge for the G-20 ...... 6 Miguel Kiguel Former Under Secretary of Finance and Chief Advisor to the Minister of the Economy, Argentina; Former President, Banco Hipotecario; Director, Econviews; Professor, Universidad Torcuato Di Tella

Australia

Defining an Asian Agenda in the G-20 ...... 9 Peter Drysdale Emeritus Professor of , Australian National University; Head of the East Asian Bureau of Economic Research; Co-editor, East Asia Forum

Brazil

Inconvenient Asymmetries ...... 12 Gustavo H .B . Franco Chairman and Chief Strategist, Rio Bravo Investimentos; Professor of Economics, Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro; Former Deputy Secretary of , Brazilian Finance Ministry; Former Governor, of Brazil

Canada

Understanding Global Interdependencies: The Contribution of Economic Models . . . . . 16 Badye Essid Economist, Centre for International Governance Innovation Paul Jenkins Distinguished Fellow, Centre for International Governance Innovation

China

How to Formulate Guidelines for the Macroeconomic Indicators ...... 20 Qiao Yu Professor of Economics, School of Public Policy and Management, Tsinghua University, Beijing

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 i European Union

Concrete Steps toward Realistic Reforms of the International Monetary System ...... 25 Agnès Bénassy-Quéré Director, Centre d’Etudes Prospectives et d’Informations Internationales Jean Pisani-Ferry Director, Bruegel; Member, French Prime Minister’s Council of Economic Analysis; Member, European Commission’s Consultative Group of Policy Analysis; Professor, Université de Paris-Dauphine Yongding Yu Director-General, Institute of World Economics and Politics of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences

France

Multilateral Surveillance and Macroeconomic Policy Coordination: Designing an Appropriate Framework ...... 29 Jacques Mistral Professor of Economics; Head of Economic Studies, Institut Français des Relations Internationals; Former Advisor to the Directeur Général du Trésor et de la Politique économique, Ministère des finances - Paris; Member of the French Prime Minister’s Council of Economic Analysis

Germany

Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and Developing Countries: Is Mutual Assessment for Members Only? ...... 34 Thomas Fues Head of Training Department and Senior Fellow, German Development Institute Peter Wolff Head of World Economy and Development Financing and Senior Fellow, German Development Institute

India

Global Imbalances, Effects and External Monitoring: Some Indian Perspectives ...... 38 Suman Bery International Growth Centre, New Delhi and Member, Prime Minister’s Economic Advisory Council

Indonesia

Emerging Economies, Macroeconomic Policy Coordination and the G-20 . . . . . 43 Raden Pardede Co-Founder, Creco Research Institute, Jakarta

Italy

Macroeconomic Policy Coordination and the Generation of World ...... 48 Paolo Guerrieri Professor of Economics, University of Rome Sapienza; Professor, College of Europe, Bruges

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 ii Korea

Financial Globalization and Macroeconomic Policy Coordination ...... 52 Wonhyuk Lim Fellow, Korea Development Institute; Fellow, Korea National Strategy Institute

MEXICO

Enhancing Global Coordination ...... 57 Guillermo Ortiz Chairman, Grupo Financiero Banorte; Former Governor, Bank of Mexico; Former Secretary of Finance and Public Credit, Mexico; Former Ambassador of Mexico to the International Monetary Fund

Russia

Corporate Governance of the World’s Financial System: Extend the Financial Regulation Franchise to Emerging Economies ...... 60 Sergei Guriev Rector, New Economic School, Moscow Aleh Tsyvinski Professor of Economics, Yale University; Professor, New Economic School, Moscow

Turkey

Macroeconomic Policy Coordination: Reducing External Imbalances and Difficulties and Inducing Cooperative Behavior ...... 63 Izak Atiyas Professor, Sabanci University E . Fuat Keyman Professor and Director, Istanbul Policy Center, Sabanci University

United States

The Global Rebalancing and Growth Strategy Debate ...... 68 Colin Bradford Nonresident Senior Fellow, Global Economy and Development, Brookings Institution; Senior Fellow, Centre for International Governance Innovation

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 iii Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 Vice President, Global Economy and Development, Brookings Institution; Former Executive Kemal Derviş Head of the United Nations Development Program; Former Secretary of Treasury and Economy Minister, The Republic of Turkey; Advisor, Istanbul Policy Center, Sabanci University Senior Fellow and Deputy Director, Global Economy and Development, Brookings Homi Kharas Institution; Former Chief Economist, East Asia, World Bank

Challenges of Interdependence coordination through some form of multilateral surveillance, as well as global forecasts and re- Global interdependence has increased in many search on global economic issues . At the IMF, there domains, such as the spread of infectious disease, is also a long tradition of promoting the develop- nuclear threats, and the manage- ment of prudential standards for the financial sec- ment of the global economy . In each area, there tor or prescriptions for prudent . Until exist large spillover effects across national borders recently, however, member states have not given that have prompted efforts to come up with global- strong support to the multilateral dimension of ly coordinated solutions . In the economic domain, these efforts . some of these efforts have either been enshrined in legally binding treaties, as in the case of rules The 2008 crisis pointed to the deficiencies in the that the Word Trade Organization has been set up institutional arrangements for dealing with fi- to provide and enforce, or conventions and norms nancial crises and global macroeconomic inter- for behavior as in the case of the Basel Committee dependence . With regard to the financial sector, guidelines for the banking sector or rules relating the Financial Stability Forum has been expanded to health issues coordinated by the World Health and transformed into the Financial Stability Board Organization . (FSB), and working with the IMF and the Group of Twenty (G-20), it is to provide global rules for reg- The great financial crisis of 2008 and the ensuing ulating the financial sector . While much still needs that hit large parts of the world economy to be done, the framework for tackling the issues highlighted the importance of macroeconomic appears set in place . The same cannot be said for and financial stability as global public . Fi- managing global macroeconomic interdepen- nancial problems are highly contagious in a world dence, or what is often somewhat loosely called where financial institutions have become global “global macroeconomic imbalances” . Until 2009, and systemically important, where capital flows the efforts by the IMF to strengthen its multilateral move back and forth in huge amounts across bor- surveillance processes did not in the past receive ders, and where derivatives of various sorts tie the needed degree of support from shareholders . markets together in novel ways that always seem But the G-20 did decide at the Pittsburgh Summit one step ahead of regulatory authorities . The re- in the fall of 2009 to deal with macroeconomic cession also highlighted the importance of coordi- policy interdependence through a new Mutual As- nated global demand management through fiscal sessment Process involving member nations, with and monetary responses to the global downturn a facilitating role for the IMF . That, broadly, is the and, more broadly, of the need to buttress global topic of the collection of short essays in this vol- confidence in the system and avoid self-reinforc- ume . ing downward spirals . At the outset, it is important to set realistic ex- The International Monetary Fund has long at- pectations for what the G-20 can hope to achieve . tempted to encourage macroeconomic policy The limited progress of consultations under IMF

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 1 multilateral surveillance in the past1 points to external balance . Low rates in the U .S . or the difficulty of reaching agreement on the need Europe, for example, encourage short-term capital for macroeconomic adjustment in any individual flows to emerging markets but the latter are “free” to country, the magnitude of the international spill- take offsetting measures through sterilization, fiscal overs and the desirable course of action . tightening or even capital controls .

Some pundits have argued that the failure of the Or, to take another example, when an open econ- G-20 to come up with a global realignment of ex- omy tries to stimulate domestic demand through change rates or with specific current account tar- fiscal or monetary expansion, part of the stimulus gets at the last summit in Seoul shows that there is will leak into import demand and thereby stimu- no global leadership on this issue . That is perhaps late production and employment abroad, subtract- too pessimistic . Agreement to proceed with iden- ing some of the stimulus from demand at home . tifying a set of indicators on the basis of which to That is why the key topic at the London meeting have a structured dialogue was an important step of the G-20 in April 2009, when most advanced forward . Taking that to the next level will be the countries and many emerging economies were still real test . in a deep recession, was coordinated worldwide fis- cal expansion . The incentive for any one country The G-20 is approaching the topic of imbalances was to rely as much as possible on fiscal expansion and macroeconomic interdependence through a elsewhere, thereby protecting its own fiscal space, process of consultation and joint discussion . But while benefitting from increased exports to coun- unlike the IMF, where votes are weighted by quota tries stimulating their demand . The G-20 helped and where there is a formal voting mechanism to overcome this “free rider” problem; its contribu- reach a decision, even if it is rarely used, no mem- tion was no doubt more in the process leading to ber of the G-20 is formally more important than the summit than in the form of any summit deci- another—all are in that sense “equal” . This puts a sion, but that is to be expected from most forms of high premium on “consensus” . What is more, no summitry . final decisions can actually be taken at the G-20 . In almost all matters, leaders will have to submit Concern for macroeconomic interdependencies any jointly agreed actions for the approval of par- led to the G-20 to commit to the Mutual Assess- liaments and domestic oversight bodies . Their ment Process (MAP) with each country agreeing discussions at the G-20 can be protracted for that at the September 2009 Pittsburgh Summit to spell reason . No leader wants to have their credibil- out its future plans for macroeconomic policies, ity diminished by being unable to implement an leading to a process of “peer review”, facilitated by agreed-upon action because of insurmountable advice and analysis from the IMF, with emphasis domestic political hurdles . on spillover effects and the overall consistency of the projected growth paths . A first benefit of this Macroeconomic Spillovers approach is that each country can make its own policy decisions with better information on what Attempts at global policy coordination to deal with others are planning to do now and in the future . A the spillover effects of macroeconomic policies are at a further benefit could accrue if countries actually very embryonic stage . It is generally recognized that changed their policies as a result of a coordinated fiscal, monetary and exchange rate policies pursued strategy . The IMF has estimated that there are sub- in one country, particularly if it is a large country, stantial potential benefits for the global economy if do affect other countries . But it is equally recog- more coordinated policies could be pursued 2. nized that every country has the sovereign right to undertake policies in a way to achieve its own do- The MAP is clearly a work in progress . It has not yet mestic goals of full employment, low inflation and led to any major concrete results and the process

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 2 itself is still evolving . At the Seoul Summit in No- As summarized succinctly by Blanchard and Mile- vember 2010, the G-20 agreed to come up with a si-Ferretti, demand interdependence and the bat- set of macroeconomic indicators complementing tle for export shares and trade surpluses become the MAP, an agreement that helped at least to delay more important when economies are in a liquidity a major confrontation between the United States trap and cannot achieve full employment through and China on exchange rate policies 3. But the is- further reductions in interest rates . sues are far from resolved . After much debate, G-20 finance ministers agreed at their February Domestic debt variables and rates would meeting in Paris on which indicators should be seem to be less immediately central to the glob- included in a preliminary list, but there is as yet al macroeconomic interdependence debate . But no agreement on what exactly to do with that list experience has shown that both sovereign debt or on the numerical values of these indicators that worries as well as concerns relating to excessive would trigger further and deeper analysis . The leverage in the private sector can be contagious G-20 has agreed that macroeconomic policy in- and spread across borders and that a key spillover terdependence is an issue . It has embarked on the from individual country policies is the impact on MAP as well as on a list of indicators to deal with international capital flows . Moreover, private and the issue, but where this will lead remains very public savings in relation to demand much an open question . are of course the underlying determinants of cur- rent account balances, so it is natural to analyze A Two-Step Process these sets of variables together . Finally, all this has to be viewed with due consideration for exchange What has been agreed on is a two-step process . rate and reserve accumulation policies . Current First, a relatively restricted set of indicators will be account balances that evolve in a flexible exchange examined, including the fiscal deficit and public rate environment without reserve accumulation or debt, private savings rate and private debt, as well reserve sales by the public authorities are clearly as the trade balance and investment income different in nature from imbalances accompanied flows and transfers, taking into consideration ex- by fixed exchange rates and large scale foreign re- change rate, fiscal, monetary and other policies . serve interventions by central banks . These issues Second, if these indicators point to serious prob- and differences link the “indicators” discussion to lems for particular countries or for the external the discussion of the international monetary sys- sustainability and consistency of policies, a more tem, including the role of the special drawing right in depth analysis would be undertaken focusing (SDR) and the provision of precautionary finance on a much more comprehensive set of variables, by the IMF . including structural variables, which remain to be defined . The first basic set of indicators chosen by the G-20 reflects these considerations . It is clear that It took many months for the G-20 to agree on the a deeper analysis will have to look at other indica- first set of indicators and on the two-step procedure tors relevant to labor markets and employment, as to be followed . The current account and trade-re- employment is after all one of the two or three key lated part of the indicators were from the start the objectives of macroeconomic policy . Moreover, most obvious one as trade balances tie countries issues related to income , social poli- together through the interdependence in the ef- cies and the “quality” of government revenues and fective demand available for each country’s output expenditures are also relevant because they drive and current accounts mirror differences between spending pressures and affect the growth outlook . aggregate savings and investment . The importance A temporary fiscal deficit, reflecting a strong ef- of this “demand interdependence” for macroeco- fort by a government to build infrastructure at a nomic policy is in practice a much debated point 4. time when it can borrow at very low interest rates,

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 3 has different long-term consequences from a defi- and require both analytical and political progress . cit due mainly to rapidly rising defense or public It would be both naïve and unfair to pronounce consumption expenditures . So when looking at the November 2011 G-20 Summit a failure because fiscal policy or deficit reduction plans, it is really it does not lead to an agreement to target specific not sufficient to look at aggregates . The “quality” macroeconomic magnitudes and reach consensus of adjustment may be as important or even more on the policies to achieve them by the G-20 mem- important than its aggregate when it comes bership . But then, what can and should be expected to evaluating long-term sustainability . in 2011 from the G-20 on these issues? How can public understanding of the issues be strengthened The additional indicators mentioned above are worldwide? How can more cooperative attitudes be perhaps more relevant to domestic economic out- fostered? How can the process be moved forward, comes than to the or the cur- expectations be managed and macroeconomic poli- rent account, so one may question why they should cies be improved in a global perspective? be the focus of international consultation . But they are crucially important for the effectiveness The short essays in this collection provide valuable and consistency over time of all macroeconomic and varied unofficial academic and think-tank policies . It is generally accepted, for example, that perspectives from G-20 countries . The approaches better social protection policies in a country like toward macroeconomic coordination taken by the China would be very helpful in reducing high sav- authors fall into three broad categories . First, some ings rates and strengthening domestic demand, emphasize the need for better information sharing thereby reducing pressure to maintain an under- to improve the quality of national economic man- valued exchange rate to generate employment . It agement . A simple example is that when each indi- should also be understood that persistent high vidual country’s export and trade balance forecasts in the U .S . poses a huge political are added up, they are globally inconsistent . More challenge to fiscal consolidation and indirectly to realism is needed in making forecasts . A more the reduction of what remains a very large cur- sophisticated commentary on these issues goes rent account deficit . In the U .S ,. an infrastructure into the limitations of data and models in forming focused public investment program accompanied views of imbalances, especially at the more disag- by savings through better targeting of entitlements gregated level of bilateral flows . There, the huge toward poorer , and reform of the tax discrepancies between gross export flows and the system with more incentives for savings and in- value-added of exports—something that is not yet vestment, will be compatible with better employ- formally and systematically collected across coun- ment performance and have much more positive tries—are noteworthy for the different implica- long-term consequences than an indiscriminate tions for policy that are entailed . across the board spending cuts program with no tax reform . A second set of considerations is around coordi- nation when more than one global equilibrium is Perspectives from G-20 Countries possible . This can be cast in a prisoner’s dilemma formulation, where everyone wins by choosing The perspectives contributed in this collection of one of the equilibria, but more generally raises the short essays broadly relate to this macroeconom- prospect of the existence of equilibria where one ic policy coordination challenge that the G-20 is country benefits at the expense of another . In the grappling with . Beyond the specifics of the indica- latter case, consensus is unlikely and global rules tor list, it is important that the issues be debated or understanding of “fair play” in international widely and, if possible, better understood . Macro- trade and finance may need to be enforced through economic policy coordination will certainly not sanctions or other more formal processes (akin to be achieved in one stroke . Progress will take years the WTO dispute resolution mechanisms) .

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 4 A third type of coordination is around the produc- References tion of global public goods, such as low and stable inflation, international liquidity lines in times of Blanchard, Olivier, and Gian Maria Milesi-Ferrett, 2011 . “(Why) Should Current Account Balances Be Reduced?” IMF Staff Dis- crisis and sustainable growth for all economies in- cussion Note . cluding non-G-20 countries . Here, the concerns Bradford, Colin and Wonhyuk Lim (eds), 2011 . Global Leadership are more with whether adequate crisis mitigating in Transition: The G-20 – Toward Greater Effectiveness and Le- gitimacy, Brookings Institution Press, Washington D .C ., with the measures have been put in place and with whether Korean Development Institute, Seoul . adequate attention is being paid by the large ad- Dadush, Uri, 2011 . “Global Rebalancing: The Dangerous Obsession,” vanced economies, when setting their own nation- Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Policy Brief 90, al policies, to the likelihood of triggering a new February . crisis elsewhere in the world with attendant global Dervis, Kemal, 2010 . “The G-20 and Macroeconomic Policy Coor- dination at the Crossroads,” in Brookings G-20 Summit Report costs of contagion and general loss of confidence . No . 5, November . G-20 Seoul Summit Leader’s Declaration, November 11-12, 2010 . Some of the views expressed are quite controver- Seoul, Republic of Korea . (http://media .seoulsummit .kr/con- tents/dlobo/E1 ._Seoul_Summit_Leaders_Declaration .pdf) . sial . They reflect the opinion of the authors and International Monetary Fund (IMF), 2010 . “G-20 Mutual Assessment should not be read as necessarily representing Process—Alternative Policy Scenarios,” prepared for G-20 Sum- some sort of “country view” . Naturally each au- mit of Leaders in Seoul, Republic of Korea . thor or group of authors is influenced by the spe- Independent Evaluation Office (IEO), 2011 . “IMF Performance in the Run-Up to the Financial and Economic Crisis: IMF Surveil- cific experiences of the country or countries they lance in 2004-07,” IMF, January . come from or have worked in . That makes for the richness of this collection . As an example, we are Endnotes struck by the fact that most authors from emerg- ing economies tend to emphasize imbalances in 1 See IEO (2011) for an in-depth assessment of Fund surveillance activities in the lead up to the financial crisis . financial flows and the risks of surges, sudden 2 See IMF (2010) . stops and crises in their countries that have far less 3 See the G-20 Seoul Summit Leader’s Declaration as well as developed financial markets . On the other hand, Bradford and Lim (2011) . authors from advanced economies tend to view 4 See Blanchard and Milesi-Ferretti (2011) and Dadush (2011) for imbalances in terms of the trade and current ac- two somewhat opposite views on the practical importance of counts, which are more directly related to their “Global Imbalances” . See also Dervis (2010) . concerns about underemployment . So, even the key agenda items must be broadly cast to gain ac- ceptance in a G-20 process .

We are deeply grateful to the distinguished con- tributors and hope the contributions in this collec- tion can both stimulate global debate and be help- ful in furthering international cooperation .

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 5 World Inflation: A New Challenge for the G-20

Former Under Secretary of Finance and Chief Advisor to the Minister of the Miguel Kiguel Economy, Argentina; Former President, Banco Hipotecario; Director, Econviews; Professor, Universidad Torcuato Di Tella

orld inflation is on the rise again and it is after many years in which commodity were creating new challenges for policymakers in losing ground to industrial . Af- Wemerging and developed countries . Should ter taking a pause during the 2008 financial crisis the world accept a little more inflation or should when the prices of some commodities fell by two- it take a tough stance and fight it? Is it possible to thirds, they have resumed the upward trend and coordinate a policy response when some econo- they are still on the rise . mies show signs of being overheated while others are still recovering from the crisis? This is an im- In real terms, the prices of most commodities to- portant dimension of the macroeconomic policy day are at the highest levels since the 1970s . How- coordination that the G-20 is facing . ever, the rise this time has been more gradual com- pared to the previous episode . In addition, it was In most countries, the rise in inflation appears to be not triggered by a decision of a cartel of oil produc- driven by higher commodity prices, namely ers, the Organization of Oil Exporting Countries, and energy . One key question though is whether the to drastically increase prices but instead it has been increase is only temporary reflecting changes in rel- driven by market forces . ative prices or if instead it could lead to a permanent increase in inflation, as was the case in the 1970s . Is This Time Different?

The biggest policy dilemmas are in the industrial- The oil shocks of the 1970s were accompanied by ized countries, which are still recovering from the an overall commodity boom that was short 2008 financial crisis . Unemployment is still high in lived and led to the phenomenon that is now wide- the U .S . and in many European countries while the ly known as . real estate sector remains depressed and has not recovered from the recession . The rise in inflation in the mid-1970s was signifi- cant in many industrialized countries and raised a Commodity Prices Are a Key Driver of new and important policy dilemma: whether to ac- Inflation cept and validate through accommodating mone- tary policy higher rates of inflation or to fight them Commodity prices have been on the rise in the last and try to bring them down through a tightening decade largely because they have been pushed up- in macroeconomic policies . The final answer is ward by the high rates of growth in China and India . well known . Central banks accommodated the rise These two countries, and especially China, are domi- in prices and most industrialized countries ended nating the additional demand for raw materials and up with double-digit rates of inflation . In addi- putting pressures on a supply that grows very slowly . tion, the rise in the prices of oil and of other raw materials created a “” that led many The increase in prices has been across the board as economies to enter into recession and the world it has included energy and fuels, metals and agri- faced for the first time the phenomenon known as cultural commodities, and it represents a turning stagflation .

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 6 The rise in commodity prices this time around has is the right way to go . Even if these expansionary been less disruptive than in the 1970s . In part be- policies end up raising inflation to the 3-4 percent cause it has been gradual and in part because the range, it should not be a problem, as it could be a industrialized economies have become less depen- way not only to reduce the rate of unemployment dent on oil as they have been taking energy effi- but to help the recovery in real estate prices that ciency measures for the last three decades . have remained depressed since the 2008 financial crisis . While the effects of commodity prices on output have been small, as the world economy continues The Policy Dilemmas for Latin American to move ahead propelled by the Countries countries, the policy discussions are once again in the front page . In the industrialized countries, the The rise in commodity prices is a mixed bless- main issue is whether to tighten macroeconomic ing for some Latin American countries—at least policies at a time when most economies have not for the ones that are commodity exporters . The yet fully recovered from the financial crisis and higher prices have helped the external accounts still face high rates of unemployment . The focus and increased real income, but they also favored is on Europe and the U .S ,. whether the nature of higher rates of inflation and a strengthening of the the problems is different and whether the policy domestic . We are probably witnessing response is also likely to differ . a remake of the 2007/08 economic scenario when the concern was agflation—inflation led by a rise In both cases, the inflationary effects have been in agricultural commodity prices . limited, especially when they are compared to the 1970s since headline in January 2011 was 2 .4 per- This time, the policy options look easier because cent in the Eurozone and 1 6. percent in the U .S . the underlying inflation rates are much lower than The policy response has been different . The Euro- they were in the previous episode while there is pean Central Bank (ECB) has announced that it room to tighten macroeconomic policies as most plans to tighten and raise inter- economies still have in place the expansionary est rates as inflation is now higher than the exist- macroeconomic policies that were implemented ing target—a decision that creates risks for the in 2008 . Besides, growth has remained strong and “peripheral” countries like Greece and Portugal, there are indications that the economies are over- which are still facing deep and where a heated as they have quickly recovered from the tightening in policies will make the much needed 2008 crisis . recoveries very difficult . If the focus of policies is based on these countries, the tightening in policies In general, countries have responded to the infla- will be a big mistake . They need a weaker euro and tion pressures by raising interest rates . Brazil prob- lower interest rates to grow . But the ECB is likely to ably has been one of the most aggressive countries adhere to its mandate, which is to maintain infla- in this area, as the policy (the SELIC) tion within its target . This means that the problems is only 25 basis points below the rates of 2008 . In in the peripheral European countries are likely to other countries, the policy tightening has been worsen . more gradual . Argentina is the exception, as it has maintained a very expansionary monetary stance The U .S . has adopted a looser monetary policy, and inflation is on the rise . which is a reasonable approach given that the U .S . still faces large rates of unemployment . The main- While the use of tighter monetary policy seems tenance of very low interest rates and the adoption appropriate in these cases, it can have some unde- of the policy last year imply sired side effects, namely a real appreciation of the some risks in terms of inflation, but it seems that it . In fact, this is precisely what has been

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 7 happening in most Latin American countries, inflationary pressures, especially because the over- where there is a concern that currencies could be all policy objectives are dissimilar in Europe and overvalued and affect the performance of non- the U .S . regarding the concern about inflation traditional exports . While this phenomenon could and unemployment . In addition, the nature of the well be unavoidable when there is a significant im- problems are different because while the emerging provement in the terms of trade, it can be some- countries have overheated economies, sound fiscal what mitigated through fiscal policy . balances and manageable debt burdens, the devel- oped countries are facing high rates of unemploy- In fact, one better response would be to change ment and weak fiscal and debt fundamentals . It is the policy mix to one that relies less on increases probably desirable for the developed countries to in interest rates and more on a tightening in fiscal accept slightly higher rates of inflation and main- policy . Less government expenditures in domestic tain the stimulus, but it seems that at least Europe non-tradable goods is a way to limit the extent of is unlikely to move in that direction . real appreciation of the currency . Brazil has an- nounced measures along these lines when it decid- In the meantime, the world is likely to continue ed to tighten fiscal policy, though monetary policy facing high commodity prices and the bulk of the is still very tight . policy effort to control the inflationary effects is likely to fall on the emerging countries . At the world level, it is difficult to envision a co- ordinated policy response to the renewal of the

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 8 Defining an Asian Agenda in the G-20

Peter Drysdale Emeritus Professor of Economics, Australian National University; Head of the East Asian Bureau of Economic Research; Co-editor, East Asia Forum

ast Asia, as elsewhere in the world, continues in the form of a G-20 process that includes China, to face risks—both economic and political— Japan, Korea, India, Indonesia and Australia . Ein recovering from the global financial crisis . These risks are a consequence of past failure in the The immediate goal is to build on the process of, architecture of international governance, includ- and give substance to, strengthening international ing regional architecture, that frustrated a coher- macroeconomic policy coordination, which the ent international response to the big problems of G-20 has begun . How can Asia contribute best to the day in their global context . this goal?

The global financial crisis and the emergence of The G-20 finance ministers’ meeting in Paris the G-20 has changed all this dramatically and clinched an agreement on which economic gives Asia, of which Australia is an integral part, indicators should be used to evaluate and and the G-20’s Asian members the platform from tackle the economic imbalances at the heart of which to assume a new role and proper respon- managing global recovery . Importantly, China sibility in managing the world economic order . signed on to the deal, which will see trade balance Korea led the way by hosting the first G-20 sum- and investment flows monitored and take due mit in Asia in November 2010 . As the G-20 turns consideration of exchange rate, fiscal, monetary now to deal with the vulnerabilities in global re- and other policies . As China has always insisted in covery and develop a framework that might se- response to Western pressure on its exchange rate, cure more effectively against future financial and exchange rates will only be considered in a wider economic shocks, Asia’s response will be critical policy context . to its success . This accord marks an important first step toward Asia’s position in the world economy now puts it dealing with the imbalance problem and putting the in the spotlight in terms of what is at stake in man- global economy on track toward more viable growth aging the global trading system and who needs and prosperity . But this is only the first step . The to shoulder the responsibility . Not so long ago, Mutual Assessment Process (MAP), which involves Asia could afford to be a free-rider in trade and review of G-20 members’ national policy strategies economic policy leadership . This is no longer the with the assistance of the International Monetary case . China is now the largest exporter and second Fund, will appeal to these indicators in the first stage largest economy in the world, largest destination of a two-stage process . That will assist in identifying for foreign direct investment and the sixth largest weaknesses and inconsistencies in national policy source of foreign direct investment . Asia is already strategies that are a consequence of deeper structural the second largest center of world trade; by 2020, it problems . Success in the process will depend much will likely be the largest . on how G-20 and other states approach it and how the process helps in shaping domestic policy strategies to Asia now has a platform at the global level to de- achieve global macroeconomic outcomes that are liver on its growing international responsibilities, viable in the longer term .

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 9 Many countries are trying to get out of the These policy strategies over time will collectively global economic trough by pushing exports . push the world toward another low-interest-rate The United States’ huge current account deficit bubble . That will be bad for China, and for Asia requires it to lift exports, lift savings and spend generally, for which the current level of interest within in its international means . China’s current rates is clearly too low and quantitative easing account surpluses persist and are the focus of U .S . presents problems . Further, international regula- Congressional angst and draft legislation that tion is not yet strong enough to protect against the seeks to impose penalties for “undervaluation” of potential fall-out from that . the Chinese currency . While the debt-burdened European economies, from Ireland to Greece, These are the policy dilemmas that the G-20 faces are constrained by commitments to the euro, all this year . They were put on the table in Seoul last are striving to get growth through exports . And November and the G-20 has begun to confront Germany, in holding back on domestic demand them by putting the MAP in place, with an aim expansion, has become more and more competi- of ensuring that national policy strategies are tive within the EU; and its increasingly competi- more closely integrated and sensitive to the global tive position is lifting its export surplus both with- outcomes they might deliver . Although it is still in Europe and with the rest of the world . a work in progress, it is one that has moved for- ward in Paris . More importantly is commitment Something has to give to resolve these inconsistent by national leaders to define how they will re-jig macroeconomic policy strategies . Not all countries policy strategies so as to take the pressure out of the can have export-led growth, if that is defined to strains in the international economy . mean a faster growth of exports over imports in all major economies . This is what has made the focus The Chinese leadership openly accepts that change on the need for currency re-alignment —and pres- is required in the exchange rate regime but argues, sure on China to lift its exchange rate — so intense . with justification, that shifting nominal exchange After the 2008 crisis and the collapse of the U .S . rate change alone will not prevent the re-emergence and European economies, an urgent priority is to of the imbalance problem . China is therefore restore industrial country growth and absorb the committed to putting in place structural reforms unemployment it created . Before the crisis, real that are essential to delivering a domestic demand- exchange rates (set in East Asia) and real interest led model of growth . There are complementary rates (set in New York) underpinned strong growth commitments in America and Europe that will both in East Asia and the industrial world . But this also take time to deliver . arrangement also gave rise to global imbalances . It created the financial fragility, and the vulnerability The MAP offers opportunity for China and Asia to to financial crisis, that was the context in which define a constructive agenda of structural reform crisis occurred . that will help break the impasse in medium- term macroeconomic policy coordination . The The U .S . can lift growth in the short run if it G-20 model is one that is familiar and valued in continues to over-spend relative to its long-run Asia from its experience in APEC of bringing capacity . There are signs that this strategy is having national reform strategies forward for collective some success . But this growth trajectory will only consideration, retaining independent national be sustained if global imbalances worsen again— commitment in carrying them forward . It is a if the current account surpluses in China (and model that offers respect for national initiative and Germany) expand and the U .S . current account encourages responsibility for collective . deteriorates further . In this trajectory, there are large risks, at some point in the medium term, of a Behind the push for rebalancing regional and collapse of the U .S . dollar and risk of a dollar crisis . global growth is the recognition that continuation

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 10 of “growth as usual” will no longer deliver on these and investment and deliver output so that the objectives . The old open trade, open investment benefits of growth are spread widely across our strategy is not enough . Global markets will find it communities; they are not the product of savings very hard to absorb the pressures of Asia’s growth imbalances or exchange rate misalignments but because of how large China and India already they underlie them . On these issues—how best to are and how much strong growth potential they make progress in opening markets through regu- have . The pressure of current account imbalances latory and institutional reform—Asia, from Japan is only one dimension of this and a symptom of to China and India to Australia, has a constructive the problem, but it is not the most important agenda to set out and will be expected to display it . dimension that needs to be dealt with in achieving a better balance in regional and global growth . The G-20 has opened the space for a cooperative process that can deliver the global policy The imbalances that have emerged in our coordination we now so desperately need . If it economies, at their core, are a product of the whole works, the process will institutionalize, globally, a range of structural and institutional impediments new shared responsibility for managing the global to efficiently mobilize resources for production macro-economy .

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 11 Inconvenient Asymmetries

Chairman and Chief Strategist, Rio Bravo Investimentos; Professor of Economics, Gustavo H.B. Franco Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro; Former Deputy Secretary of Economic Policy, Brazilian Finance Ministry; Former Governor, Central Bank of Brazil

he recent events in the Middle East provide a and noticeable monetary impacts and inflation . challenging background to the discussion of The notion of “equilibrium” here requires caution; Teconomic asymmetries by G-20 leaders in the it can be interpreted as meaning that currency un- context of a framework for macroeconomic policy dervaluation results from a given “development coordination . At the very core of recent debates on model” rather than being an independent choice global imbalances—in addition to the usual dis- of strategy exercised by the authorities . cussion of the “exorbitant privilege” enjoyed by the U .S . and the global impact of quantitative easing The exact nature of this blend of factors is being —lies China . actively sought in many countries not only because of the flamboyant rates of growth in China which China and its combination of demographics and all the “peripheral” countries want to replicate, but democratic deficit have very concrete implications also because many countries are experiencing un- for its macroeconomic policy and in particular its desired currency appreciation and/or inflation as exchange rate . This note is about the somewhat in- a consequence of balance of payments surpluses . convenient thesis that the lack of democracy may Developing countries with an extensive record of enhance economic performance through an overly balance of payments deficit problems— like those competitive exchange rate and cheap labor costs, in Latin America—are puzzled by the fact that which may be one obstacle in the global effort to “too much of a good thing”, or foreign exchange coordinate macroeconomic policy . abundance, can also have considerable costs and policy dilemmas . A formula to accumulate re- A common and superficial view of the chronic serves indefinitely would offer a shield against ex- weakness of the Chinese currency is that it is ternal shocks without much fiscal costs and mon- caused and maintained over the years by contin- etary consequences . This would be almost like a ued intervention or “manipulation” performed by free lunch and even more so if it comes with high monetary authorities—a claim that goes somewhat growth . against practical experience in foreign exchange controls in developing economies and also against There is no doubt that the China development the skepticism of mainstream about model is very appealing to other developing coun- the effectiveness of continued intervention and of tries and there are many questions as to China’s targeting real exchange rates . There are indeed no “uniqueness” . Related discussions on an evolving signs of segmented markets and other indications “Beijing Consensus” are opening up debates on of artificiality in the exchange rate formation de- capital controls, intervention technologies and spite some heavy regulation . Somehow in China, even tampering with inflation measurements . Yet, the undervalued exchange rate (in the sense of a China appears to be the only unqualified success in major and sustained deviation from purchasing dealing with chronic undervaluation and contin- power parity rates) appears to be an “equilibrium” ued surpluses, challenging the notion that imbal- outcome, which is key to explaining how China ances in international payments should produce keeps accumulating reserves without limitations self-equilibrating mechanisms . Indeed, China’s

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 12 ability to sustain surpluses through the years ap- seeing that more “business freedom” or “ease of pears to be robust and one key ingredient behind doing business” may occur quite paradoxically in it, beyond its demographics, is China’s democratic countries ranked very low in the broadly defined deficit 1. field of democratic practice . This is a challenging yet unsurprising finding that should not be seen There is no of suggestive indicators in as a shortcoming of any of the indexes listed in the analyzing the economic consequences of authori- table . If competitiveness or a good business atmo- tarian rule, a theme that is hardly novel in Latin sphere happens to be observable in dictatorships, America; the table below offers an unusual ap- one is simply forced to come to terms with the proach to the problem by sampling well-known uncomfortable theory that authoritarian rule may country rankings produced by prestigious orga- enhance economic performance 3. nizations focused on some key structural country attributes . If one closely examines the sources of competi- tiveness, it is clear that the factors reducing com- TI- ATK- WEF IMD IEF EDB Rating petitiveness in Brazil are mostly related to labor CPI FDI costs, labor laws and unions, and the limitations Brazil 58 38 113 127 69 4 Baa3 Russia 63 51 143 123 154 18 Baa1 in increasing maximum working hours and in re- India 51 31 124 134 87 3 Baa3 ducing safety standards and minimum —all China 27 18 140 79 78 1 Aa3 of which adversely affect productivity . Indeed, a total 139 58 179 183 178 25 “social democratic” approach to labor market in- Acronyms and sources: WEF, World Economic Forum, Competitive- stitutions may reduce competitiveness . In fact, ness , 2010-11; IMD, Global Competitiveness Index 2010; IEF, the political and social institutions framing labor Index of Economic Freedom, Heritage Foundation, WSJ, 2010. EDB, Ease of Doing Business Index, IFC & The World Bank, 2011; TI-CPI, markets “can move levels up or down in any Transparency International, Corruption Perception Index, 2010; ATK- country by 40 percent or more” as put by a global- FDI, AT Kearney Foreign Direct Investment Confidence Index, 2010; 4 and sovereign ratings, long term debt, Moodys. ization non-enthusiast .

The first two rankings refer to “competitiveness” The labor market in Brazil has many “European” and the other rankings in sequence refer to “eco- features, especially when it comes to its connec- nomic freedom”, business climate, perceived cor- tion to social safety nets, which makes labor more ruption, confidence to undertake foreign direct expensive or uncompetitive with respect to Chi- investment and sovereign ratings (the usual indi- na, Indonesia and Guatemala . There are certainly cator for capacity and willingness to pay and also other factors, such as demographics and infra- macroeconomic soundness) . In all but the ratings structure, to distinguish China as an off-shoring column, the numbers refer to the country’s posi- platform when compared to other countries with tion in a pool of many, as indicated in the last line . cheap labor . However, an unlimited supply of labor All these indexes are available in variety of decom- combined with well-crafted, export-led growth positions, thus opening a vast world of possibilities policies do make a winning combination within as to the determinants of each country’s position . which competitive exchange rates reflect relative The table does not report a “democratic gover- labor costs and continued balance of payments nance index”, a surprisingly difficult indicator to surpluses mirror a continued supply of new labor find 2. However, one could argue that democratic preventing wages from increasing . values are embedded in attributes as diverse as en- forcing contracts, property rights, rule of law, pay- The model is only reinforced when it comes to ing taxes, freedom from corruption and the like . government spending and the tax system . Brazil has a large government compared to other BRIC An explicit democratic governance index might countries and size goes along with complexity and not be that necessary to prevent anyone from bureaucracy . It is easy to exaggerate the negative

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 13 impact of large government on growth, but in in Latin America prone to some types of reforms democracies there is no way out of certain social and with good growth records . Each of these ex- “obligations” . Brazil has social safety nets that are amples helps support the utilitarian argument that intertwined with labor market institutions, which democracy might be a luxury good in the process has large implications for public expenditure and of economic development . taxation; China has no such obligations . Whereas one could say Brazil is ahead in regards to social Even more provocative, if we investigate a little fur- overhead and security, China is unquestionably ther the comparison between Brazil in the 1970s behind . Again, an asymmetry is associated with and China today, is the way Brazil’s authoritarian politics and its profound impact on competitive- regime was phased out both for its perceived asso- ness, exchange rates and economic performance . ciation with decreases in economic performance, supply shocks and inflation, and for the populist In summary, the theory outlined here is that the prone behavior following the years of authoritar- of China has little to do ian rule . The oil shocks in the 1970s produced with the exchange rate as such or with interven- stagflation, debt accumulation, balance of pay- tion in foreign exchange markets, but with relative ments problems, high inflation and eventually the wages or asymmetric labor market workings and collapse of dictatorships in Latin America . Each demographics . And to the extent that labor mar- country had its own trajectory, but let us take Brazil kets are indeed tightly controlled in authoritarian as example and avoid extending its lessons to oth- regimes, we are back to the theory that authoritar- ers without serious qualifications . It is fair to say ian regimes do better than democracies in com- that Brazil’s transfer of power to civilian rule was petitiveness and . The fact that done in an orderly way since there was no revolu- the lack of democracy diminishes government tion or political dislocation . Yet, the most impres- responsibilities to provide social security, public sive consequence of the political transition was the health and education, only reinforces the theory fiscal chaos that rapidly took form during the first because public resources are instead funneled into civilian government starting in 1985 . In five years, capital formation and infrastructure projects . In inflation reached 83 percent per month in March these conditions, growth comes along with in- 1989 from levels slightly over 100 percent per year creased inequality, which was indeed the case in by the time President Jose Sarney took office . The much of Latin America when it was ruled by the derailing of fiscal accounts had everything to do military . with social demands of all types, turning Brazil’s budget into complete disarray and leading to a rare The relation between inequality and growth, as case of during peacetime 5. It is not expressed by the “Kuznets Curve”, was heavily de- difficult to see how much of a challenge this ended bated in the 1970s in Brazil when the country was up becoming for Brazilian democracy . As social under authoritarian rule and living the so-called demands that were repressed during authoritar- “economic miracle”; Brazil during this period was ian rule exploded into economic chaos years later, experiencing rates of economic growth similar to a reversal toward strong regimes might look very the rates of growth that China has experienced in feasible since “weak” governments that were para- recent years, though with rising inequality and lyzed by a lack of consensus or authority were un- tensions slowly translating into higher inflation . able to respond to runaway inflation .6 Albert Hirschman wrote about the incredible tol- erance of dictatorship, inequality and inflation All these Latin American stories and recollections as long as growth remained high . Many such in- may appear distant yet disturbing when connected sights fit the recent Chinese experience quite well . to the social tensions created by inflation around Like Brazil at that particular moment, there were the world, especially where democratic rule is other examples of alleged “efficient” dictatorships lacking and most especially when combined with

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 14 shock waves from the Jasmine Revolution in the References Middle East . The lack of democracy is a theme with surprisingly little objective quantification and Franco, Gustavo H . B ., 1993 . “The of the Brazilian Hyperinflation” in Maria D’Alva G . Kinzo (ed .) Brazil: Challenges almost always absent from the discussion of eco- for the 1990s, Institute of Latin American Studies and British nomic asymmetries between countries . This note Academic Press, London . argued that the economic consequences of the lack Franco, Gustavo H . B . and Fausto Vieira, 2011 forthcoming . “Turn- ing towards China? The 2008 Crisis and Its Influence on Brazil’s of democracy might be very important in explain- Development Model,” in Managing Openness: Outward-Orient- ing the economic asymmetries at the very core of ed Growth Strategies After the Crisis, World Bank, Washington, global imbalances . It will be hard for the G-20 pro- D .C . (also available at: http://www .econ .puc-rio .br/gfranco/WB_ Essay_6%5B1%5D .pdf) cess to address these issues explicitly, but it will be Helliwell, John, 1994 . “Empirical Linkages Between Democracy and interesting to see whether the G-20 is able to raise Economic Growth,” British Journal of Political Science, Vol . 24, awareness on the economic effects of democratic No . 2, pp . 225-248 . deficits . Hirschman, Albert O ., 1995 . Propensity to Self Subversion, Harvard University Press, Cambridge . Rodrik, Dani, 1999 . “Democracies Pay Higher Wages,” Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol . 114, No . 3, pp . 707-738 . Rodrik, Dani, 2011 forthcoming . The Globalization Paradox: Democ- racy and the Future of the World Economy, W . W . Norton, New York and London . Tavares, Jose and Romain Wacziarg, 2001 . “How Democracy Affects Growth,” European Economic Review, Vol . 45, No . 8, pp . 1341- 1378 . United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Sources for Democratic Governance Indicators, Oslo Governance Centre . (http://www .undp .org/oslocentre/docs04/Indicator%20Sources . pdf) .

Endnotes

1 Under the assumption of “unlimited supply of labor”, balance of payment surpluses can last as long as it is possible to draw more labor to the countryside to prevent wages from rising . An extended discussion of the Chinese development model and its replication in other countries, and in Brazil more specifically, can be found in Franco and Vieira (2011) . 2 To judge from the survey found at UNDP, Sources for Democratic Governance Indicators . 3 Tavares and Wacziarg (2001) and Helliwell (1994) are examples of studies that fail to establish a positive association between democracy and growth, and also define conditions under which the opposite conclusion would hold . 4 Dani Rodrik (2011, p . 192) . The original conclusion is in Rodrik (1999) . 5 For a full description of this process see Franco (1993) . 6 For a vivid description see Chapter 15 in Hirschman (1995) .

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 15 Understanding Global Interdependencies: The Contribution of Economic Models

Badye Essid Economist, Centre for International Governance Innovation

Paul Jenkins Distinguished Fellow, Centre for International Governance Innovation

Introduction more resources to enhance its analytic capabilities, especially through the development of economic The global financial crisis and the great recession models, to better understand the gains from co- dramatically illustrated how integrated the world operation . economy is and how economic interdependen- cies have become more complex than previously The Mutual Assessment Process and understood or recognized . The crisis also made Interdependencies clear that these interdependencies and associated spillover effects demand ever greater attention to Surveillance and peer review have been used ex- the design of domestic policy with international tensively to help identify objectives within an inter- implications in mind . Indeed, one of the pressing national context and to monitor progress against global governance issues is the need to further de- agreed objectives . However, these processes have velop a consensus on the nature of global interde- been severly hampered by credibility and account- pendencies . ability issues . To overcome these problems, G-20 leaders at the Pittsburgh Summit in 2009 initiated Without a clear understanding of the nature and the Mutual Assessment Process (MAP) . scale of economic interdependencies, policymak- ers will not posses sufficient evidence of the ben- The MAP represents an important step in policy efits of international policy cooperation . While collaboration . It is owned by its members and is the global economy is no longer on the verge of designed to ensure that members’ national policies collapse, it is critical that nations cooperate on ad- collectively fit together to achieve stated G-20 ob- justment policies to address global imbalances, put jectives . Three elements make up the MAP: aggre- the recovery on a robust and sustainable path, and gating G-20 members’ policy and macroeconomic strengthen the international monetary and finan- frameworks; assessing whether members’ policies cial systems . One of the most demanding tasks fac- are the ones needed to meet G-20 objectives; and ing the G-20 is this challenge of multilateral policy evaluating alternative policy scenarios . cooperation . The MAP thus draws on elements of both surveil- International policy cooperation is more likely to lance and the peer review processes, but it is also an happen when there is agreement among nations attempt to overcome the credibility and account- about the economic outlook, the nature of the chal- ability shortcomings of these earlier processes to lenges they are facing individually and collectively, monitor the progress on agreed objectives . The and the effectiveness of policies to be undertaken . G-20, for example, faced internal disagreements Cooperation therefore needs to be underpinned about how quickly to unwind the exceptional fis- by an analytic framework where objectives, an cal and monetary stimulus measures taken during understanding of interdependencies, and policies the crisis and there were real risks of a reversion are deemed consistent with desired outcomes . This to protectionism . The MAP has helped address essay argues for the need for the G-20 to devote and reduce those tensions . Likewise, the MAP is

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 16 providing a basis for analysis of the issues sur- Economic Models rounding the need to address global imbalances . Economic models can help analyze global eco- The MAP, however, is still in its beginning and it nomic interdependencies, quantifying the bene- is too early to judge how successful it has been . In fits of cooperation . However, the macroeconomic particular, it is still uncertain whether the process models in current use, while intellectually ad- is capable of producing policy prescriptions and vanced, tend to be limited in their geographical whether countries will put into action the commit- or sectoral coverage . Moreover, there is a general ments they have signed up to . The next round of perception that economic models failed to pre- MAP discussions will provide a clearer indication dict and even replicate ex-post the financial cri- of how far countries are prepared to subordinate sis scenario 2. There is also a lack of agreement in short-term national interests in favor of interna- terms of their ability to demonstrate the benefits tional cooperation and coordination of policies . of international cooperation, certainly for all Also, as the global economy becomes more diverse G-20 countries . and multipolar but also more interdependent, it will show whether a system of country-led mutual A high degree of uncertainty surrounds the char- peer review is more effective than current surveil- acterization of economic relationships employed lance processes . for modeling . This includes data uncertainty—a factor exacerbated by problems of small data sam- The step toward credibility that the MAP offers is ples . Furthermore, developing accurate statistics the collective call from the G-20 for a “candid as- becomes a more complex process when involving sessment,” or greater openness, in how countries developing economies as well as advanced econo- exchange data, scenarios and views on how their mies . Capacity building to improve data quality is individual policies interact in support of the health therefore vital . Alongside developing consistent of the global economy . Moreover, it is the effective- statistical standards, the data that is disseminated ness of this information sharing process that will must be reliable—it must be trusted by the coun- be critical in engaging the leaders and subsequent- tries’ international partners . The dangers of the ly domestic constituents in meeting objectives of misreporting of statistics are starkly illustrated by the global economy . By providing a framework for the 2010 Eurozone debt crisis, sparked by Greece identifying the benefits of cooperation, the MAP unveiling drastic revisions to its debt and deficit provides G-20 nations a promising opportunity to figures . Not only did the Greek statistical revisions sustain greater levels of cooperation . destroy the credibility of its data, but it also oc- curred within the Maastricht Treaty—purportedly However, capitalizing on this opportunity will re- one of the most internationally rule-bound con- quire additional resources to enhance the analytic straints on fiscal policy . capabilities of the G-20 in support of the MAP . One important avenue is through the further develop- In addition, there is uncertainty about key param- ment of economic models that better capture the eters in models, such as the response of aggregate scope and complexities of global interdependen- demand to interest rates and changes in fiscal pol- cies . Economic models provide policymakers with icy . Also, there is uncertainty as to whether shocks a diagnosis and choices and trade-offs of different that hit the economy are short-lived, relatively adjustment paths . A key challenge in the develop- long lasting or permanent . As the International ment of models is to come to an agreed character- Monetary Fund notes of its own Global Integrated ization of the functioning of the global economy . Monetary and Fiscal (GIMF) model, “as with any In reality, what we should look for is a suite of modeling framework, the analysis of policies and models that over time will help us build a better their effects is stylized and indicative . The simula- understanding of what ties countries together . tion results are subject to uncertainty ”. 3

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 17 While current economic models are sophisti- of liquidity spirals that amplified the crisis caused cated, they work at a low level of disaggregation . by high leverage ratios and maturity mismatches, For example, the IMF’s GIMF model uses only five and highlighted the necessity of incorporating stylized regions—the United States, the Eurozone banks as well as the interplay between leverage (split between Germany and the rest), Japan, de- and asset prices into models 5. Work to incorpo- veloping Asia and the rest of world . GIMF is uti- rate these types of channels into macroeconomic lized by the G-20’s MAP to collate the policies of models would need to build on earlier theories G-20 countries and to demonstrate the benefits that recognized the failure, in the context of asym- of cooperation through scenario analysis . With- metric information and moral hazard6, of classical out the finesse to consider the G-20 economies as theorems stipulating the irrelevance of the finan- stand-alone components, it seems unlikely that cial structure . this process can convincingly replicate all the mac- roeconomic facts to promote lasting cooperation . There are many reasons why economic models For these reasons alone, the G-20 needs to look to may be found to be lacking for the purpose of support the development of a suite of models that quantifying the nature of interdependences across over time will deepen its analytic capabilities for economies . Still, it is important to understand the measuring the benefits of cooperative, collective evolutionary nature of model development . No outcomes . one model can answer all questions . What is criti- cal at any point in time is to know what questions In addition, model structures typically used to need to be asked and to then develop the right assess the international transmission of business models to gain insight and understanding to as- cycles only consider trade flows as the major link sist authorities to make informed policy decisions . among economies . However, the growing litera- If the G-20 is to successfully play the role as the ture on the channels of transmission shows that premier forum for international cooperation, it international financial integration amplifies the will only be able to do that if supported by an ana- co-movement and that financial lytic framework that increasingly moves us closer linkages were more important than trade flows to a consensus on global economic interdepen- (certainly among advanced economies) in explain- dencies—what ties us together . Put differently, we ing the severity of the global downturn . Devereux now realize that we live in an exceptionally tightly and Yetman demonstrate that when financial link- correlated world economy with the potential for ages are incorporated in the international business highly correlated fluctuations in economic activ- cycle models, the shocks are powerfully transmit- ity . To better understand the nature and channels ted across countries .4 The scale of the transmission of these international linkages and more generally of the shock depends, in turn, on the level of finan- to assess the need for economic policy cooperation cial integration and the degree of portfolio diversi- and coordination, we need to further invest in the fication . The financial crises revealed the existence development of economic models .

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 18 References Endnotes

1 This essay draws on a forthcoming report on international policy Bernanke, Ben and Marc Gertler, 1989 . “Agency Costs, Net Worth, cooperation produced jointly by the Centre for International and Business Fluctuations,” American Economic Review, Vol . 79, Governance Innovation and Chatham House . No . 1, pp . 14-31 . 2 For example, the commonly used dynamic stochastic general Devereux, Michael B . and James Yetman, 2010 . “Leverage Constraints equilibrium models do not model financial markets . See Tovar and the International Transmission of Shocks,” Journal of , (2008) . Credit and Banking, Vol . 42, pp .71-105 . 3 IMF (2010) . Dib, Ali, 2010 . “Banks, Credit Market Frictions, and Business Cycles,” Bank of Canada Working Paper No . 2010-24 . 4 Devereux and Yetman (2010) . International Monetary Fund (IMF), 2010 . “G-20 Mutual Assessment 5 The IMF is currently undertaking work on addressing and Process—Alternative Policy Scenarios,” prepared for G-20 Sum- incorporating these issues in the GIMF model . See Kumhof et al . mit of Leaders in Seoul, Republic of Korea . (2010), Dib (2010) and Meh and Moran (2010) . Kiyotaki, Nobuhiro and John Moore, 1997 . “Credit Cycles,” Journal of 6 Bernanke and Gertler (1989) and Kiyotaki and Moore (1997) . Political Economy, Vol . 105, No . 2, pp . 211–248 . Kumhof, Michael et al ., 2010 . “The Global Integrated Monetary and Fiscal Model (GIMF) – Theoretical Structure,” IMF Working Pa- per 10/34, February . Meh, Cesaire and Kevin Moran, 2010 . “The Role of Bank Capital in the Propagation of Shocks,” Journal of Economic Dynamics and Control, Vol . 34, pp .555-76 . Tovar, Camilo, 2008 . “DSGE Models and Central Banks,” Bank of In- ternational Settlements, Working Paper No . 258, September .

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 19 How to Formulate Guidelines for the Macroeconomic Indicators

Qiao Yu Professor of Economics, School of Public Policy and Management, Tsinghua University, Beijing

fter the February 2011 meeting of the G-20 indicators that should be used to assess global im- finance ministers and central bank governors balances . Apart from domestic political factors in Ain Paris, the finance ministers announced a “deficit countries” and “surplus countries”, a lack of communiqué that agreed on a set of indicators to in-depth research and accurate information poses be examined through a two-step process so as to serious challenges for future steps . In addition, allow them to focus on persistent large imbalances ambiguous definitions, flawed methodology and for coordinated policy actions . This is a big stride misleading statistics widen disagreements, which toward addressing the issue of macroeconomic may result in general failure of achieving MPC policy interdependence against the backdrop of goals . global imbalances . The progress has been achieved through mutual endeavors and multilateral com- Direct Measure of Global Imbalances promises between G-20 countries committed to the Mutual Assessment Process (MAP) of the 2009 A trade balance is the foremost variable to reflect Pittsburgh G-20 Summit . the scope of global imbalances in terms of mer- chandise transactions . Rodrigo de Rato argues that According to the communiqué, the preliminary “the constellation of large (trade) deficits in one set of indicators include: “(1) public debt and fiscal country, with counterpart (trade) surpluses be- deficits; and private savings rate and private debt; ing concentrated in a few others, is what we mean and (2) the external imbalance composed of the when we speak of global imbalances ”. 1 This variable trade balance and net investment income flows greatly impacts the possibility of macroeconomic and transfers, taking into consideration exchange policy coordination between G-20 countries to rate, fiscal, monetary and other policies ”. In order cope with imbalanced commodity transactions to make the indicators applicable, G-20 finance since foreign trade closely links different countries ministers also intend to reach agreement at their together and trade imbalances mainly consist of April meeting on indicative guidelines prepared by external imbalances for a particular country . a special G-20 framework group, against which the indicators can be assessed for the goal of macro- A significant bilateral trade imbalance will be tak- economic policy coordination (MPC) . en as a signal that “sometimes a productivity gain (from free trade) in one country can benefit that It has taken quite long time for G-20 countries to country alone, while permanently hurting the oth- agree on these two groups of the indicators as po- er country by reducing the gains from trade that litically feasible instruments designated to provide are possible between the two countries ”. 2 Hence, a guidance for possible policy coordination . Yet, country’s trade status is always a focal issue in do- many important problems remain unsettled, such mestic policy debates and a persistent trade deficit is as how boundaries of the indicators are defined more likely to trigger protectionist measures against and what are the critical benchmarks of the indi- its counterparties, especially when it is purged by cators . In fact, there still may be wide discrepan- economic hardship coupled with high unemploy- cies in formulating the agreed guidelines for the ment . An example of this is the Japan-U S. . trading

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 20 friction in the 1980s and the Sino-U .S . trade in- all shipped to Foxconn, a Taiwan company located equality of today . in China, for final assembly and then exported to the U .S . and the rest of the world . According to the The current trade imbalance between China and conventional method, the iPhone trade in 2009 left the United States is at the core of global macro- a $1 .9 billion deficit in the U .S . trade account . But economic imbalances . Needless to say, the huge the reality is that by actual value-added calcula- Sino-U .S . trade disparity is neither sustainable for tion, iPhone trade between China and U .S . ended bilateral relations nor helpful for easing global ten- up with $48 million of trade surplus with U .S 3. In sions . This problem must be jointly addressed by general, “the conventional trade statistics greatly the immediate involved parties and China must inflate bilateral trade deficits between a country adjust certain commercialist trade policies to nar- used as export-platform by multinational firms row down the trade gap . Similarly, serious bilateral and its destination countries ”. 4 trade situations in other countries should also be solved appropriately . The key issue here is to utilize Accordingly, Director- an unbiased and reliable indicator to reflect actual General Pascal Lamy points out that “the statisti- trade positions of each country . Unfortunately, the cal bias created by attributing the full commercial prevailing method to calculate a particular coun- value to the last country of origin can pervert the try’s overall trade balance is simply to aggregate political debate on the origin of the imbalance and customs export and import statistics with those lead to misguided, and hence counter-productive, of their respective trading partners . Likewise, the decisions . Reverting to the symbolic case of the bi- country’s bilateral balance against a specific trad- lateral deficit between China and the United States, ing country is also calculated in the same way . a series of estimates based on true domestic con- Thanks to the complexity of global labor divi- tent cuts the deficit by half, if not more ”. 5 If trade sion and the sophistication of the global logistics statistics were aligned in line with the actual value structure, a country’s trade balance image that is contributed to a product from different countries, depicted by the conventional method may be con- the artificially distorted portion of bilateral trade siderably distorted in reality . imbalances would be phased out and so would the misperception of the conventional sum-up meth- This deviation occurs most in sophisticated high- od . Otherwise, flawed bilateral and overall trade tech or brand-granting original equipment manu- figures will lead to spurious conclusions, escalat- facturing sectors, where multinational companies ing political quarrels in both domestic and global have different networks of invention, production, domains and quashing possible joint actions for marketing and services all over the world . In this the involved countries . respect, the conventional sum-up method is too simple and obsolete to precisely define a country’s A comprehensive value-contributing approach actual bilateral and overall trade status, which is should be developed and used to align trade sta- considerably shaped by cross-border value creating tistics obtained from traditional customs channels . networks of multinational companies . In this con- Although this adjustment procedure may be time- text, a big gap between “a home assembled prod- consuming and involve a huge technical challenge uct” and “a home value-added product” makes sig- of collecting relevant information, it will reduce nificant differences in the global trade landscape . systemic errors from the simple sum-up method and create a solid foundation for all parties to Apple, for example, sets up a global iPhone pro- gauge their respective actual trade imbalances in duction network with nine companies located both overall and bilateral levels . in China, South Korea, Japan, Taiwan, Germany and the United States . While all iPhone compo- Investment income flow is a secondary indicator nents are produced by these companies, they are in assessing global imbalances . While this variable

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 21 consists of an important part of external imbalanc- foreign reserves . Since there is no real alternative es for a country, it has special meaning for devel- to replace the dollar in a foreseeable future, the oped countries that suffer from trade deficits but dollar’s status quo will last for a quite long time . have income flow surpluses . That is, net inflows But the trillions of dollars of U .S . public debt di- of investment income partially offset trade defi- rectly affects the stability of the dollar . cits in a particular country . This is especially true for the U .S . and U .K . over the past decade . If the It is obvious that the persistent U .S . balance of value-contributing approach were adopted to ob- payments deficit (mainly due to the trade deficit) tain trade statistics, the accommodating effect of is necessary to supply liquidity for the rest of the investment income flows on the current accounts world . Similarly, the enduring U .S . budget deficit is of these two trade deficit countries would be much also required to deliver debt securities that recycle more visible 6. the dollar . On the other hand, issuing money with- out binding restrictions implies that the de facto Based on accurate trade statistics, specific guide- world central banker is free to abuse its double- lines, including critical values for benchmarks deficits’ privilege by issuing not “just enough” but used for assessing policy actions, can be formulat- “too much” greenback to reallocate global wealth . ed for all parties to discuss . This procedure would No sooner than when the Federal Reserve carries help G-20 leaders achieve a common ground for out an unprecedented quantitative easing policy pursuing the goals of macroeconomic policy co- do global imbalances move in favor of debtors ordination . largely through the unique way of U .S . sovereign obligation . The rest of the world undoubt- Public Debt and Global Imbalances edly sees the U .S . as shouldering its debt by inflat- ing them away, similar to what the Nixon admin- The vast and growing U .S . public debt is another istration did to dodge gold obligations in the early key indicator for assessing global imbalances . The 1970s . U .S . public debt results partially from the long- lasting regular federal government budget deficits At least partially due to this trend, the prices of over the past decade, and partially from recent bulk commodities have notably surged in recent large fiscal stimulus for the crisis-torn economy 7. months, igniting inflationary pressures in many The huge public debt nurtures extravagant mass emerging economies . Interest rate differentials expenditure far exceeding private revenue inflow, between developed and emerging countries have which in turn significantly deteriorates the U .S . considerably widened, resulting in huge inflows trade position . Otherwise, expenditure would be of speculative funds toward the latter . It is quite subject to income constraints and so ironic that when global wealth redistribution oc- the huge trade deficit would be at least partially curs, the debtors are unloaded at the expense of checked . This linkage is also observed in many the creditors and the poor fill up the coffers of the other developed countries . rich while the latter takes a macro hedge against the former . Besides this demand side nexus, accumulating the massive public debt of the reserve currency issuer In this regard, public debt is a crucial indicator in has strong but less visible implications on global guiding the G-20’s coordinated action to restrain imbalances in terms of debt-serving asymmetry . the major reserve-currency supplier to align the The U .S . dollar is the prevailing currency in the in- all-U .S . centric egoist monetary policy to assure ternational monetary system . It is the sole transac- the dollar’s accountability and the international tion currency for the bulk of commodity contracts, monetary system’s stability, which are vital precon- a dominating carrier of foreign-exchange trad- ditions for adjusting global imbalances . Likewise, ing, and a major currency of debt securities and this variable has a similar but less crucial role for

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 22 other developed and developing countries to en- imbalanced ways . Nonetheless, extreme out-of- force fiscal discipline in order to facilitate reduc- balanced growth will sooner or later lead to seri- tions in severe macroeconomic imbalances be- ous political and social backlashes that hinder the tween and within specific regions . global economy . Therefore, it is an important task for the international community to cooperate in The question is how to calibrate public debt in a order to align undue global imbalances and man- way that all relevant parties will agree with . Of age it to a tolerable level . course sovereign debt is in the basket, but other quasi-government obligations should also be tak- To serve this end, trade balances and public debt en into consideration . For example, central or fed- are two key indicators logically appropriate and eral governments not only have explicit (or implic- politically acceptable to the involved stakehold- it) rights for solvency of lower-level governments, ers . As global imbalances vaguely refers to the but they also bear legal and moral responsibili- situation of one particular country’s huge deficit ties for government-related contingent liabilities against the surpluses of its major counterparties, as well . The stakeholders may consider defining trade balances can be used as an immediate and “core public debt” to contain sovereign liabilities direct rule-of-thumb measurement of global im- and “supplementary public debt” to include other balances in terms of skewed merchandise transac- obligations . The stakeholders might also consider tions . Public debt, on the other hand, can be taken setting up a clear critical value for assessing policy as an intricate marker of highlighting another facet actions . of global imbalances with respect to asymmetric wealth flows between reserve-currency issuers and Both private savings rates and private debt are takers . informative but less obvious gauges . Many attri- bute global imbalances to domestic factors, such The other variables raised in the Paris Commu- as over-consumption in the U .S . and over- niqué, though informative, are secondary ones . in China . This may provide some justification for Besides, it is confusing and impossible for G-20 monitoring private savings rates and private debt countries to pursue multiple goals specified by a in the involved countries . Unlike public debt and diverse set of indicators . The simpler the goals of budget deficits which are exogenous variables, macroeconomic policy coordination are, the easi- these two factors are basically endogenously de- er they can be executed . termined 8. In addition, it would not be possible in the short run to see a sharp decline in the United The International Monetary Fund could play an States’ high propensity to consume coupled with important role in the MPC process . To make the a dramatic dropping of China’s high propensity guidelines for key indicators agreeable and ex- to save . Compared to public debt, private savings ecutable, the IMF could develop a new method rates and private debt are regarded as suggestive of revising trade balance statistics and define new and secondary indicators . categories of containing different layers of public obligations . Moreover, the IMF should identify Conclusion “outliers” of both key variables for setting up pos- sible critical values to guide joint actions . Together Indeed, there are no such things as “global bal- with the other supportive indicators, the modi- anced merchandise trade” or “global macroeco- fied key variables may be the first try-out instru- nomic balances” in the entire history of the con- ment for the G-20 countries, via the IMF venue, to temporary world . On the contrary, the world implement cross-country macroeconomic policy economy always moves forward in a variety of coordination .

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 23 References Endnotes

Boskin, Michael, 2011 . “Debate on Fiscal Policy,” China Development 1 De Rato (2005) Forum, March 20-21, Beijing . 2 See Samuelson (2004) . De Rato, Rodrigo, 2005, “Correcting Global Imbalances—Avoid- 3 In Apple’s total $1 .9 billion of iphone value, China only contributed ing the Blame Game,” Speech in the Foreign Policy Association 3 .6 percent in manufacturing costs . The rest were values of Financial Services Dinner, New York City, February 23 . (http:// components contributed by Japan (34 percent), South Korea (13 www .imf .org/external/np/speeches/2005/022305a .htm) . percent), and Germany (17 percent), the U .S . (6 percent) and others G-20 Leaders Statement: The Pittsburgh Summit, September 24-25, (27 percent) . See Rassweiler (2009) . Also see Hughes (2010) . 2009 . Pittsburgh, U .S .A . (http://www .pittsburghsummit gov/me. - 4 Xing and Detert (2010) . diacenter/129639 htm. ) . 5 See Lamy (2010) . G- 20 Meeting of Finance Ministers and Central Bank Gover- nors, Paris, 18-19 February 2011 . (http://www .g20 .org/Docu- 6 This variable may contain certain suggestive information about ments2011/02/COMMUNIQUE-G20_MGM%20_18-19_Febru- portfolio capital flows, but it is not timely and accurate measure . ary_2011 .pdf) 7 It is estimated that the US budget deficit will be $1 .6 trillion in Hughes, Neil . 2010 . “Piper: 15 8M. US iPhone sales in 2010, even 2012, about twice of the total budget deficits aggregated from the without Verizon ”. AppleInsider . January 6 . (http://www .applein- other G7 countries plus Greece and Portugal . See Boskin (2011) sider .com/articles/10/01/06/piper_15_8m_us_iphone_sales_ 8 These variables are profoundly influenced by a country’s in_2010_even_without_verizon html. ) . institutional settings such as social security nets, depth of financial Lamy, Pascal, 2010 . “Globalization of the Industrial Production market, cultural heritage and others . Hence, it is inappropriate to Chains and Measuring International Trade in Value,” World simply adopt them for joint policy purpose . Trade Organization, October 15 . (http://www .wto .org/english/ news_e/sppl_e/sppl174_e .htm) Rassweiler, Andrew . 2009 . “iPhone 3G S Carries $178 96. BOM and Manufacturing Cost, iSuppli Teardown Reveals ”. iSuppli, June 24 . (http://www .isuppli .com/Teardowns-Manufacturing-and-Pricing/ News/Pages/iPhone-3G-S-Carries-178-96-BOM-and-Manufac- turing-Cost-iSuppli-Teardown-Reveals aspx. ) . Samuelson, Paul A ., 2004, “Where Ricardo and Mill Rebut and Con- firm Arguments of Mainstream Economists Supporting Global- ization,” The Journal of Economic Perspectives, Vol . 18, No . 3, pp . 135-146 . Xing, Yuqing, and Neal Detert, 2010 . “How the iPhone Widens the United States Trade Deficit with the People’s Republic of China ”. Asian Development Bank Institute Working Paper 257, Tokyo .

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 24 Concrete Steps toward Realistic Reforms of the International Monetary System Agnès Bénassy-Quéré Director, Centre d’Etudes Prospectives et d’Informations Internationales Director, Bruegel; Member, French Prime Minister’s Council of Economic Analysis; Jean Pisani-Ferry Member, European Commission’s Consultative Group of Policy Analysis; Professor, Université de Paris-Dauphine Yongding Yu Director-General, Institute of World Economics and Politics of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences

overnor of the People’s Bank of China Zhou planks are likely to be the U .S . dollar, the euro and Xiaochuan’s famous 2009 paper awakened the the renminbi . Gdebate on the international monetary system from a three-decade long state of apathy . In the In the short term however, there is no hope to re- run-up to the 2011 French presidency of the G-20, build the international monetary system accord- many ideas have been floated about reforming the ing to any of the grand designs on offer . The weak- international monetary system, through reports, nesses of the euro and the renminbi are too appar- papers and conferences . These contributions have ent for these currencies to constitute alternatives especially pointed out the deficiencies of the pres- to the U .S . dollar . To reform the rules of the game ent system: dependence on a key reserve currency, is an ambitious enough endeavor . To rewrite them which in turn leads to asymmetries in the process entirely, as some proposals suggest, is not on the of adjustment; inability to provide incentives for agenda . We are not in 1944 . surplus countries to adjust; disregard for spillovers effects of national monetary policies and as a result It is therefore time to focus the debate on the pos- the possible inadequacy of the global monetary sible deliverables . Already, official working groups stance; the developing and emerging countries’ have been tasked with providing concrete propos- costly reliance on self-insurance through reserve als for the G-20 to discuss at the finance ministers’ accumulation; inability to channel net capital meetings in view of decisions to be taken at the flows from low-return, advanced economies to heads of state and government G-20 summit in high-return, emerging countries; and large real ex- Cannes in November . change-rate misalignments, sometimes leading to “currency wars” . Old policy dilemmas, such as that So what could concrete steps be? What reforms of Triffin, have been revisited and old ideas such as would help address fundamental deficiencies and the expanding the role of the special drawing right command a sufficient degree of consensus? We (SDR) have been intensively discussed . suggest three avenues:

The need for a change in the international mon- . First, to create consensus on policies toward etary system—what Keynes famously called the capital inflows and provide a framework for “rules of the game”—is accentuated by tectonic international surveillance of national capital shifts in the balance of international power . These controls, reserves and exchange rate poli- shifts were already visible in the last decade, but cies . This would help tackle the risk of “cur- they have been accelerated by the financial cri- rency wars”; sis and its asymmetric effects on advanced and emerging countries . By 2020, the balance of eco- . Second, to draw on results from the Korean nomic power within the global economy will be presidency in 2010 and strengthen financial more equal than at any time over the last two cen- safety nets so that countries do not have to turies . Therefore, there is a strong case for moving self-insure through accumulating reserves toward a multipolar monetary system whose main or to rely on possible bilateral swap lines to

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 25 access liquidity when confronted with sud- from mercantilist motives, would need to be allo- den stops; cated to an international body . This body should provide assessments and policy suggestions, as . Third, to prepare and plan for a change in well as technical assistance when required . A natu- the composition of the SDR that would ral candidate for this task would be the Interna- strengthen the multilateral framework while tional Monetary Fund . However, this would re- favoring evolution toward a more multipo- quire amending the Fund’s statutes since the IMF lar system . presently has no legitimacy to review financial- account policies . Hence, a formal approval by 85 Exchange Rates, Capital Flows and percent of the IMF’s board of governors would be Reserves needed . While this is not impossible, it is demand- ing in view of the lack of trust in the institution in The first topic seems highly controversial at first significant parts of the emerging world . sight because it touches upon the sensitive issue of exchange rate policies . It does not need to be so . Financial Safety Nets To start with, it is increasingly apparent that the global crisis has had highly asymmetric effects, To build financial safety nets, two different routes which call for a real exchange rate realignment may be taken: a strengthening of bilateral central between the advanced and the emerging world . bank swap lines and an extension of multilateral This realignment is going to take place one way schemes . During the crisis, swap lines generous- or another, either through nominal exchange-rate ly extended by the U .S . Federal Reserve and to a changes or through divergent inflationary devel- lesser extent other key central banks proved in- opments . Higher pressure on consumer prices will strumental in providing U .S . dollar liquidity to lessen the willingness of governments and central national central banks . However, these were uni- banks in emerging countries to oppose exchange- lateral, discretionary initiatives and the benefits of rate appreciations through reserve accumulation which were reserved to some partners and whose and/or capital controls . repetition may not be taken for granted should an- other crisis hit . By the same token, the controversy about capital controls is abating . The International Monetary One idea would be to institutionalize the network Fund is less reluctant than in the past to make room of swap lines under the supervision of the IMF . for such controls in the policymakers’ toolbox . At There would be a risk of losing in the process the same time, it is increasingly recognized by poli- the flexibility demonstrated in the crisis . Under- cymakers in emerging countries that capital controls standably also and perhaps more importantly this are only one instrument among several . They are project encounters vigorous opposition by central part of a broad range of macroeconomic and macro- banks, whose independence is already questioned prudential tools that may be used to limit the detri- by their role in keeping ailing banks (or, in the Eu- mental impact of large, volatile capital inflows . ropean case, states) afloat, the threat of a return of fiscal dominance, and the extension of their man- Policy consensus may therefore be within reach . date to macro-prudential surveillance . Formal What will be more difficult is to agree on institu- commitments from central banks to extend swap tional arrangements . To start with, the emerging lines to countries designated by an international international consensus should be written down institution are in these circumstances unlikely . in some sort of soft law such as a code of conduct . Second, the joint monitoring of capital controls The institutionalization of bilateral swap lines and exchange-rate policies, with the aim to sort would also amount to creating a two-tier system out macroeconomic and financial stability motives whereby countries would explicitly depend on the

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 26 support of regional partners . Such schemes may reserves that they could exchange for reserves be attractive to some countries where cooperation denominated in the currency of their choice . If around a regional hub has developed, but it can provided in limited quantity and in response to hardly provide a global solution . increases in the demand for reserves only, such al- locations would be unlikely to have far-reaching This leads to envisaging multilateral schemes . It is consequences for global liquidity while providing necessary here to distinguish three different variants: a welcome buffer to vulnerable countries . But to make them a recurring feature of the provision of (1) The pooling of central banks’ foreign-ex- liquidity, a revision of IMF statutes would be need- change reserves, possibly with a transfor- ed since currently an 85 percent majority within mation of part of them into SDR reserves; the IMF board is needed to decide an SDR alloca- (2) The creation of new IMF facilities; tion . This avenue cannot be considered closed but (3) A more active policy of SDR allocations it presents serious hurdles . through more frequent and possibly coun- ter-cyclical and/or targeted allocations by A New Special Drawing Right the IMF . Several SDR-based proposals are on offer . One The pooling of official reserves has already been aims at addressing a different shortcoming of the practiced at a regional level and it could conceiv- international monetary system, namely the lack ably be extended to a multilateral level . While this of safe assets at a global level . The idea is to cre- is efficiency-enhancing, it raises difficult questions ate a new investment vehicle by allowing interna- in regards to the sharing of the exchange-rate risk tional financial institutions, including the IMF, to and the use of the reserves . Reserve pooling would issue debt securities denominated in SDRs . The require rules on how each member could use these liquidity of the SDR market could be enhanced reserves, which would be difficult to do ex-ante . by developing the private use of the SDR through Furthermore, access rules would make reserve commodity invoicing and subsequent demand for pooling inferior to unconditional self-insurance SDR-denominated bonds . through reserve accumulation . This is certainly not the only way to enlarge the International Monetary Fund facilities are a way range of safe and liquid assets that are needed at to channel reserves to countries hit by capital out- the global level . Another way, which should be en- flows . The recent evolution has been toward the couraged, would be the development of national- creation of no-conditionality (the Flexible Credit currency bond markets . Line – FCL) or low-conditionality (the Precaution- ary Credit Line – PCL) facilities that aim at crisis Although consistent with the initial purpose of the prevention rather than crisis management . Further SDR in 1969, the promotion of SDR-denominated proposals have been put forward such as the IMF’s securities through IMF borrowing is likely to en- Global Stabilization Mechanism (GSM)—a new counter a number of obstacles . Aside from techni- mechanism that would activate the provision of li- cal problems related to the initial liquidity premi- quidity to systemic and vulnerable countries in case um (estimated 80-100 bp by the IMF staff) and the of systemic shock . The problem with such facilities needs for market infrastructures for SDRs, IMF is that potential beneficiaries may remain unsure of members are probably reluctant to renounce over- getting access to them in time of need, which makes sight of IMF resources that they currently enjoy . them partial substitutes to reserves only . Rather than trying to create an SDR market from New SDR allocations would not have this short- scratch, we suggest adapting the existing SDR coming . They would provide countries with SDR to the new global environment through more

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 27 frequent allocations and through planning the in- provide SDR-denominated loans . Without wait- clusion of the renminbi in the SDR basket—which ing for China to move to free convertibility and to presently only includes the U .S . dollar, the euro, integrate into the multilateral liquidity provision the yen and the British pound—in the context of scheme, this would be a way for it to diversify its an opening up of China’s financial account and a reserves smoothly while providing international move to a flexible exchange rate regime in China . liquidity in times of stress . Such reforms would be consistent with the fast shift of the global economy in favor of China . It Conclusion would put the largest reserve holder at the center of the SDR liquidity-provision system and would In brief, the most workable deliverables today create a natural venue for monetary policy dia- seem to be: (1) guidelines and surveillance on cap- logue and possibly coordination between the five ital controls, (2) a new regime for deciding on SDR countries involved in the SDR—a G-5 circle . allocations that would facilitate a less infrequent use of this instrument, and (3) the inclusion, after Interestingly, the renminbi need not be immediately some delay and against financial opening up, of the included in the SDR and China need not immedi- renminbi into the SDR basket . ately open up its financial account in order to play a part in financial safety nets . The People’s Bank of Would these three reforms be conducive to ad- China has already started extending swap lines to a dressing the shortcomings of the international number of foreign central banks in renminbi, aside monetary system? Probably only partially . But they from the Chiang Mai Initiative . It could also provide would represent concrete steps toward change and liquidity in dollars in exchange of a number of list- pave the way for longer-term evolutions . ed currencies—say the currencies of the G-20 and

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 28 Multilateral Surveillance and Macroeconomic Policy Coordination: Designing an Appropriate Framework Professor of Economics; Head of Economic Studies, Institut Français des Relations Jacques Mistral Internationals; Former Advisor to the Directeur Général du Trésor et de la Politique économique, Ministère des finances - Paris; Member of the French Prime Minister’s Council of Economic Analysis

s the global crisis moved away from an im- Unfortunately, in a deep crisis, things are more mediate emergency phase, world leaders at complex and inaction should not be an option . Athe G-20 summits turned to long-term issues . The basic idea launched in Pittsburgh was that in- Global interdependencies on the products and ternational collective action could put the inter- capital markets have proved strong and these in- national economy on a stronger, more balanced terdependencies generate spillover effects likely and sustainable growth path . They trumpeted the to produce undesirable outcomes if unproperly creation of a new framework based on a Mutual managed . Tightening governments, for example, Assessment Process . This article emphasizes the expect to gain on net exports by relatively con- need of international coordination of economic straining costs, income, indebtedness and demand policies, argues that too little has been achieved in comparison to their trading partners . Monetary in this regard, explains that insufficient attention divergences as well have counter-productive con- has been paid to the institutional base of the Mu- sequences . Capital flows might amplify the con- tual Assessment Process and offers proposals for a sequences of asymmetric policy moves . Above more efficient framework . all, global imbalances remain a Damocles’ sword hanging on the future of the global recovery . The Risks of Inadequate Macroeconomic Policy Coordination The fear of the great recession turning into Japan’s lost decade or worse into a new has until now been averted but the risks facing the International economic policy coordination is a world economy are not eliminated . Current policy challenging and frequently disappointing task . discussions within the G-20 framework probably This is possibly one of the reasons explaining why underestimate the relevance of these parallels for many macroeconomists are comfortable with the understandable reasons . In short, euro-area policy- idea of uncoordinated economic policies, in par- makers could, under German inspiration and influ- ticular when economies are in genuinely different ence, exaggerate the benefits of a principled auster- situations; if growth potential, unemployment, ity; following decades of benign neglect regarding balance sheets and/or other parameters are mate- debt, American policymakers could underestimate rially different, it is not only comprehensible but the coming limits of global investors’ willingness desirable for macroeconomic policies to differ . It to finance U .S . tax and monetary profligacy; and is thus a frequent argument that each government China could wrongly assess the permanence of doing what it thinks is best for its own economy open export markets in face of its continuously in- (the U .S . fighting excessive unemployment, Eu- creasing surpluses . “Macroeconomic policy wars” rope cleaning its own problems, China “reori- cannot unfortunately be considered as things of the enting” growth) is the most appropriate contri- past . This paper argues that academics should prop- bution to the common good . This argument can erly assess these risks and policymakers should act provide some comfort to international inaction . and try harder to definitely avoid them .

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 29 Informal Coordination Not Sufficient for The Indicators and Their Processing: A Growth Management Bigger Role for the IMF

The creation of the G-20 has undoubtedly been In the fall of 2010, U .S . Secretary of the Treasury an appropriate answer to the financial crisis and it Timothy Geithner suggested adopting a common proved a useful framework to design urgent mea- view on what was a desirable range for current sures . Following a successful but fragile recovery, account surpluses and deficits . The proposal was the challenge for the G-20 is to shift from a cri- badly received and considered as aggressive by sis management status to sort of a global steering surplus countries . The Seoul Summit nonetheless committee . The G-20 probably has the potential to ended with an agreement to have the G-20 frame- exercise this sort of leadership . But the challenges work group produce a set of indicators that would are many; there are the questions of legitimacy, the help in evaluating what is an unsustainable current articulation with other international fora and the account . Despite its apparent modesty, this goal issue of effectiveness, among many others . Since proved difficult to attain . The selection of this set the G-20 has rightly been characterized as the of indicators has been narrowly and unenthusiasti- “premier world economic forum”, many of these cally fixed at the meeting of G-20 finance ministers questions will be cut according to its success in at- in Paris in February 2011 . One can say “it’s a first taining its proclaimed goal of a “strong, balanced step”; the reality is that the progress is extremely and sustainable growth” . However, recent summits modest . After all, these indicators are well known have been disappointing in this regard . and publicly available . What is needed is the indi- cators gaining more voice! Whatever their choice, There is an understandable agreement to avoid and subsequently the models that will serve for contentious and unproductive debates within the analytical purposes which by experience will con- G-20 . But when using pragmatism leads to elimi- stantly be a work in progress, emphasis should be nating imbalances and exchange rates from the put not on the surface but on the substance of pol- agenda even at the level of the finance ministers, icy coordination . and when communiqués barely mention the is- sue, one can argue that the process is not up to its Global imbalances today are supersized when task . In the new science of “summitry”, it is inter- compared with previous ones and could poten- esting to observe what a difference this situation tially pose greater threats to financial stability than makes with the beginning of the G-7 meetings, in the past . Their correction will require long last- whose primarily role was precisely to organize a ing efforts which will weigh on both sides of the conversation on the same sort of issues . There is economic equation, a reallocation of global savings little doubt that the successful role of the G-7 re- and demand, and the implementation of impor- garding financial and monetary issues proved a tant structural reforms . There is a need not only to very important starting point which at that time agree on a one-shot correction of macroeconomic gave its legitimacy to this restricted group . Bluntly policies but on the definition of a new trajectory . speaking, the Toronto or Seoul summits did not This requires a common understanding of the eco- pass the same test . Concerns over the conflict be- nomic outlook and a convergence in the manipu- tween short- and long-term objectives dominated lation of policy tools . Multilateral surveillance as the debate on fiscal consolidation . In place of a embedded in the Mutual Assessment Process is not disciplined and informed conversation on interna- enough; informal coordination of macroeconom- tional monetary affairs, we have witnessed a theat- ic policies, as embedded in the framework, is not rical scene starting a new “currency war” . Rhetoric enough . If they are really willing to deliver more and saber-rattling are no contribution to a stron- sustainable growth, leaders should be willing to ger and more balanced growth . reach analytical agreement and policy conclusions .

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 30 The preparation of the summits should be put pursuing this goal, but never got any traction . Po- within a more formal and demanding process . litically speaking, the mandate is clear and appro- What follows is a suggestion to act in this direction . priate . However legally speaking, member-nations have very few obligations to reach the common The core of such a formal process of economic goals they have subscribed to and this is what has policy coordination is the International Monetary to be changed . Fund . Its proper role has been debated for years; before the economic crisis, the IMF was even dis- An important and preliminary question is whether missed as a “firefighter without fire” . The IMF’s le- it is necessary to change the IMF’s articles . A care- gitimacy has been contested and there was a clear ful legal investigation of the issue by the IMF’s gen- need to put its shareholders’ structure and govern- eral counsel concluded that much could be done ing bodies more in line with the realities of the within the existing articles; that’s fine because any 21st century . Now, things have changed . Backed by attempt to change the articles would probably be a its recognized technical competencies, the IMF is recipe for failure . There is a possibility for the IMF a significant contributor to the work of the G-20, board to adopt an “organic decision” which would in particular with the early warning exercise and for example give a sharper expression to the pres- G-20 surveillance notes . But the world could and ent article 4 .3a: “The Fund shall oversee the inter- should make more productive use of the Interna- national monetary system in order to ensure its ef- tional Monetary Fund . This is the place where the fective operation, and shall oversee the compliance three steps—indicators, surveillance and coor- of each member with its obligations” . Following dination—should mix into a real policy decision the financial crisis, the Fund organized a vast se- process . This requires a reflection on its mandate ries of consultations in order to improve its ability and governance . to monitor the international financial interdepen- dencies, going far into the direction of scrutinizing Political Will Should Be Expressed in a major financial institutions . The suggestion here is Stronger IMF Mandate rather that the IMF should focus its ambitions on its core business, current accounts and exchange rates . An effective multilateral surveillance process Every international institution works according will not work until an agreement is reached to give to the agreement of its participating nations en- more expertise, voice and power to the IMF, which shrined in its mandate . But make no mistake, this means translating this goal into legal obligations seemingly clear expression is misleading . One for its members . should distinguish a political mandate, which is expressed in broad, ambitious sentences, and the legal content, whose restricted terms are the ba- Embedding International Economic Policy sis of the institution and the only real definition Cooperation of its powers . For example, the IMF has articles of agreement that read as very broad goals in relation The G-20 summits are prepared by finance min- with the above discussion . Article 1 6. reads as fol- isters’ meetings . This creates sort of a duality with lows: “the purpose of the IMF (is)… to shorten the the International Monetary and Financial Com- duration and lessen the degree of disequilibrium mittee (IMFC), the finance ministers’ gathering as in the international balances of payments of mem- tutors of the IMF . This duality needs to be clarified . bers” . This was and remains a perfect political goal The governance of the IMF has been extensively except that the IMF in the present circumstances discussed according to the question of shares has no tool to make it happen . For example, the and chairs . This is an extremely important issue former managing director of the IMF, Rodrigo de and hopefully significant progress has been made Rato, launched a multilateral surveillance exercise even if more remains to be done . But the reality

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 31 is that these changes, as desirable as they are, will element of betting which can be expressed in the not make the solution of global financial problems following way . The fact that surveillance did not easier . A new step forward is needed to more effec- work in the past does not necessarily mean that tively exercise multilateral surveillance at the top nations reject collective discipline . The example of the International Monetary Fund . This is why an of the World Trade Organization and its Dispute effective policy coordination process requires the Settlement Body is proof of the contrary . This transformation, as expressed in the statutes of the example rather suggests that informality is en- IMF, of the feeble existing IMFC into a politically emy to effective policy coordination . The political responsible council . economy of international relations can easily sup- port the view that nations will reluctantly adhere The Manuel Report recently revived this old sug- to informal policy coordination mechanisms; the gestion which has always attracted criticisms from benefits raised from a flexible framework are more different quarters . , for example, re- than offset by the costs of an unpredictable course cently complained that the proposal did not go suf- of events . This is why this proposal relies on a more ficiently far in the redistribution of power in favor explicit definition of the obligations of IMF mem- of developing countries . On the other side, Barry bers and gives more powers to the council to exer- Eichengreen mocked the idea of changing the cise surveillance . name from IMF Committee to IMF Council, both being in his views synonymous with ineffective- The council naturally supervises the activity of the ness . Both criticisms are debatable but fall short IMF and makes strategic decisions regarding the of measuring the issue at stake . Remember that major programs and the launch of new initiatives; one of the origins of the G-7 in the context of an without starting here a discussion on the special already troubled financial world in the 1970s was drawing rights, the council would clearly have big precisely the ineffectiveness of the committee and responsibilities should any progress on this issue the need to have a meeting of officials at the minis- be the fruit of an improved international econom- terial level, more able than the executive directors ic cooperation . The creation of the council would of the IMF, to make decisions and seal agreements . change the architecture of powers at the head of the This was why the G-7 finance ministers’ meeting IMF . The executive board would be transformed has taken place for years the day before the formal into a permanent representation of the ministers IMF Committee . This settlement today is anach- and would lose its responsibilities in the day-to- ronistic . It would be unwise to duplicate the G-20 day management . Conversely, the managing direc- or 24 finance ministers acting at the head of the tor would enjoy greater independence . In a figu- IMF with a G-20 finance ministers group working rative sense, the managing director could be the for the leaders . The same reasons, which made the voice of the indicators; he would be the guardian creation of the G-20 leaders meeting necessary, of the principles to which the governments have require the empowerment of the previous G-20 fi- subscribed, he would pressure his council to act nance ministers group . This is why the solution to cooperatively and he would to report to the G-20 reconcile legitimacy and effectiveness is to reform summit so that better international economic pol- the governance of the IMF and to create a politi- icy coordination could really happen . cally accountable council . Conclusion The new council would have explicit powers re- garding the strategy of economic policy coordi- The G-20 has been a quick and efficient answer to nation and its first task would precisely be multi- the immediate risks involved by the eruption of the lateral surveillance . The skeptics will immediately financial crisis . The challenge now for this summit ask why this arrangement should be more efficient is take on its responsibilities as the “premier world than the existing ones . No doubt, there is here an economic forum” . Its defining challenge is to design

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 32 a credible path toward “strong, balanced and sus- because the obstacles to international collective tainable growth” . The Toronto and Seoul summits action are well known by experts and government proved rather disappointing in this regard . The officials . A more positive view can nonetheless be Mutual Assessment Process and the introduction backed by the spirit of international cooperation, of a series of “indicators” definitely appear as in- by the fact that this political will is deeply rooted in sufficiently sharp . This paper argues that the world huge interconnected economic interests and by the needs a formal framework for developing a more fact that the perils of a Japanese style lost decade or efficient economic policy coordination, that this of a new great depression cannot assuredly be con- process should be centered on the IMF, and that a sidered as past . This is why it is useful to build on few conditions can transform multilateral surveil- previous stages and to recommend to “give more lance into a better policy decision-making process . voice to the indicators” . These proposals can be received with skepticism

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 33 Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and Developing Countries: Is Mutual Assessment for Members Only?

Thomas Fues Head of Training Department and Senior Fellow, German Development Institute Peter Wolff Head of World Economy and Development Financing and Senior Fellow, German Development Institute

he decision at the G-20 Pittsburgh Summit in members’ objectives” 1. The overall objective of the the fall of 2009 to install a Mutual Assessment G-20 has been to provide a resilient recovery from TProcess (MAP) as an analytical underpinning the great recession that would lead to strong, sus- of a more rational debate on economic policies was tainable and balanced global growth . clearly a remarkable step toward a more cooperative way of economic policymaking in the major econo- In its assessment, the Fund has confronted the mies . Particularly noteworthy is the role of the In- G-20 with a clear message:2 the aggregate policies ternational Monetary Fund as a facilitator in this of the G-20 members as stated in their submis- process . In the past, IMF surveillance had to be tak- sions will not lead to the desired outcome . Global en seriously only by indebted developing countries . growth will most probably be lower than expected They had to fear the consequences of misbehavior, and global imbalances are expected to resume wid- in terms of strict conditions on the use of financial ening through 2014 . World GDP would be higher support from the Fund . For the other countries, by around 2 percent by 2014, if G-20 members IMF surveillance as a routine exercise prescribed for would pursue more collaborative policies in terms all IMF members in its Articles of Agreement has of joint action on three fronts: structural reforms become less and less relevant since the Fund does and exchange rate flexibility, fiscal consolidation, not have any influence on the economic policies of and product and labor market reforms . Insuffi- non-borrowing members . And when in 2006 a new cient internal rebalancing and the absent external process of multilateral surveillance was installed by rebalancing were identified as serious risks to the the IMF in order to tame the conflict between the sustainability of global growth . U .S . and China on the perceived overvaluation of the Chinese renminbi, it ended up as a dialogue of In accordance with its assignment by the G-20, the deaf without any tangible results . the Fund is concentrating its analysis on the G-20 economies and their aggregate effects on the glob- To be precise, the MAP is not about surveillance . al economy . Although the G-20 members cover The role of the IMF—with input by other multilat- around 90 percent of global gross national product eral organizations, particularly the World Bank— and thus clearly dominate the pace of the global is that of an independent technical advisor to the economy, the absence of the rest of the world from G-20 . The IMF was asked to provide a thorough the analysis is striking . analysis of the submissions of policy frameworks by all G-20 members that would entail “(1) iden- A supporting document by the World Bank opens tifying the inconsistencies and incoherence of the perspective for the global economy as a whole national assumptions in G-20 submissions; (2) and makes it clear that the contribution of develop- analyzing the multilateral compatibility of coun- ing countries to global growth is not limited to the try submissions; (3) analyzing the aggregate im- emerging markets represented in the G-20 3. Low- pact of national policies on global economic pros- income countries (LICs) are increasingly interlinked pects; and (4) identifying what additional policy with emerging markets and contribute signifi- commitments might be needed to reach the G-20 cantly to global growth . Rebalancing of the global

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 34 economy is not confined to the G-20 members as have been absent from the analyses of the IMF so a zero-sum game but has to include the developing far, the implicit consideration being that less de- countries where significant contributions to allevi- veloped countries benefit from global growth, but ate the “global demand deficit”4 can be expected . they do not contribute to it 8. With a more forward looking perspective, the Seoul Consensus gives the In this context, it is again striking that the policy reason why a growth strategy for developing coun- recommendations of the IMF for internal rebal- tries is warranted also for global rebalancing: “ . . ancing in emerging surplus economies are con- because the rest of the global economy, in its quest fined to G-20 members only: “(1) a gradual in- for diversifying the sources of global demand and crease of government investment of 2 percent of destinations for investing surpluses, needs devel- GDP, starting in 2011 and implemented over 3 oping countries and LICs to become new poles of years in the emerging Asia region of the model; (2) global growth—just as fast growing emerging mar- targeted transfers to the poor to strengthen safety kets have become in the recent past” 9. nets—amounting to around 2 percent of GDP” 5. Obviously, there are good reasons why growth and Of course, the underlying assumption of the IMF development in the rest of the world should not approach is that emerging surplus countries do be dealt with separately from the process of mac- have fiscal space that allows them to finance ad- roeconomic policy coordination among the G-20 ditional expenditure through higher fiscal defi- member countries . This refers also to the macro- cits . Most low-income countries do not have this economic and structural indicators which are to option, since their fiscal position is rather weak be developed for G-20 members throughout 2011 . after the crisis, as the IMF has stated in an earlier Notwithstanding the difficult political process of analysis .6 However, if the G-20 really endeavors reaching an agreement about a common set of in- to take responsibility for the global economy as a dicators, the question remains why there should whole, it is necessary that investment, social safe- not also be a discussion on a set of monitorable in- ty and growth in the about 90 low-income and dicators for investment rates in developing coun- lower-middle income countries, and not only in tries and related sources of finance . emerging countries, have to be taken into consid- eration . Going beyond national policies and their mu- tual assessment within the G-20, macroeconomic Here, the G-20 Development Agenda comes into policy coordination must also address the global the picture as laid down in the Seoul Consensus policy framework and global economic regimes, for Shared Growth with the commitment “…to particularly in the areas of international finance, work in partnership with other developing coun- trade, commodities, knowledge and climate tries, LICs in particular, to help them build the change 10. Global economic governance reform capacity to achieve and maintain their maximum needs to systemically integrate the overarching economic growth potential” .7 The main features of objectives of poverty elimination and inclusive the Seoul Development Consensus are nine the- growth . The G-20 has to embed its policy coordi- matic areas (“pillars”) that are seen as critical for nation process in this framework (also captured accelerated growth in developing countries (in- by operational indicators) otherwise its legitimacy frastructure, human resource development, trade, and effectiveness will be severely constrained due private investment and job creation, , to outside criticism and popular rejection . Find- growth with resilience, financial inclusion, domes- ings and policy recommendations flowing from tic resource mobilization) . A Multi-year Action the G-20 Working Group on Development should Plan on Development is supposed to support the be linked to the policy coordination mechanism to actual implementation . Thus, it addresses the need provide for overall policy coherence of individual for a growth strategy for developing countries that states and the group as a whole .

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 35 As welcome and necessary as such innovative ef- short-term measure, extend the HIPC initia- forts on macroeconomic policy coordination are, tive to include all low-income countries and they are not sufficient for planetary stability and vulnerable lower middle-income countries; global development . The G-20 needs to go be- yond balancing the world economy and accept its . stop “murky protectionism” of G-20 mem- responsibilities for global welfare and the special bers by the introduction of comprehensive requirements of low-income countries . The MAP mechanisms for duty free/quota free market and macroeconomic policy coordination must, access for all low-income countries; therefore, be systematically linked to the Seoul Development Consensus, thus clearing the way for . support universal standards on corporate a global social contract which guarantees human social responsibility which cover the whole security, inclusive growth and sustainable prosper- extent of global value chains building on, ity for every individual and society . harmonizing and integrating existing multi- stakeholder efforts in this field (as commit- With regard to the developmental dimension of ted in the Seoul Action Plan); macroeconomic policy coordination, the follow- ing steps are of primary concern: . introduce national laws in all G-20 coun- tries along the lines of the recently passed . provide conducive framework conditions in Dodd-Frank financial reform legislation in the global economy and promote coherence the U .S . in order to promote universal trans- across global regimes in order to support parency in extractive industries; the structural transformation of developing countries toward inclusive, sustainable and . agree on a global standard against which low-carbon growth; transnational companies must report their activities in their annual accounts, on a . assist developing countries in managing country-by-country basis in order to com- excessive capital inflows as a result of the bat tax evasion and avoidance and help monetary expansion in the U .S . and Europe; developing countries to raise resources do- including capital controls and enhanced mestically; mechanisms for financial supervision and regulation; . mobilize financial resources in support of in- clusive growth in developing countries and . increase the voice of all developing countries for the provision of global public goods as in the formulation of global financial regu- a key development challenge for the G-20 lation and expand their representation in through introduction of a financial transac- regulatory standard-setting bodies such as tion tax; the Financial Stability Board as well as the Bretton Woods institutions; . formally link the G-20 process to delibera- tions and policymaking of U .N . bodies such . contain excessive commodities market as the General Assembly and ECOSOC; and speculation in order to safeguard food se- curity and price stability for all developing . institutionalize G-20 mechanisms for inclu- countries; sion of and outreach to non-member states and non-state actors . . address current and future debt crises of developing countries by designing a new How can the developmental dimension be inte- framework for sovereign debt relief and, as a grated in the MAP and the G-20 debates on policy

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 36 coordination? We suggest that the submissions of References: the G-20 members on their policy frameworks should contain a chapter on the linkages between G-20 Leaders Statement: The Pittsburgh Summit, September 24-25, 2009 . Pittsburgh, U .S .A . (http://www .pittsburghsummit .gov/me- national economic policies and the Seoul Develop- diacenter/129639 .htm) . ment Consensus for Shared Growth and its com- G-20 Seoul Summit Leader’s Declaration, November 11-12, 2010 . panion Multi-year Action Plan on Development . Seoul, Republic of Korea . (http://media .seoulsummit .kr/con- This procedure would contribute to enhancing tents/dlobo/E1 ._Seoul_Summit_Leaders_Declaration .pdf) . policy coherence for development at the domestic International Monetary Fund (IMF), 2009 . “The G-20 Mutual Assess- ment Process and the Role of the Fund,” Prepared by the Strat- level . In their assessments of the national submis- egy, Policy, and Review Department and the Legal Department, sions, the IMF and World Bank would also have Washington, D .C . to evaluate them in consideration of the impact of IMF, 2010 . Emerging from the Global Crisis: Macroeconomic Chal- lenges Facing Low-Income Countries, Washington, D .C . G-20 policies on low-income countries, with for- IMF, 2010a . “G-20 Mutual Assessment Process—Alternative Policy mal comments to the IMF/World Bank analysis Scenarios,” prepared for G-20 Summit of Leaders in Seoul, Re- by UNCTAD and UN-DESA . Such analysis would public of Korea . contribute to improving global framework condi- United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), 2010 . The Least Developed Countries Report 2010 . tions for developing countries . Willem te Velde, Dirk (ed .), 2010 . The G-20 Framework for Strong, Sustainable and Balanced Growth: What Role for Low-Income, In parallel to such incremental reform steps, Small and Vulnerable Countries? Overseas Development Insti- tute, London . the G-20 needs to deepen the shared normative World Bank, 2010 . “Growth and Development in Emerging Markets framework of global governance along the lines of and Other Developing Countries,” G-20 Growth Framework and the leaders’ statement of the G-20 Pittsburgh Sum- Mutual Assessment Process, Washington D .C . mit in September 2009: “we have a responsibility to recognize that all economies, rich and poor, are Endnotes partners in building a sustainable and balanced 1 IMF (2009, p .3) . global economy in which the benefits of economic 2 IMF (2010a) . growth are broadly and equitably shared . We also 3 World Bank (2010) . have a responsibility to achieve the internationally 4 IMF (2010a, p . 12) . agreed development goals ”. 5 IMF (2010a, p . 17) . 6 IMF (2010) . 7 Seoul Summit Declaration . 8 IMF (2010) 9 Seoul Summit Declaration, Annex I . 10 UNCTAD (2010) .

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 37 Global Imbalances, Spillover Effects and External Monitoring: Some Indian Perspectives

Suman Bery International Growth Centre, New Delhi and Member, Prime Minister’s Economic Advisory Council

Introduction Analytical Considerations

Jointly with Canada, India co-chairs the G-20 From the perspective of the major emerging mar- Framework Working Group . This working group kets in the G-20, is anything really distinctive was set up at the G-20 Pittsburgh Summit with about the recent recession? Other than China, the mandate to elaborate the leaders’ agenda of none of them are as yet systemically important returning the global economy to strong, sustained for the global economy, although many of them and balanced growth . At Seoul in November 2010, now enjoy significant regional influence as growth the leaders tasked this group to develop indicative poles and as potential sources of contagion . For at guidelines with the technical support of the IMF least the last 20 years, officials of these economies for consideration by the G-20 Ministerial to take have voiced growing concerns on a range of issues place in Washington in April 2011 . in global finance . These concerns include the un- predictability and fickleness of capital flows, the As co-chair of a critical and influential working volatility of cross-rates across major currencies, group, India has been thrust into the heart of a the reality and unfairness of contagion, and the complex and contentious global debate on how steady reduction in the relative scale of official fi- to measure, assess and correct the current imbal- nance available as a safety net . There has also been ances and prevent future ones . In this article, I considerable bitterness about the influence over will not comment on India’s position as co-chair major governments that international banks lever- of the working group, except to note that within aged in order to ensure repayment of debt that had India there has been remarkably little discussion been incurred under questionable circumstances . on how the country’s officials should exploit this prestigious platform . Rather, I examine these is- The “spillover effects” on emerging markets from sues more broadly from the perspective of India’s policy decisions taken by advanced economies own growth strategy, its medium-term interest in have been a source of concern for many years now . deepening its own global integration while avoid- These concerns did not generate much policy trac- ing unreasonable risk, and its domestic political tion because the influence was largely unidirec- structures and constraints . It seems reasonable to tional from the advanced countries to the emerg- assume that India’s views of these medium-term ing markets without much impact in the opposite interests will in turn affect the positions assumed direction . by Indian officials and leaders in the global dis- cussions . Given that the objective of this collec- Seen in this light, it is not the policies of the ad- tion of articles is to encourage fresh thinking on vanced countries which are distinctive this time these issues, this paper also tries to assimilate round . Rather, three other factors seem to be at some of the more recent analysis emerging from play . First, collateral damage from such spillovers the global recession to provide a personal assess- has been sustained by other advanced countries ment . and not just by the poorer countries . Second, one

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 38 important emerging market, namely China, is now its best contribution to the world economy is by important enough to affect global economic activ- ensuring sustained noninflationary growth of the ity . Third, as pointed out by Blanchard and Miles- U .S . economy . Ferreti,1 the fiscal and monetary policy space is now sharply curtailed in many advanced countries . India’s Situation

These circumstances have compelled the advanced For India, distinguishing between various con- countries finally to pay attention to some of the cepts of “imbalance” is relevant to ensuring that concerns previously voiced by the emerging mar- global rebalancing over the coming decade helps kets . This provides an opening for the latter group to support and sustain its own growth over the to press some of their earlier concerns . Yet there medium term and does not act to retard it . In turn, is also justified unease among these countries at India’s growth can make an important, though putting in place a set of disciplines that might be not decisive, contribution to sustaining recovery unnecessarily intrusive, selectively applied and ad- of the global economy . In his remarks, at the vari- ministered by the executive board and staff of the ous G-20 meetings, Indian Prime Minister Man- IMF—an institution whose own legitimacy and mohan Singh has been clear on the primacy that impartiality are currently under examination . India gives to restoring growth in the advanced countries . This is because of the boost that this will I next turn to the links between global imbalanc- give to India’s own growth and because improved es, official financial flows and the recent crisis . As prospects for growth in the advanced countries mentioned earlier, there has been sufficient intel- is essential to sustain the commitment of those lectual and analytic consensus to prompt concert- countries to an open world economy . ed action on failures of regulation and supervision, to identify perverse incentives in financial mar- India’s growth pattern has been qualitatively differ- kets, and to address difficult issues of measuring ent from that of its peers in East Asia . India’s rapid and curbing systemic risk . growth in the first decade of the 21st century has recently caused it to be considered an “honorary” By contrast, there is little such consensus on global member of this Asian fraternity . While there are imbalances . An early formulation focused on the some characteristics such as the role of the demo- global savings glut, which resulted from the failure graphic transition which are similar, there are oth- of investment to recover after the Asian crisis, with ers which are distinctive and have an important the U .S . current account adjusting passively to bearing on India’s stake in global rebalancing . This these autonomous flows . Seasoned observers are is true whether one considers: the earlier wave of skeptical of this explanation, arguing that the crisis successful industrializers, which include Japan was not caused by “net flows across the Pacific but and the “newly industrialized economies” of Ko- gross flows across the Atlantic”—a view that has rea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore; the more received some endorsement in more recent work sophisticated ASEAN countries which followed, 2 emerging from the Federal Reserve . notably Malaysia and Thailand; or most recently China . All these countries have been characterized Within the G-20, the focus of the discussion has by fast growth in output and employment in man- shifted from the trade deficit to the current ac- ufacturing on the supply side and an important count and to reserves accumulation . Govern- role for net exports as a source of demand . ments in countries besides the U .S . are irked that the central bank at the heart of the international By contrast, a striking aspect of the Indian ex- monetary system, the U .S . Federal Reserve, sets perience is the relatively poor performance of policy completely disregarding international con- manufacturing, particularly manufacturing in the sequences, while the Federal Reserve argues that so-called “formal” sector, and the corresponding

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 39 specialization of the economy and trade in servic- capital flows and they help avoid disruptive nomi- es . Equally on the demand side, net exports have nal appreciation of the exchange rate, even while been an insignificant source of final demand . Over accommodating an increasingly wide degree of the last two decades, India has also been plagued flexibility in the rupee-dollar exchange rate . with a chronically weak fiscal position, leading to a relatively high debt stock—one that remains toler- India is significantly poorer than most of its G-20 able only because of relatively rapid growth . emerging market peers despite having sustained rapid growth for almost three decades . This is These differences from other successful Asian partly because India is much less urbanized . As its emerging markets reflect themselves in the struc- demographic transition is still incomplete, India ture of India’s balance of payments . In the decade faces sustained growth in its labor force over the since the Asian financial crisis, most East Asian next two decades . countries have tended to run surpluses on their current accounts . In the case of the ASEAN coun- If the focus is on the adjustment of current ac- tries, these surpluses reflect the fact that investment count balances, India has little “rebalancing” to do . rates did not recover after the Asian crisis even as It may nonetheless have considerable and legiti- saving rates remained relatively strong . In the case mate concerns on the impact of global policies de- of China, they famously reflect the fact that despite signed to reduce imbalances elsewhere . However, a towering and possibly inefficient investment rate, if the focus is more on imbalances in the trade ac- corporate and household savings are even higher, count as seems to be the case, then India’s inter- generating a large current account surplus . ests are perhaps more closely aligned with those of the advanced countries, particularly the U .K . With the exception of a couple of years in the and the U .S ., than with China . And if the focus of middle of the last decade when it ran a small sur- policy coordination is to reduce the accumulation plus, India has typically run a deficit on its cur- of official reserves by emerging market countries, rent account of around 2 percent of GDP . This is then India’s interests lie with those concerned in financed by a net surplus on private capital flows, strengthening so-called “safety-net” policies and particularly portfolio flows and to a lesser extent any associated disciplines on capital movements net foreign direct investment . Yet this relatively and exchange rate regimes so to avoid becoming a tranquil overall picture masks a large and grow- victim of sudden stops in net foreign capital move- ing deficit on merchandise trade—now approach- ments . ing 10 percent of GDP—offset by a surplus on in- visibles account, including both services exports Indian policymakers have clearly signaled their and large and relatively stable remittance flows . view that India expects to be a net importer of Given India’s dependence on imported oil—about private capital for the foreseeable future, but it be- 70 percent of domestic consumption—the trade lieves that self-insurance remains the only cred- account is heavily affected by movements in the ible mechanism of risk mitigation available at the international oil price . present time . As an absorber of foreign savings, India has not contributed to global imbalances . Similar to its Asian peers, India has accumulated However, as a significant accumulator of reserves, significant stocks of international reserves despite India does have an interest in the liquidity and this deficit on the current account primarily be- maintenance of value of such reserves and in the cause of a fluctuating surplus on the net private orderly management of global liquidity . India has capital account . It has done so for the same reasons benefited enormously from its integration into the that many other emerging markets accumulate global economy, yet its growth strategy cannot re- large foreign exchange reserves . The reserves act as ally be called export-led, unlike other countries in a financial safety-net in case of a “sudden stop” in East Asia . Accordingly, its primary motivation for

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 40 reserves acquisition has been and will continue to anti-export bias in the last decade, has now ground be precautionary . Even so, these are likely to grow to a halt partly because of the desire to retain bar- with the size of India’s trade, the scale of its pay- gaining chips for the stalled multilateral negotia- ments obligations, and the size and maturity of its tions and partly out of fears about unfair competi- financial system . tion from China .

India’s fundamental policy challenge is less one of The hypothesis underlying this policy prescription external adjustment than of internal adjustment . is that the real exchange rate is more durably in- As reflected in the current account, both the ab- fluenced by policies, such as taxation, that affect solute levels and the relationship between aggre- the real economy . The issue nonetheless arises: gate saving and aggregate investment are broadly what is the role of nominal policies, such as the appropriate and do not require change . Equally, nominal exchange rate, in bringing about the de- aggregate growth is at healthy levels and is likely to sired shift? In the case of China, it has been argued be sustained . What is needed is an improvement in that a nominal appreciation would be important the quality of this growth . in shifting demand impulses away from external to domestic . Shouldn’t the same argument apply India would move to a better development trajec- in reverse to India? While the argument is su- tory if it could depreciate its real exchange rate such perficially attractive, my own inclination is to be as to improve the competitiveness of its tradables- cautious . The Reserve Bank of India has gained producing sector . Yet the paradox and challenge valuable experience and credibility in managing for domestic economic management are that India an increasingly flexible exchange rate, which gives needs to do so while improving the supply of key it all-important freedom in conducting monetary non-tradables, including infrastructure provisions policy for domestic Indian conditions . One im- in the public and private sectors, as well as a broad portant by-product of this flexibility is the shifting range of human capital enhancing interventions, of exchange risk assessment to private agents and such as better public education and public health . the development of hedging instruments to allow them to do so . Thus, the appropriate policy shift for India is one that promotes expenditure switching without re- To conclude, India’s primordial interest as a mem- quiring expenditure reduction . Political economy ber of the G-20 is the restoration of buoyant global considerations aside, the most appropriate policy economic activity since that will give India more mix for achieving the desired outcome is through a space for the necessary domestic adjustments . combination of fiscal consolidation, public expen- India should resist being clubbed together with diture reform and additional trade liberalization . China in the debate on global rebalancing as In- Fiscal consolidation in turn could legitimately dia’s interests are more fundamentally aligned with include both revenue and expenditure elements, the deficit countries . The country’s goal should be along the lines of major reforms of the systems of further trade deepening of its economy through direct and indirect taxation currently under con- multilateral trade liberalization; therefore, avoid- sideration . More important is a fundamental re- ing protection in the advanced countries is criti- structuring of government subsidies on food and cal . But the fundamental economic challenges for fuel, which has been endlessly talked about but India are domestic and this is where the bulk of its keeps foundering on the shoals of vested interests attention must remain directed . and political timidity . Reduction or removal of fuel subsidies in particular should help reduce the oil I am grateful to Dr. Alok Sheel for helpful interac- import bill, releasing resources for domestic ex- tions and suggestions; however I am solely respon- penditure . Finally, unilateral trade liberalization, sible for all judgments and any errors of facts or in- which has been of decisive importance in reducing terpretation.

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 41 References

Bernanke, Ben et . al ., 2011 . “International Capital Flows and the Returns to Safe Assets in the United States, 2003-2007,” Interna- tional Finance Discussion Paper 1014, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, Washington D .C . Blanchard, Olivier, and Gian Maria Milesi-Ferrett, 2011 . “(Why) Should Current Account Balances Be Reduced?” IMF Staff Dis- cussion Note .

Endnotes

1 Blanchard and Miles-Ferreti (2011) 2 Bernanke et . al . (2011)

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 42 Emerging Market Economies, Macroeconomic Policy Coordination and the G-20

Raden Pardede Co-Founder, Creco Research Institute, Jakarta

rior to 2008, the participation of emerging public goods that decentralized actions would be market economies (EMEs) in international unlikely to produce . The second emphasizes eco- Peconomics discussions was mostly limited to nomic spillovers between countries and the conse- a following role . From the 1970s to the 1990s, ad- quent relevance of coordination in assessing eco- vanced countries dominated economic discussions nomic policy . and macroeconomic policy cooperation took place among the top developed industrialized countries . A theoretical rationale for policy coordination is based on strategic game models . These models After the 1997 Asian financial crisis, it was recog- show that a Pareto optimal “Nash” equilibrium nized that the financial markets of emerging market policy could be found that leaves some countries economies could have serious spillover effects on better off without others being worse off . The key global financial markets, including the developed message is that if all participants agree to coordi- financial markets . Emerging market economies had nate their policies then they internalize the exter- gained greater influence and had become too im- nalities which can lead to higher welfare for all . portant to ignore in discussions on economics and financial issues . As a result, the G-20, comprised of With the global economy becoming more integrat- a more balanced membership taken from developed ed in recent years, the issue of external effects and and emerging economies, held meetings in 1999 for public goods has become more prominent since the first time at the finance ministers’ level . the size of the externalities and public goods de- pends critically on the extent of economic integra- However, it was only after the outbreak of the tion between economies . In this era of globaliza- global financial crisis in 2008 that emerging mar- tion, the recent global financial crisis and global ket economies were invited as full participants in financial regulations are two obvious examples of the international discussions and to participate in public goods and the presence externalities . Mac- macroeconomic policy cooperation at the highest roeconomic policy coordination through the G-20 level . Emerging market economies have become clearly provides a good case on how a group of na- too important to ignore given their greater eco- tions can try to solve global problems together . nomic contributions to global economic growth over the last decade . This development is very en- The Progress of Macroeconomic Policy couraging . Never before have leaders of the new Coordination and the G-20 emerging market economies shared the same table as the leaders of the advanced economies to find solutions to common global economic problems. The concerted and decisive actions of the G-20 helped the world to deal effectively with the 2008 The Rationale for Macroeconomic Policy financial and economic crisis . Despite the difficult issues, the G-20 made real and steady progress Coordination on addressing global economic challenges . These meetings have already resulted in a number of sig- There are two rationales for policy coordination . nificant and concrete outcomes: The first sees coordination as a means of supplying

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 43 . There was great progress in macroeconomic . In the setting, this result is an easy policy coordination among the G-20 mem- Nash cooperative game equilibrium since all bers to achieve strong, sustainable and bal- members of the G-20 share a very clear and anced growth to mitigate the adverse impact common objective to avoid a global melt- of the crisis . G-20 members agreed to coor- down . dinate global fiscal and monetary expansion at the onset of global financial and econom- . The fear of contagion in the global finan- ic meltdown . cial system is valid in that spillover from the U .S . financial crisis could quickly spread to . The G-20 agreed to broaden the scope of other countries . The potential of global de- financial regulation and to strengthen pru- pression is real and is on an unprecedent- dential regulation and supervision . ed scale since the Great Depression of the 1930s . This is a strong reason why global . There is now better global governance and leaders moved quickly to tackle the prob- greater consideration for the role and needs of lem immediately . emerging markets and developing countries, especially through the ambitious reforms of . Initiators and leaders from “crisis” countries the governance of the international monetary (advanced economies) have been willing to system, the IMF and the World Bank . share the table with new emerging econo- mies to formulate appropriate policy coor- . The reappointment of the IMF and the dination . strengthening of its capability by providing additional funding to prevent future crises . . Information about the crisis is well distrib- uted not only across global markets but also . Agreement to address global imbalances and across communities within countries (both currency tensions . global constituents and local constituents) . This helps leaders in a country to communi- . Endorsement of the Basel III reform and cate with its local constituents . continued work on systematically impor- tant financial institutions . . There are also less political constraints as most leaders can make decisions faster in . The recent Seoul Summit also attempted times of crisis . The nature of decision-mak- to create new momentum to conclude the ing is that it diverges in times of crisis from Doha Round and reiterated the G-20’s com- normal times . mitment to fight protectionism . In times of crisis, the executive has more power Why Has Macroeconomic Policy and flexibility in decision-making than during Coordination through the G-20 Been normal times . During the crisis, most countries have legal frameworks that enable leaders to Successful Thus Far? make a significant and urgent decision to prevent the country from collapsing . The executive can With the progress of the G-20 forum to date, it is take initiatives that are only later presented to certainly valid to ask why its coordination of mac- other political leaders including parliament . This roeconomic policy has been a success and how we luxury disappears during normal times when can maintain good coordination to resolve global the executive has to follow the political process, economic problems in the future . Several points meaning the decision-making process may be are worth further discussion: drawn out .

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 44 Can We Emulate Previous Successful of the crisis lay not in the U .S . but in Asia . Hence, Coordination of the G-20 Forum? countries that have a current account or sav- ings surplus should adjust their policies accord-

ingly to increase their domestic demand—mainly The optimist’s answer is “yes”, but it is much more consumption—to boost imports and thereby help difficult to achieve a cooperative win-win “Nash” the deficit countries like the U .S . to recover . equilibrium when the scope of the objective is However, many economists like Dadush, Eidel- broadened and there is no longer a crisis . Coop- man, Sachs and others reject this idea . This hy- erative equilibrium will only be achieved gradu- pothesis clearly disregards another important ally . Nevertheless, the rationale of macroeconomic factor—the presence of an under-pricing risk policy coordination is still valid as an investment environment, in which the U .S . Federal Reserve for the continuation of coordination . plays a central role . The G-20 emerging economy We have to avoid a blame game, as if one coun- countries also have their own answer . According try is responsible for the mess . Each must take to them, the crisis began from internal problems responsibility and avoid solutions tainted by po- with U .S . over-borrowing; hence, the widening of litical interests . The fact that the global recovery the budget deficit is America’s responsibility and takes place in dual speeds makes the coordination not theirs . In short, the U .S . needs to restructure difficult as members of the forum have their own its economy and get its own house in order first . objectives and therefore come up with different policy responses . In this kind of situation, there is Proponents of the argument that global imbal- a tendency for each country or group of countries ances cause global financial crises are clearly to think of their own interests rather than a global mixing up symptoms and illness . Global imbal- solution . Moreover, some leaders believe in one ances, as reflected in current account imbalances false hope as if only one recipe is appropriate for between most of the EMEs plus Germany and every country . Japan, and advanced economies, are symptoms of domestic illness . Hence, each economy has to We must have a clear focus and at the same time we address its domestic structure problems in order should not confuse symptoms with illness . We should to solve global imbalances . Putting the blame on expect disagreements on the distribution of gains; all others is the wrong approach that may result in may gain but one may gain more than the others . temporary political gains but does not address the real problem . In spite of this, we should not be discouraged if on some occasions cooperation hits a wall . Macroeco- The discussion above should not be misinter- nomic policy coordination should continue since preted to mean that global imbalances are not a a win-win gain can only be realized after many problem . Current account imbalances need to be trials and errors and with the relationship firmly discussed and resolved . Nevertheless, it is some- grounded in strong commitment and patience . what excessive for them to be a central focus of macroeconomic policy coordination since not all The Global Imbalances: Symptoms or countries have a strategy of export-led growth . All members of the G-20 recognize the imbalances Illness? problem and understand that this is not sustain- able . G-20 leaders had agreed in November 2010 Discussions of the global financial crisis are always to find a way to tackle them . Such imbalances, as followed by discussions on global imbalances . reflected in the current account balance, private Many top U .S . policymakers believe that imbal- and public savings, and debt and capital flows, ances reflecting the global savings glut are one of could trigger or augment crises and destabilize the sources of the global financial crisis . The causes the global economy .

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 45 However, the timing and approach to resolve the seeds of its own destruction” and “we have not yet imbalances mostly rely on the seriousness of the solved the ‘too important to fail’ problem” . world’s political leaders to restructure their own economies . This is certainly not only the respon- Lessons learned from the recent financial crisis— sibility of the emerging market economy leaders . the asymmetric policy power of advanced coun- Ultimately, all leaders should address this problem tries and the asymmetric impact of the financial and communicate with their constituents in order crisis on emerging market economies—provide a to obtain the necessary support for further domes- strong reason for leaders of EMEs to continue to tic economic restructuring . focus on the unfinished agenda of a comprehen- sive regional or global financial safety net . An Emerging Market Economies’ Agenda on Macroeconomic Policy Coordination The asymmetric policy power of the U .S . could sig- nificantly affect the emerging markets but not the other way around . For example, the U .S ’s. zero inter- In a multi-speed economic recovery environment, est rate policy will push capital flows to EMEs and some emerging market economies are recovering rapidly while advanced economies are continuing may create volatility as opportunistic fund manag- to struggle, with some even in decline . As a result, ers in the U .S . try to benefit from interest rate dif- many leaders in advanced countries are more con- ferentials . Conversely, if U .S . interest rates are hiked cerned with accelerating their own economic re- significantly, the EMEs might be adversely affected covery, as if the global financial markets problem as the cost for raising funds for financing deficits or has already been fully addressed . Some see export- debt refinancing will rise significantly . Therefore, led growth as a panacea for the problem of global EME debt will potentially rise significantly . imbalances . But while all advanced economies may share the same goals, the policy responses are One important aspect of the current international different since they have different fiscal and mon- financial architecture not yet considered by the etary conditions . G-20 is the asymmetry of the international finan- cial architecture with regard to capital flows . Cur- By comparison, emerging market economies are rently, the burden of dealing with volatile capital focused on: the rise in food and energy prices; flows falls entirely on the receiving country and not the potential asset bubble and overheating due to the originating country . Although many emerging simultaneous fiscal and monetary policy; vulner- economies have evolved effective frameworks for ability to large-scale and volatile capital flows, ex- managing such inflows, this has frequently come acerbated by low interest rates in most advanced after many painful experiences . In addition, such countries; reliance on the U .S . dollar as the key re- volatility still entails difficult trade-offs between serve currency; and the need for regional and/or currency instability, inflation and asset prices . global financial safety nets to help insure against such capital flow volatility and dollar dependency . During the financial crisis, despite the fact that all countries agreed to provide fiscal stimulus, some In a recent interview to the U .K ’s. Daily Telegraph, emerging market economies were severely con- Mervin King voiced his concerns and warned us strained in funding the stimulus . It is true the cri- about the potential reemergence of financial cri- sis started in the U .S ., but the capital markets were sis . “The problem is still there . The search for yield punished in emerging market economies too, as goes on . Imbalances are beginning to grow” . This reflected by the significant increases in the yield is relevant since potential problems from system- curve and the CDS rate in both the domestic and atically important financial institutions have not U .S . dollar currencies . Should the emerging mar- been fully addressed . King said that “we allowed ket economies need funding from the market to a banking system to build up which contains the finance fiscal stimulus in times of crisis, they have

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 46 to pay a higher cost . Most advanced countries did . Start with a simple objective, a common de- not face this problem since they could easily issue nominator, and avoid too many objectives . debt at a lower cost in their own currency . Tackling systemic crisis together is the min- imum target . The most important instrument during finan- cial crises is the availability of liquidity . The global . Review and evaluate possible asymmetric financial crisis in 2008 led to market panic, which responses in relation to the definition of subsequently resulted in huge demand for U .S . dol- systematically important countries and sys- lar liquidity . Even countries like South Korea and tematically important financial institution Singapore are at the mercy of the U .S . Federal Re- given the EME experience . serve when facing difficulties in U .S . dollar liquidity in the peak of a liquidity crunch . This is no secret . A more ambitious target, such as global im- and even my country, Indonesia, tried very hard balances, or other future problems, will need to search for liquidity facilities from one advanced strong commitment, good interpersonal re- economy when the Asian crisis broke out in 1997 . lationships among leaders and close inter- Unfortunately, Indonesia returned empty handed . action among high-ranking officials, equal partnerships and a transparent agenda . Global financial safety nets are not really in place yet . Emerging market economies still rely on their . Emerging economies are very fragile to finan- own foreign reserves rather than institutional cial crises and food and energy price volatil- funding (for example, regional Chiang Mai and ity . Hence, it is understandable if emerging the IMF) . If the EMEs are not convinced on this is- market economies would like to see a twin sue then they will continue to accumulate reserves focus of macroeconomic policy coordina- as insurance against capital flows volatility . tion: the first is a significant improvement of global financial safety nets and the second is Conclusion more stable prices of food and energy .

We all recognize the importance of macroeco- References nomic policy coordination in solving global eco- Dadush, Uri and Vera Eidelman, 2011 . “Stop obsessing about global nomic problems, especially in a more integrated imbalances ”. VoxEU .org, March 6 . (http://www .voxeu .org/index . world . And it is in our own interests to have among php?q=node/6174) other things macroeconomic policy coordination McKinnon, Ronald I ., 2010 . “Why exchange rate changes will not cor- through the G-20 . Based on the discussions above, rect global trade imbalances ”. East Asia Forum, June 5 . (http:// www .eastasiaforum .org/2010/06/05/why-exchange-rate-chang- let me briefly make several points: es-will-not-correct-global-trade-imbalances/) Sachs, Jeffrey, 2010 . “The G-20’s new thinking for the global econo- . Recent policy behavior in many forums de- my ”. Project Syndicate, November 30 . (http://www .project-syndi- cate .org/commentary/sachs172/English) spite its repeated insistence on the need to Vines, David, 2011 . “The global imperative for macroeconomic policy coordinate policies highlights that in “good coordination ”. East Asia Forum, February 20 . (http://www .easta- times” coordination becomes a less urgent siaforum org/2011/02/20/global-imperative-of-macroeconomic-. policy-coordination/) priority . Conversely, policy coordination becomes more appealing during times of economic weakness .

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 47 Macroeconomic Policy Coordination and the Generation of World Effective Demand

Paolo Guerrieri Professor of Economics, University of Rome Sapienza; Professor, College of Europe, Bruges

“Oligopolistic Interdependence” in the A telling example is the very recent currency war New Multipolar Global Economy as the Brazilian finance minister called it last Sep- tember . Every country desires a weaker currency to sustain growth via net export improvement . The international economy is shifting to a new But the total of the world net exports by defini- multipolarity . About half of global growth is now tion equals zero . The trouble is that not all cur- from emerging economies and this is transforming rencies can be weak . If one weakens, another must power relations . A key feature of the new multipo- strengthen . Furthermore, not all economies can lar economy is that no single country can on its have a net export improvement . This zero-sum own assure stability to the international economic game in currencies and net exports means one system . The latter is centered on a small number country’s gain is some other country’s loss and a of leading nations—the U .S ,. EU countries, Chi- competitive devaluation war ensues . This is the na, Japan and etc .—which are able to exert a veto well-known problem of the prisoner’s dilemma or power over other decisions but that are not in a a collective action problem . Subsequently, ad hoc position to unilaterally impose their own solution cooperative agreements are required to promote to arising conflicts . The U .S . remains no doubt the compatibility among national policies and to en- world’s top political and economic power but it is sure international stability . no longer able to exert single-handed management of the world economy, much less against the will of The strengthened interdependent in in- the other leading nations . Because of these great ternational economic relations has thus increased asymmetries in international power distribution, the need for macroeconomic policy coordination one is induced to view economic relations among and enhanced the potential benefits of coopera- major countries as a system dominated by an “oli- tion . This enhanced cooperation in the multipolar gopolistic interdependence” . game is important in many areas including inter- national trade and finance, but it is particularly In this new framework, leading nations’ individual important in respect to the coordination of mac- policies can determine multiple equilibrium solu- roeconomic policies between major countries and tions that are more or less efficient in respect of the the growth of the world economy . whole system but all equally attainable . It is well known that decentralized and non-coordinated Global Imbalances and World Effective interaction among a few countries may not lead to optimal outcomes for the entire world . Indepen- Demand dently and autonomously formulated national pol- icies can also turn out just mutually incompatible . The coordination of macroeconomic policies has a crucial role to play in ensuring a stable high rate In the present system, there are various incentives of growth of world effective demand. It is well for national policies that are justified for individual known that demand and supply are both important countries but harmful for the world economy . factors that contribute to the growth of countries

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 48 around the world . However, while supply factors same time, greater flexibility in Chinese and other depend more closely on domestic structures and Asian currencies is an important ingredient of the national policies autonomously formulated by in- adjustment . dividual countries, in the present highly interde- pendent oligopolistic system the growth of effective The main difficulty in applying this therapy is re- demand is more closely dependent on the interna- lated to the problem of asymmetric adjustment be- tional context as domestic macroeconomic poli- tween surplus and deficit countries in the present cies are heavily influenced by balance of payments international monetary system . Current account constraints . This is even more so the case since the deficit countries eventually must adjust as they expectation of effective demand that policymakers run out of foreign exchange reserves and as bond convey to market agents is so important for growth . investors impose market discipline—a partial ex- Therefore, a stable growth environment at present ception being the U .S . which benefits so far from depends both on the demand policies implemented the dollar’s international role . On the other side, by the larger countries and on the institutional en- surplus countries feel little pressure to reduce their vironment which determines the diffusion and sta- current account surpluses or to prevent their cur- bility of effective demand expectations . rencies from appreciating . Since deficit countries spend less and save more when they are forced to As agreed by the G-20, there must be a shift to a adjust while surplus countries cannot be forced to more balanced global pattern of demand to ensure reduce their savings and increase consumption, that world recovery continues and future crises are more global effective demand can be lacking when avoided . To sustain effective demand at the world imbalances persist for too long . level, the key problem today is to remove macro- economic imbalances . Macroeconomic imbalances In the past, this deflationary bias was at least par- were one of the key drivers of the recent global tially mitigated by the U .S . expansionary and cur- financial crisis since they led to excessive capital rent deficit policies . However under the present flows into the U .S . and other fast-growing devel- oligopolistic system, following the bursting of as- oped economies, thus relaxing America’s credit set bubbles which forces deficit countries to de- constraint and perpetuating low U .S . real interest leverage, a deflationary bias can fully produce its rates that in turn favored borrowing and the hous- effect at the global level and eventually lead to a ing bubble . global lack of and hence a lower growth rate over the medium term . The global recession that followed did not remove these huge imbalances . After a temporary narrow- The G-20 and the Need for Macroeconomic ing, the latest IMF and OECD projections suggest Policy Coordination that world current account imbalances are likely to remain substantial until the middle of the present In the new multipolar system, stable growth as- decade . Along with the large East Asian surpluses, sumes the contours of a since macro- the German and the other European countries’ economic cooperation in terms of coordination of surpluses will probably increase the U .S . current national macroeconomic policies is not only desir- account deficit . able but also necessary for producing expansion- ary world demand and avoiding persistent imbal- The task of rebalancing is to drain demand from ances . where it is in short supply to economies that tend to suffer from excess demand . The well-known The global crisis was first and foremost generated recipe is for the United States to save and export by international macroeconomic arrangements more, while countries like China, Germany and that permitted balance of payments explosions Japan must move in the opposite direction . At the and the unsustainable accumulation of assets and

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 49 liabilities . Therefore, we should try to restore an A Rules-Based System and a Global effective supra-national mechanism to promote Surveillance of National Policies stability-oriented macroeconomic policies at the national level, especially by oligopolistic countries . A first job for coordinating macroeconomic poli- cies is to enhance communications among the No fully satisfactory solution to this problem may players involved by increasing available informa- come from strengthening institutions and coopera- tion, which will create linkages and improve the tion in related areas . Monetary agreements can im- context of cooperation . In the present multipolar pose indirect constraints on macroeconomic poli- system, there is a lot of uncertainty in the Keynes cies insofar as these must follow courses which are sense with actors uncertain about the future be- coherent with exchange rate agreements . However, havior of other actors . Since the leading actors a monetary system may be quite robust and still involved are few in number, uncertainty will eas- produce a deflationary bias on member economies . ily lead to prisoner dilemma situations in which the best strategy is defection . If one considers the Trade liberalization may promote growth by open- “assurance principle”, then individual ing market opportunities and improving supply behavior will be conditional on the expected be- conditions, however expected growth is a precon- havior of others . Hence, macroeconomic policy dition for liberalization rather than vice versa . It coordination could reduce such uncertainty and may also be added that while trade regimes influ- favor collective actions . ence the allocation of trade flows among countries, macroeconomic regimes determine the overall Information certainly plays a crucial role in influ- size of trade . encing national strategies but it should be viewed more as a precondition for cooperative policies . As far as financial relations are concerned it is well Cooperation could also mean a close coordination known that, in order for a debt-based system to of national policies via reiterated shared decisions perform satisfactorily, the rate of growth in in- on the definition (even in quantitative terms) of debted economies must be higher than the rate of objectives and/or instruments of economic policy . interest on debt—at least in the long run . In ad- In this case, an agreement between national poli- dition, the propensity to cooperate among both cymakers is required every time . This type of co- borrowers and lenders increases with the expected operation, though the most frequently advocated rate of growth . in official meetings, is also the most difficult to im- plement due to the serious constraints it imposes One major problem is that while international in- on national autonomies . stitutions that deal with trade and financial issues do exist, they do not for macroeconomic coordina- Cooperation should take on yet another meaning tion . Clearly the G-20 is now the priority-setting today as a set of norms and rules (regimes) which and decision-making organization for this kind of countries bind themselves to observing in the im- challenge since the recent global crisis has shown plementation of their economic policy strategies, that the G-7 could no longer perform this function . even though they keep their autonomy in making And the process of macroeconomic policy coordi- their own policy decisions . The framework out- nation to which the G-20 countries have agreed is lined should lead countries to take into account a crucial component of the rebalancing program existing interdependencies when implementing since it is where the pieces of a cooperative strat- their policies so to modify their behavior toward egy for growth will be identified and assessed . In greater system stability . It is this last type of inter- the macroeconomic coordination process, the IMF national agreement that we need today by restor- should perform the key function as the operational ing some shared rules of the game for international arm and effective secretariat of the G-20 . macroeconomic adjustment .

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 50 The key problem to its success is how to exert pres- The second aspect is related to the kind of adjust- sures on surplus countries, such as China and Ger- ment that should be implemented by countries . many, to participate in the adjustment process . By Countries should not be forced to adopt specific failing to adjust, surplus countries constrain world measures but instead should be free to pursue the effective demand and threaten the stability of an adjustment policies they prefer . What is crucial is international macroeconomic order . that they bear the consequences if the adjustment policies they pursue prove to be ineffective . In this Two types of interventions seem necessary . The regard, the IMF should have some kind of enforce- first is related to identifying those persistently ment rule incentives and sanction mechanisms . large imbalances which require the intervention of Otherwise, we are going to repeat the previous the IMF . In this regard, there are many options that negative experiences, where peer pressure did not were offered in recent debates and could be ap- produce significant results . The absence of such plied . The set of indicators agreed at the February sanctions was a critical weakness of the so called Paris G-20 finance ministers’ meeting and related Bretton Woods II system and it could become a to the domain of balance of payments, debt and central weakness of the new one . capital flows may also be used for this purpose .

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 51 Financial Globalization and Macroeconomic Policy Coordination

Wonhyuk Lim Fellow, Korea Development Institute; Fellow, Korea National Strategy Institute

acroeconomic policy coordination is the Just as as a discipline is under- heart and soul of the G-20’s mission . The going a wholesale re-examination in the wake of M2008 global financial crisis highlighted the the 2008 global financial crisis, macroeconomic interdependence of national economies and gave policy coordination by the G-20 should draw les- impetus to the creation of the G-20 at the leader- sons from the crisis and focus on the implications ship level . Through this forum, the leaders at the of financial globalization . Against the backdrop of September 2009 Pittsburgh Summit established a fundamental asymmetry between reserve cur- the Mutual Assessment Process (MAP) to ensure rency and non-reserve currency countries and the collective consistency of their macroeconomic uncertainty about the extent of implicit govern- policies; and they agreed at the November 2010 ment guarantees for financial institutions, the lib- Seoul Summit to develop a set of indicators to ad- eralization of capital flows creates spillover effects dress global imbalances . After much debate, the that were not evident in the era of capital account G-20 finance ministers subsequently agreed in control . The G-20 should focus on developing new Paris in February 2011 on a two-step process: first, debt sustainability indicators that cover the private to examine a relatively restricted set of fiscal, fi- sector as well as the public sector and reflect the nancial and external indicators; and then, consider realities of financial globalization . In this regard, a much more comprehensive set of variables, in- it must be recalled that countries such as Ireland cluding structural variables, if the initial indicators seemed to do well prior to the crisis, when assessed point to serious problems . by traditional debt sustainability measures that fo- cused on the fiscal health of the public sector . At Although the progress made by the G-20 in pro- the end of the day, what matters in the eye of the moting macroeconomic policy coordination is creditor is the ability of the debtor (with uncer- commendable, the substance of that progress is tainty about the extent of implicit guarantees by becoming problematic . In particular, under the national or foreign governments) to pay back in current agreement, there is an increasing risk that both the short and long run, and new debt sustain- the G-20 will drift toward a highly contentious ability indicators should reflect this basic principle . debate on structural reforms at the national level instead of tackling the realities of financial glo- Macroeconomics Before and After the balization, which is at the core of macroeconomic Global Financial Crisis interdependence these days . While “demand in- terdependence,” affected by structural variables, is The G-20’s thinking on macroeconomic policy an important source of macroeconomic spillovers, coordination is bound to be affected by the evolu- “financial interdependence” should receive great- tion of macroeconomics as an academic discipline . er attention in the MAP if it is to lead to effective To avoid a repeat of the global financial crisis and macroeconomic policy coordination and avoid promote strong, sustainable and balanced growth what is likely to be counter-productive discussions through international economic cooperation, it is on overhauling deeply ingrained institutional ar- useful to examine why macroeconomics as a dis- rangements and practices by G-20 members . cipline had failed to detect and mitigate the risks

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 52 that led to the crisis and how macroeconomists are there was no particular reason to worry about the rewriting their playbook in the wake of the crisis 1. level of the exchange rate or the current account balance . Certainly, attempting to control exchange In terms of relevant aggregate variables and pol- rates through capital controls was undesirable . icy instruments, macroeconomics is comprised And multilateral coordination was not required ”. of monetary, fiscal, financial and external dimen- sions . The essential goal of macroeconomic policy The global financial crisis shattered this consensus is stable inflation and stable output gap, preferably and forced macroeconomists to re-examine their at a low level . The mapping between policy instru- beliefs . In the wake of the crisis, it was evident that ments and targets is complex . For example, fiscal, macroeconomic policy was much more than a financial, and external policy instruments affect monetary issue . The adoption of a single monetary inflation and output gap . policy instrument, the interest rate rule, could not guarantee stable inflation and stable output gap . In Prior to 2008, however, macroeconomic policy fact, the appearance of stable inflation and stable was viewed largely as a monetary issue . The use output gap prior to the crisis had concealed deteri- of discretion in the application of non-monetary oration in the balance sheets of households, firms policy instruments was discouraged, and it was be- and financial institutions, as measured by such lieved that the adoption of a single monetary pol- indicators as debt-to-income ratios . The details of icy instrument could achieve both stable inflation financial intermediation and regulation mattered and stable output gap . That single monetary policy a great deal because of balance sheet effects and instrument was the interest rate rule that targeted counterparty risks . Fiscal policy came back with a a low and stable level of core inflation, or consum- vengeance when the interest rate reached the zero er price inflation net of volatile food and energy lower bound and the public sector had to step in price movements, with little regard for asset prices . to shore up aggregate demand to make up for the As Olivier Blanchard (2011) notes, it was thought precipitous decline in spending by the private sec- that setting the key policy rate affected the term tor . As financial shocks propagated beyond nation- structure of interest rates and asset prices—and al borders and governments adopted expansionary hence aggregate demand—in a predictable man- policies, macroeconomic policy coordination was ner . In the pre-crisis period, mainstream macro- needed to arrest contagion and overcome the free economists also believed that fiscal policy, suscep- rider problem . External policy was clearly affected tible to political abuse and misuse, was basically by “financial interdependence” and “demand in- unnecessary in the short run with the right use terdependence ”. of monetary policy . To the extent that they cared about fiscal policy, they focused on maintaining Greece provides a case in point on macroeconomic mid- to long-term fiscal sustainability, with a rule interdependence in the age of financial globaliza- of thumb such as keeping the government debt tion . Greece is a relatively small economy in Eu- to GDP ratio below 60 percent . As for financial rope, but if it defaults, its international debt is large policy, most macroeconomists basically ignored enough to affect the solvency of systemically impor- the details of financial intermediation and regu- tant financial institutions in other parts of Europe . lation such as leverage and capital adequacy ra- In other words, Greece’s GDP divided by Europe’s tios . Finally, on external policy, macroeconomists GDP is not a relevant metric when we try to assess thought that a country could either set an inflation the potential spillover effects of its default; rather, target and float, or fix its exchange rate by adopt- we should look at Greece’s international debt at risk ing a hard currency peg or joining a common cur- relative to the capital base of large European banks, rency area . Looking back at the pre-crisis consen- which in turn are connected with other financial sus, Blanchard (2011) observes that “in a world in institutions around the world . If investors begin which central banks followed inflation targeting, to fear that the capital base of these banks may be

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 53 wiped out, concern about counterparty risks will other countries can help contain credit growth and lead to rising interest rates and exclusion of weaker provide a countercyclical buffer . Macroeconomics financial institutions from the capital market, with as a discipline will have to catch up with the reali- enormous macroeconomic consequences . Fur- ties of financial globalization if it is to provide use- thermore, although Greece has benefited from low ful guidelines for policymaking . and stable inflation since joining the euro, it has forfeited its ability to adjust the exchange rate and Korea’s Experience with Debt Crises must take drastic measures to improve its com- petitive position . Unless Greece is ready to leave Korea’s experience with debt crises shows how the euro (a la Argentina’s decision to break the the balance between “demand interdependence” dollar peg in 2001), with serious repercussions for and “financial interdependence” shifted over time . the European project, its only option is to make Korea faced three major debt crises in 1972, 1980 nominal wage cuts and improve productivity . Last and 1997 and averted a crisis in 2008 in the early but not least, although German taxpayers were months of the global financial crisis . On each of indignant about bailing out Greece, they were re- the first three occasions, the average debt-equity ally bailing out German and other European banks ratio for the Korean corporate sector exceeded 400 with a large exposure to Greek debt—creating as- percent,2 and its average interest coverage ratio set fire-sale opportunities and saving the euro was barely 100 percent . By contrast, the near-crisis along the way . in 2008 took place against the backdrop of low in- debtedness and high profitability . The Greek saga is not unique to Greece . Emerg- ing market economies without recourse to reserve The crisis in the early 1970s primarily had to do currency have had to live with the effects of finan- with Korean firms’ dependence on short-term curb cial globalization, as the increased availability of loans from the informal domestic financial sector . cheap and mobile capital has not only helped to Suffering from their crushing debt and a slowdown finance productive investment projects but also in exports due to a recession in advanced econo- raised the risks of unsustainable credit growth mies, Korean business leaders at the time went so and asset price escalation as well as sudden capital far as to urge the government to reduce taxes, ex- flow reversals . Furthermore, international finan- pand , and have state-owned banks cial crises in Latin America, Asia, Russia and now take over the “usurious” curb loans . In the end, the the North Atlantic region have shown that debt government issued an emergency decree in 1972 restructuring is likely to be limited as creditors, that bailed out the debt-plagued corporate sector backed by their governments and international fi- by placing a three-year moratorium on the repay- nancial institutions, typically minimize their losses ment of curb loans and converting short-term high- and impose adjustment costs on debtor countries . interest loans into long-term loans on concessional This, in turn, reinforces expectations that govern- terms . The government in effect sacrificed the prop- ments provide implicit guarantees, creating moral erty rights of underground curb lenders to relieve hazard . If ex post debt restructuring is not credible, the debt burden of entrepreneurs it had come to ex ante restrictions should be imposed to prevent trust as agents to carry out its ambitious economic crisis . For instance, monetary authorities should development plans . contain credit growth, looking at not only core in- flation but also asset price escalation . Borrowers The financial crisis in the early 1980s was a product should be subject to regulations such as debt-to- of the government-orchestrated heavy and chemi- income ceilings, and lenders should be subject to cal industry drive of the 1970s . As such, the crisis strengthened capital and liquidity standards and had primarily to do with policy-oriented loans pro- macroprudential regulations . For example, dy- vided by state-owned banks, and the government namic provisioning adopted by Spain and a few could afford to take a gradual approach . In fact, the

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 54 government took a number of industrial rational- The Korean government, however, did not have ef- ization measures— spiced with “special loans” from fective policy tools to respond to foreign creditors’ the Bank of Korea to commercial banks—and wait- bank run because it could not credibly guarantee ed for the economy to grow out of the problem . the repayment of foreign loans—short of securing credit lines in reserve currency and taking over debt Starting in the 1980s, liberalization and democra- obligations from financial institutions . The govern- tization weakened government control while ex- ment had little choice but to go to the IMF for im- pectations for government protection against large mediate relief and promptly recognize the latent bankruptcies remained strong . Even as various en- problem of nonperforming loans . Although the try restrictions and investment controls were lifted, weakening of investment discipline under asym- institutional reforms and credible market signals metric liberalization was the underlying cause of (such as large-scale corporate failures) designed to the 1997 crisis, financial globalization thus played replace weakening government control with mar- an important role in the outbreak of the crisis . ket-based discipline were not introduced . The chae- bol expanded their influence in the non-bank finan- After the 1997 crisis, Korea began to make serious cial sector and took advantage of the government’s efforts to strengthen prudential regulation and im- implicit guarantees to make aggressive , prove the transparency and credibility of market systematically discounting downside risks . The lib- signals . It also began to run a current account sur- eralization of capital markets in the 1990s exacer- plus to accumulate foreign exchange reserves, hav- bated the problem by making Korea vulnerable ing learned that a three-month import cover would to sudden capital flow reversals . In fact, portfolio not be enough to protect the country from sudden investment and bank lending accounted for more capital flow reversals . The precautionary motive ex- than 90 percent of total foreign investment in the plains much of international reserve accumulation years leading to the 1997 crisis, and their combined in most non-reserve currency countries,3 and Korea subtotal almost quadrupled between the 1990-93 provides a prime example . In fact, prior to the 1997 period and the 1994-96 period . crisis, despite its reputation as an export-oriented economy, Korea had consistently run a current ac- Particularly problematic was the relative size of count deficit, except for the 1986-89 period . short-term foreign debt . In 1997, the amount of foreign debt coming due in a year was more than In 2008, Korea’s foreign exchange reserves amount- twice Korea’s foreign exchange reserves, as Korea ed to 1 .3 times its short-term foreign debt, and the abided by the old rule of thumb of keeping foreign Korean corporate sector had an average interest exchange reserves to cover three months of imports coverage ratio of well over 400 percent, but Korea and neglected to prepare for the possibility of capi- came close to having another debt crisis . By this tal flow reversals . In fact, foreign bank lending de- time, Korea had become one of the most liquid clined sharply from the average of $19 .9 billion in emerging markets with few restrictions on repa- 1994-96 to $2 .8 billion in 1997, as foreign creditors triation, and foreign investors sold more than $30 refused to roll over existing loans . Spooked by a se- billion of Korean stocks in 2008 as they feverishly ries of major bankruptcies in Korea since the begin- tried to make up for their losses at home and reduce ning of 1997 as well as the outbreak of the currency leverage in the wake of the Bear Stearns and Lehm- crisis in Southeast Asia, foreign creditors began to an crises . To shield Korea from collateral damage, express doubts about the asset quality of Korean Korea’s foreign exchange reserves had to cover not commercial banks that had provided substantial only its short-term foreign debt but also domestic loans to failed companies . The foreign exchange li- bonds and stocks owned by foreign investors, who quidity problem in Korea was mainly caused by the could create turbulence by taking “flight home” at creditors’ run on Korean banks rather than by the any time . In the end, Korea managed to weather the speculation of short-term portfolio investors . storm by securing a currency swap arrangement

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 55 with the United States in October . Unlike in 1997 References when the financial crisis was largely confined to Aizenman, Joshua and Jaewoo Lee, 2005 . “International Reserves: Asia, the U .S . probably found it in its own interest Precautionary vs . Mercantilist Views, Theory and Evidence,” IMF not to have another domino fall given the tumultu- Working Paper 05/198, October . ous global market conditions at the time . Blanchard, Olivier, 2011 . “Rewriting the Macroeconomists’ Playbook in the Wake of the Crisis,” IMF Direct blog, March 4 . (http://blog- imfdirect .imf .org/2011/03/04/2662/) Principles for Macroeconomic Policy IMF Conference, Macro and Growth Policies in the Wake of the Cri- Coordination sis, Washington, DC, March 7-8, 2011 . (http://www .imf .org/ex- ternal/np/seminars/eng/2011/res/index .htm) . Lim, Wonhyuk and Joon-Ho Hahm, 2006 . “Turning a Crisis into an With increasing financial globalization, the nature Opportunity: The Political Economy of Korea’s Financial Sec- of international macroeconomic interdependence tor Reform,” in Jongryn Mo and Daniel I . Okimoto (eds), From Crisis to Opportunity: Financial Globalization and East Asian has shifted in favor of financial, as opposed to real Capitalism, pp .85-121, Shorenstein Asia Pacific Research Center, (demand), sources . The G-20’s macroeconomic Stanford, CA . policy coordination should reflect this sea change . Endnotes On the whole, the management of “demand inter- dependence” is straightforward . Countries should 1 Blanchard (2011) . See also background papers and presentations prepared for an IMF conference on Macro and Growth Policies in adopt macroeconomic policies suited to their ag- the Wake of the Crisis . gregate demand conditions, while avoiding what 2 Lim and Hahm (2006) . is likely to be counter-productive discussions on 3 Aizenman and Lee (2005) . overhauling deeply ingrained institutional ar- rangements and practices in other countries . If they all suffer from deficient demand, they should coordinate policies to overcome the free rider problem . While current account imbalances are important, they tend to take their toll if countries allow them to persist on a significant scale . Per- sistent and significant surpluses raise the risks of domestic inflation and foreign mis-investment; whereas, deficits may trigger a collapse of confi- dence in the country’s ability to pay back .

By contrast, the management of “financial inter- dependence” is much more challenging . The G-20 should focus on developing debt sustainability in- dicators such as debt-to-income ratios that cover the private sector as well as the public sector . The G-20 should also look at the ratio between short- term foreign obligations and foreign exchange re- serves, for liquidity matters as much as solvency . As changes in the creditor’s perception of the debt- or’s ability (backed by governments) to pay back can create significant macroeconomic spillovers, these indicators should be developed in conjunc- tion with the G-20’s work in financial regulatory reform, taking into account balance sheet effects and counterparty risks .

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 56 Enhancing Global Coordination

Chairman, Grupo Financiero Banorte; Former Governor, Bank of Mexico; Former Guillermo Ortiz Secretary of Finance and Public Credit, Mexico; Former Ambassador of Mexico to the International Monetary Fund

or several years, globalization has brought in place countercyclical policies . The strengthen- many benefits, boosted economic growth and ing of the policy framework in emerging markets Fincreased welfare while intensifying intercon- in the years prior to the crisis allowed them not nectedness among countries . The recent financial only to resist the shock, but also to stage a remark- crisis made this link more evident, proving how ably successful policy-induced recovery . closely the markets are tied together as a shock in one major country (the epicenter of the financial Once the emergency passed, and the global econ- system) quickly propagated to the entire world . omy seeming to find its way back to growth, atten- It has become clear that, given the degree of in- tion has been drawn to the legacy of the crisis (fis- terconnectedness between different economies, cal problems in the developed markets, inflation macroeconomic policy actions in one country af- threats in the emerging markets, etc) and to the fect economic welfare in other countries . One of magnification of some of the challenges the global the issues that the current crisis has brought to the economy was facing . These have to do with the fore, and that it is shared by most of academics, way the system absorbs financial innovation and analysts and some governments, is precisely that shifts in capital flows; and the structural internal the level of cooperation among countries has to and external imbalances that had been building be stepped up both in terms of surveillance and in for some time, even before the crisis, are increas- creating the appropriate mechanisms to encourage ingly becoming a liability for the sustainability of the needed policy adjustments . the recovery . So at this stage, there is an even more compelling case for international cooperation . It Since the breakdown of the Bretton Woods sys- should aim to improve surveillance mechanisms tem, there has been a proliferation of attempts to in order to avoid the build up of imbalances that discuss and coordinate macroeconomic policies could put the system at risk in the future . among the major industrial nations and within Europe . Informal discussions in the early 1970s Moreover, the G-20 would seem the appropri- among only a few advanced countries have evolved ate forum for these discussions . While it is clear into regular meetings, involving several layers of that successful global coordination remains criti- leadership . cal for stronger, more balanced and sustainable growth, cooperation depends on the willingness During the recent crisis, international cooperation of governments around the world to coordinate . successfully coped with the shocks that affected Political will to cooperate can only be achieved if it global financial stability and threatened a great is perceived as advancing national agendas within recession . The fiscal and monetary policy actions a context of shared power and responsibility . It is taken by the main developed countries in order to common that, once emergency conditions have prevent a deeper economic downturn were suc- ebbed away, government priorities are no longer cessful precisely because they were taken as part necessarily in sync with those from other govern- of a coordinated effort . Also, for the first time in ments . In addition, economic policy actions can recent memory, emerging markets were able to put even raise conflicts among countries and global

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 57 policy coordination usually entails some surrender and misalignment . Here, the agreements made by of sovereignty, which governments are naturally the G-20 leaders in Seoul at the end of 2010 and reluctant to give up . Furthermore, there is a lot of the ones taken in Paris this past February seem to debate around various dimensions of international be heading in this direction . An important action coordination: (1) the type of problems that should has been the agreement on a set of indicators or call for coordination; (2) the kind of policies to be benchmarks that will be monitored to avert future taken together; (3) the means to enforce the agree- economic crises; they will focus on persistently ments; (4) the role of uncertainty and information large imbalances that require policy actions . They sharing and (5) the measurements of the gains . will also help move the process of cooperation for- ward by turning the measures taken by the MAP Given the process of global integration and the ex- into more concrete ones . perience of the recent crisis, the framework for co- operation ought to be formulated so that it is in the Such indicators will be used as guidelines and not interest of the major players of the global economy yet as targets, assessing the progress on reducing to cooperate . One would think that the huge costs imbalances . They will take into account national or associated with the crisis would provide sufficient regional circumstances, including large commod- incentives . Nonetheless, one has to recognize ity producers and will be used to assess the follow- that the costs were asymmetric . Major emerging ing: (1) public debt and fiscal deficits; and private markets were largely unscathed by the crisis; this savings rate and private debt (2) and the external asymmetry has accelerated the shift of the center imbalance composed of the trade balance and net or gravity toward emerging markets and, in some investment income flows and transfers, taking due ways, made cooperation more difficult as major consideration of exchange rate, fiscal, monetary surplus emerging markets show great reluctance to and other policies . If approved, the list of indica- engage in adjustment, given the domestic success tors is expected to be presented in April after the of past policies . It is important for other emerg- next G-20 meeting . One of the main complexities ing markets to actively participate in the process of these guidelines is that they will need to take of peer review . into account national circumstances of countries in diverse stages of recovery and with different A key aspect to consider when it comes to interna- economic structures . Still, it is crucial to come up tional cooperation is that it involves commitments with these set of indicators that are efficient in sig- by its participants to be effective . Commitment is naling the building up of imbalances that could possible when there is some mechanism that can eventually put the global system at risk . This is not assure accountability and even some kind of sanc- an easy or trivial task . After approving the guide- tions in case of departure from the agreement . If lines, the second step would be to use them to asses countries can commit themselves, they can act in the policy adjustments needed in each country in effect as a single entity and choose their policies order to adjust internal and external imbalances . by joint maximization . In this context, one of the G-20 main lines of work regarding cooperation is Fostering international cooperation has become the formal system that is being established for co- a greater challenge in the post-crisis world with ordinating and supervising macroeconomic poli- countries facing different problems . Nevertheless, cies . The Mutual Assessment Process (MAP) aims sustained growth and global stability is a shared at helping attain the G-20’s principal economic goal that can be achieved through greater reliance goals of strong, balanced and sustainable growth . on supranational institutions and processes (like the MAP) . Within the G-20 agenda, the global im- At all levels of cooperation, there should be a clear balances indicators could provide a good start for understanding of macroeconomic fundamentals effective action . The G-20 leaders have also agreed as well as a way to identify sources of instability to improve the international monetary system in

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 58 order to ensure system stability, promote orderly demonstrated the risk of uncoordinated and in- adjustment, and avoid disruptive fluctuations in consistent policies both at the macro level and in capital flows, disorderly movements in exchange the sphere of financial sector regulation and super- rates—including being vigilant against excess vision . In addition, it confirmed the clear benefits volatility in advanced economies with reserve cur- of cooperation when the world was at the brink of rencies—and persistent misalignment of exchange debacle . This next step is crucial for the assertion rates . In this context, they also agreed to take mea- of leadership of the G-20 in creating confidence on sures to deal with potentially destabilizing capital the strength and sustainability of the recovery and flows and the management of global liquidity . on the mitigation of future systemic risks . It will be the test of the G-20 as the primary forum for To conclude, the crisis demonstrated the degree of cooperation and for the IMF to assume a central interconnectedness of the global economy . It also role in the system .

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 59 Corporate Governance of the World’s Financial System: Extend the Financial Regulation Franchise to Emerging Economies

Sergei Guriev Rector, New Economic School, Moscow

Aleh Tsyvinski Professor of Economics, Yale University; Professor, New Economic School, Moscow

The Quality of the Developed World’s Consider an example of Russia . In the last 10 years, Financial System and Global Imbalances Russia became a significantly larger economy that is also more integrated and reliant on the global financial system . Its income depends on a volatile There is a conventional view that global imbalanc- and risky stream of revenues from commodities . es—in which developed countries, in particular the Despite impressive development in the recent United States, are the net borrowers and emerging years, Russia’s financial markets are rudimentary markets, in particular China, are net lenders—are and do not offer long-term assets to households a symptom of inefficiency in the world financial and firms . Nor can they can adequately hedge their system, a potential cause of financial crises, and long-term and short-term risks . It is not surprising therefore need to be corrected through govern- that foreign assets are a popular means of savings ment or multilateral interventions . and insurance for Russians; the only viable alter- native is real estate, which is by definition illiquid However, many economists argue that the global and cannot hedge most of the risks . Households imbalances per se are not a symptom of ineffi- in Russia hold a large amount of foreign currency ciency .1 The argument in a nutshell is as follows: in dollars and euros . The government and private let us consider the case of two countries—a de- sector in Russia invest in long-term foreign assets veloped country (for example, the United States) that are not provided by local financial markets . and an emerging economy (for example, China) . As we argued above, the ability of markets in the For the purpose of this analysis, there are two key developed countries to provide high quality as- features of the emerging economy . First, there sets superior to those in other countries can ex- are more risks that firms and households are ex- posed to in the emerging market economy . The plain why developing countries accumulate for- shocks to the firms and households in such an eign assets . In other words, developed countries’ economy are typically larger . Higher uncertainty financial systems export the services of financial and volatility at the level of the households and assets to countries that need them but cannot pro- firms translate into a desire to save more for pre- duce them . The availability of these foreign assets cautionary purposes . Second, emerging capital is important from the welfare point of view as it and financial markets are much shallower than provides the necessary insurance and financial developed capital markets . Importantly, there are intermediation that are not available through the few, if any, domestic long-term assets and rela- domestic financial system . It is not surprising that tively few domestic safe shorter-term assets in the largest foreign reserves are held by developing which to channel these large precautionary sav- countries, such as China and Russia . ings . It is natural then that emerging economies would invest in the financial assets in developed Importantly, even small differences in the deep- economies . In other words, a key “export” of an ness of financial markets can generate very large 3 economy with a developed financial market to “imbalances” . The quality of the financial system emerging market consumers is the depth and so- in the developed world is a key determinant of the phistication of its financial system .2 flow of funds and the prices for U .S . assets . The

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 60 very fact that U .S . dollar assets are still in high global financial system strongly benefits from demand even after several bankruptcies and near- extending a regulatory and oversight franchise to bankruptcies of major financial institutions as well these countries . Even though the vast majority of as an unprecedented peace-time expansion of gov- the global financial institutions are in the West, the ernment debt implies that the U .S . financial system new financial system should incorporate the in- and the dollar are still superior to competitors . But terests of emerging markets . The standard reason further deterioration of the financial system may for this is promotion of global welfare . Indeed, the destroy the “superior and unique” U .S . export— cross-border externalities of the West’s financial the long-term dollar-denominated assets . On the system on other countries should be internalized . contrary, if the U .S . manages to improve, even if In the post-crisis world, the large emerging econo- marginally, its financial regulation and macroeco- mies will remain important providers of capital to nomic policy, then global imbalances will be “ag- the OECD markets . These economies will continue gravated”—the inflow of capital to the U .S . will to grow faster than the G-7 countries and will feel grow with the respective current account deficit in the constraints of the underdeveloped financial the U .S . and current account surplus in China . system and the lack of safe and credible investment instruments . As the crisis re-confirmed the impor- Should we be worried about such a development? tance of reserves and stabilization funds, emerg- Probably not . The crisis did not happen because ing market countries will also resume building up of global imbalances per se . The crisis happened their sovereign funds . Conservative finance minis- because investors in Western financial institu- ters in countries, such as Russia, Chile and China, tions overestimated the quality of these institu- who argued for keeping higher reserves, are now tions . Therefore, the major task now is to improve viewed as heroes and will likely wield even greater the regulation of Western financial markets and influence in the aftermath of the crisis . institutions . The good news is that the global im- balances provide at least a partial solution to this As large investors in the G-7 financial system, the problem . developing countries will have a stake in enforcing investor protection in a broad sense and therefore Emerging Economies as Key Stakeholders improving the quality of regulation . This is simi- in the Developed World’s Financial System lar to the main principle of corporate governance: providers of finance should have a say on how their The two major determinants of the West’s com- resources are used . parative advantage in financial intermediation and financial asset creation are good economic policy But there is also another reason . Including and high quality of financial regulation . While emerging markets in regulating OECD financial there is now at least a beginning of a “peer review” markets is not only fair and good for developing process for macroeconomic policy with the Mu- countries, it is also good for investors in OECD tual Assessment Process4, there is much less inter- countries . The interests of the developing coun- national coordination in financial regulation . We tries that lack their own financial institutions are believe that the world should not miss an impor- aligned with those of all investors in the OECD tant opportunity here . financial markets . Hence, if emerging markets are given the effective participation in the design Who can monitor the quality of the developed and enforcement of new regulation, they can ef- countries’ financial systems? It is crucial to involve fectively promote investor interests . This is es- the largest non-OECD economies in the debate pecially important given that investors are not on financial regulation and in the design and sub- organized and are usually underrepresented in sequent enforcement of a new system of regulat- the debate . Thus, developing countries can help ing global financial markets and institutions . The resolve a collective action problem .

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 61 Yet another important advantage of extending the References financial regulation franchise to developing coun- tries follows from their incentives to take into ac- Blanchard, Olivier, and Gian Maria Milesi-Ferrett, 2011 . “(Why) Should Current Account Balances Be Reduced?” IMF Staff Dis- count not only the benefits of stricter financial reg- cussion Note . ulation but also its costs . Being major stakeholders Doepke, Matthias and Martin Schneider, 2006 . “Inflation and the Re- in the Western financial system, they are interested distribution of Nominal Wealth ”. Journal of Political Economy, not only in preventing crises and bankruptcies of Vol . 114, No . 6, pp . 1069-1097 . individual institutions but also in the long-term Mendoza, Enrique, Vincenzo Quadrini, and Victor Rios-Rull, 2007 . “Financial Integration, Financial Deepness and Global Imbal- performance of assets . Therefore, it is in their in- ances ”. Journal of Political Economy, Vol . 117, No . 3, pp . 371-416 . terest not to throw away the baby with the bathwa- Caballero, Ricardo, Emmanuel Farhi, and Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas, ter; emerging markets have very strong incentives 2008 . “An Equilibrium Model of “Global Imbalances” and Low Interest Rates ”. American Economic Review, Vol . 98, No . 1, pp . to preserve the global financial system’s ability to 358–93 . innovate . The voters in the developed countries are looking for a culprit for the financial crisis, which Endnotes may create a temptation for the policymakers to over-regulate . On the other hand, those develop- 1 See Caballero, Farhi, and Gourinchas (2008) and Mendoza, ing countries, whose financial systems lag behind, Quadrini, and Rios-Rull (2007) 2 are important beneficiaries of financial innova- Blanchard and Milesi-Ferreti (2011) describe this situation as a “distortion” which developing countries should be willing to tion . For many of those countries, the stakes in correct . Certainly, all countries are interested in developing a promoting efficient financial intermediation and world-class financial system . However, it is unrealistic to expect that the major emerging markets will be able to catch up with the economic growth are much higher than the stakes West in terms of the quality of financial institutions . Also, as we in the developed countries; it is an issue of political argue below, even a small gap in efficiency of financial systems results in large imbalances . The other important consideration survival . While the OECD democracies can afford is that some countries may just have a substantial comparative a slower growth rate, for many emerging markets, advantage in financial intermediation (e .g . due to the Anglo- Saxon origin of the legal system) . This comparative advantage a growth slowdown also implies significant threats may determine these countries’ long-term export orientation in to political and social stability . exporting financial services . This is similar to the fact that resource- rich countries export resources and tropical countries export tropical agricultural products . Such a comparative advantage is not carved in stone . For example, the U .S . is “resource-rich” and has the most advanced technology in the oil and gas sector, being the largest producer of natural gas and one of the largest oil producers in the world, but it has no comparative advantage in these industries anymore . But it is difficult to imagine that the developing countries’ financial systems will close the gap with Western ones in any foreseeable future . 3 See Mendoza, Quadrini, and Rios-Rull (2007) 4 In this article, we focus on financial regulation . But the macroeconomic policy in the G7 countries is certainly a major concern . The unprecedented rise in the government expenditures during the crisis has resulted to an increase in debt that may prove unsustainable . This is no longer a domestic policy issue . As shown in Doepke and Schneider (2006), foreigners hold a large amount of the U .S . government debt and increased U .S . inflation constitutes a substantial tax on them . An increase in inflation redistributes wealth from the foreigners to the young, middle class households who hold mortgages . Politicians faced with an increased debt may be tempted to inflate instead of taking more unpopular measures such as decreasing government spending . The developing countries with their large reserves will lose the most from irresponsible macroeconomic policies in the West .

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 62 Macroeconomic Policy Coordination: Reducing External Imbalances and Difficulties and Inducing Cooperative Behavior

Izak Atiyas Professor, Sabanci University E. Fuat Keyman Professor and Director, Istanbul Policy Center, Sabanci University

Introduction on a set of guidelines about how to achieve exter- nal sustainability is probably difficult since any The Mutual Assessment Process (MAP) is seen guidelines would likely have distributional conse- as a step in the direction of attempting to manage quences, generating winners and losers . cross-country externalities generated by macro- economic policies undertaken by individual coun- What Sort of a Game is This Anyway? tries . More specifically, it seems that the short-run or perhaps urgent focus of the effort is to moni- How can one describe the MAP analytically? One tor external imbalances possibly as a prelude to way is to describe it as a game of “pure coordina- reducing the extent of current account surpluses tion” . This is a situation where the conflict of inter- and deficits over time and preventing them from est between the parties involved would be limited; becoming unsustainable . as long as the parties agree on which path to take, actually taking that path would be in the self-inter- The general perception behind such a coordina- est of all the parties involved . It does not seem that tion effort is that “coordination” is to the benefit the strategic characteristics of the MAP resemble of all countries involved . Hence, the G-20 Seoul a game of pure coordination . An alternative con- Summit’s Leaders’ Declaration states that “uneven struction is one of a prisoner’s dilemma . This is a growth and widening imbalances are fueling the situation where reaching a collectively beneficial temptation to diverge from global solutions into outcome is possible . However because of spillover uncoordinated actions . However, uncoordinated effects and the consequent free rider problems, policy actions will only lead to worse outcomes each party would have incentives to act unilateral- for all ”. In the specific context of current account ly and the mutually beneficial outcome would not imbalances, many economists are convinced that be reached . In such a scenario, credible commit- there may be good arguments—even if not yet a ments by the parties involved that they will act in complete consensus1—for establishing mecha- accordance with the agreement would be needed nisms toward reducing excessive and unsustain- to reach the mutually beneficial outcome . Such able deficits and surpluses under certain circum- commitments could be legal instruments, such stances . as agreements, or simply public statements that would be self-enforcing on the assumption that Of course this may be so ex-ante, “behind the the parties would care about maintaining a good veil of ignorance”, that is in a hypothetical situa- reputation 2. tion where countries do not know whether they will end-up being surplus or deficit countries . But In the case of the current issue of external imbal- in most situations, where such rules of the game ances, the situation may be a bit more complicat- are discussed and negotiated, the actors are not in ed . In a prisoner’s dilemma, the collective benefit an ex-ante role . Rules contemplated or designed is clear; what are missing are instruments of trust behind the veil of ignorance can provide useful and commitment that will ensure that each party benchmarks . However in the real world, agreeing will act in accordance with the requirements of that

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 63 collective benefit . In the case of reducing external economists in a single country have vastly differ- imbalances in the short run and given the status ent opinions, it would not be surprising that econ- quo situations of the surplus and deficit countries, omists of different countries may have genuinely the collective benefit seems more elusive and con- different opinions about how the global economy flicts of interest are more apparent . This makes the works . In the specific case of China, it may be dif- game more “zero sum” . ficult to convince Chinese policymakers of the im- portance of domestic distortions given that China’s The benefit of reducing a surplus for a surplus economic performance has been successful . country seems more elusive than the benefit of reducing a deficit for a deficit country; for the lat- Time horizons may matter as well . One could ar- ter, the danger of sudden stops would be reduced, gue that the zero-sum features of the external im- for example . After pointing out that “smaller cur- balances game discussed above are more visible in rent account surpluses in surplus countries might the short run . In a longer-term perspective, sur- actually benefit growth in the rest of the world,” plus countries may be more cognizant of the fact Blanchard and Milessi-Feretti (2011, p . 11) state that sharp reductions of consumption in deficit that “the relevant question is why surplus coun- countries would be harmful for surplus countries tries should oblige ”. The answer they provide is as well . If a longer-term perspective were to pre- that reducing the domestic distortions behind vail, the short-run conflicts would look more like excessive current account surpluses may actually bargaining chips in allocating the costs of adjust- benefit the surplus countries . In the current dis- ment rather than irreconcilable differences . The cussion, however, it seems that surplus countries, longer-run mental constructs of the different play- especially China, would not be easily convinced ers may be more similar and the countries may be about the benefits of reducing these distortions more willing to place themselves behind the veil of ignorance . However, we also need to underline There may be several reasons for this . One reason the fact that the long run takes a long time to come could be the political economy . For example, Chi- about . If the experience and literature on the po- na’s export-oriented growth has generated vested litical economy of domestic policy reform provide interests and favored investors over consumers . any guidance, one would need to conclude that Reducing surpluses by increasing domestic con- long-term benefits of significant policy changes sumption may run against the interests of inves- are often overshadowed by short-run costs . tors 3. As stated by Garrett (2010), “… the over- riding instinct of the government remains to use Given these problems, it would not be surprising state-controlled banks to invest in infrastructure if the process of enhancing the degree of coordi- and state-controlled companies rather than to nation in short-run macroeconomic policies turns empower the consuming middle class that might out to be a difficult process . Nevertheless, the MAP one day form the base for political liberalization is a good start . It allows members to design their in China ”. own policies with better information about the policies of other members of the group . However if Another reason could simply be that policymak- managed well, the MAP might also help members ers in deficit and surplus countries have different develop a better understanding of the concerns of models (“mental constructs of the world” to use other countries . More importantly, it would pro- the terminology of North, 1990) of how the global vide information about the economic models poli- economy works 4. Some of this may be moral haz- cymakers from other countries use implicitly or ex- ard; policymakers may defend the validity of an plicitly to analyze global economic developments . because it serves their interests, for example, by enhancing their bargaining power One wonders whether this process of learn- during negotiations . However, in a world where ing about “the models of policymakers of other

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 64 countries” could be carried out in a more struc- one of the important factors that justify collective tured way so as to achieve more clarity about intervention at the national level . Global public the exact roots of divergences of opinions . That goods, on the other hand, point to a fundamen- would entail structured and regular debate on tal political failure on a global scale . Like national data, policies and their effects not only on the ex- public goods, global public goods are under-pro- ternal imbalances but also on other variables that vided absent collective action, but collective action are regarded as important in the different country on a global scale is much more difficult to estab- settings . More frequent interaction among econo- lish . As the international system is characterized mists and policymakers from different countries by anarchy and there exists no overarching inter- also provides opportunities to better understand national government to regulate the provision of the concerns and real policy objectives behind in- and payment for global public goods, agents of dividual country policies and positions, which in global governance (international organizations turn may also expand the set of feasible mutually like the World Trade Organization and the In- beneficial “concessions” 5. ternational Monetary Fund) are required to play a role in correcting these international political A “Global Public Goods” Perspective? market failures . The effective involvement of inter- national organizations in regulating the provision, Increasing the degree of coordination over short- use and distribution of global public goods is thus run macroeconomic policies and more specifically extremely important in minimizing global ineffi- over the MAP would obviously be encouraged by ciencies . an overall more cooperative approach between the members of the G-20 and a stronger sense of Among the public goods mentioned above, the shared goals . This would suggest that putting the issues of equity and distributive justice are espe- MAP in a broader perspective of overall develop- cially related to the crisis and the macroeconomic mental goals may help the MAP . preoccupations of the G-20 . Indeed the Seoul G-20 Leaders’ Declaration states that “the crisis Even though it has gained prominence because of disproportionately affected the most vulnerable in immediate concerns during the global crisis and the poorest countries and slowed progress toward its aftermath, the macro-coordination effort and achievement of the Millennium Development macroeconomic/financial stability that this pro- Goals (MDGs)… At the same time, narrowing the cess is designed to facilitate is not the only global development gap and reducing poverty are inte- problem that requires the collective attention of gral to achieving our broader framework objec- the G-20 . One is reminded of literature on global tives of strong, sustainable and balanced growth by public goods, which is simply defined as goods that generating new poles of growth and contributing are non-rivalrous and non-excludable, but whose to global rebalancing ”. Furthermore, the Annex to benefits accrue to anyone living anywhere around the Seoul Declaration provides a multi-year action the world . Hence what differentiates global pub- plan to achieve developmental goals . However, the lic goods from national public goods is that “their visibility of these activities has been very low . It benefits are quasi universal in terms of countries seems that the debate on macroeconomic policy …, people …, and generations” .6 The literature lists coordination is carried out too much in isolation a number of prominent global public goods, in- from other global economic and social issues that cluding the environment, equity and distributive require collective intervention . justice, global health problems and peace and se- curity (ibid .) . It seems putting the macroeconomic policy coor- dination into such an overall perspective is worth- Economists tend to think that national public while for a number of reasons . First, it underlines goods and the they give rise to are the fact that the MAP is an important first step in

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 65 an ongoing process of increased interaction, con- serious long-term global social and economic sultation, collaboration and increased mutual un- problems such as poverty and distributive justice derstanding . may over time help relax political economy con- straints that hinder macroeconomic policy coordi- Second, it would seem that cooperative behavior nation . Again, this is an issue of emphasizing long- would be more easily achieved when the number term gains over the costs of adjustment of policy of dimensions being negotiated is increased and reform in the domestic context . interconnections are established between dimen- sions . The crucial point here is to find issues that Fourth, the scope for collaborative action may be are negatively correlated; for example, find dimen- wider and conflicts of interest smaller in some sions which have trading or logrolling value . If of the other areas that require the G-20’s collec- there are policy changes that create small domestic tive action . For example, increases in costs and larger benefits for trading partners, then from 2006-2008 and more recently with the re- there is potential for gains from exchanging policy covery from the global crisis have raised a debate reforms . Again, this requires ongoing negotiations over possible adverse effects on poor households and better understanding of the needs and worries around the world . In addition, the increase in of the different parties . This process may also allow food prices has led to limited increases in supply the parties to better focus on which instruments in low-income countries and almost no increase are better suited to deliver results . in very small countries 7. Efforts to increase pro- duction and productivity would affect millions of Third, this could create more legitimacy for the households in poor regions of the world, especially whole G-20 effort and global efforts to coordinate Africa . A concerted effort by the G-20 that shows macroeconomic policies . At this juncture, mac- determination and ownership could have an im- roeconomic policy coordination is also about al- portant impact .8 Perhaps a successful realization of locating the costs of adjustment . This is not nec- such a concerted effort would help develop more essarily a very popular effort . A clear indication cooperative behavior in areas where conflicts are that the process of macroeconomic policy coor- more acute . dination is complemented with efforts to address

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 66 References Endnotes

Aksoy, M . Ataman and Bernard Hoekman, 2010 . Food Prices and Ru- 1 See, for example, Blanchard and Milessi-Feretti (2011) and ral Poverty . Centre for Economic Policy Research, London, and Suominen (2010) . The World Bank, Washington, D .C . 2 It seems that the coordinated effort of fiscal expansion by the G-20 Beetsma, Roel and Massimo . Giuliodori, 2011 . “The Effects Of Gov- countries carried out in 2008-9 is a good example of this kind of a ernment Purchases Shocks: Review and Estimates for the EU ”. situation . See Derviş and Kharas in the introduction to this volume . The Economic Journal, Vol . 121, Issue 550, pp . F4–F32 . Beetsma and Giuliodori (2011) provide evidence that there was an economic rational for coordination for the case of the European Blanchard, Olivier, and Gian Maria Milesi-Ferretti, 2011 . “(Why) Economic Recovery Plan of the European Union launched in Should Current Account Balances Be Reduced?” IMF Staff Dis- November 2008 . cussion Note . 3 See Frieden (2010) Frieden, Jeffry, 2010 . “The Political Economy of Rebalancing,” in S . Claessens, S . Evenett and B . Hoekman (eds), Rebalancing 4 To quote Blanchard and Milessi-Feretti (2011, p . 10): “We have the Global Economy: A Primer for Policymaking . VoxEU .org . been struck not only by the importance of differences in objective (http://www .voxeu .org/reports/global_imbalances pdf. ) functions, but also by the relevance of differences of opinion about macroeconomic mechanisms across G-20 members in the G-20 Garrett, Geoffrey, 2010 . “China-US imbalances and Europe’s Fis- mutual assessment process” . It is not clear what the term “objective cal Crisis: Plus ça change?” in S . Claessens, S . Evenett and B . functions” might refer to but it would not be surprising to find out Hoekman (eds .), Rebalancing the Global Economy: A Primer that they are correlated with the interests of different social groups . for Policymaking . VoxEU .org . (http://www .voxeu .org/reports/ global_imbalances pdf. ) 5 For example, if indeed the main concern behind, for example a country like China’s pursuance of a policy of competitive exchange Kaul, Inge, I . Grunberg and M . Stern, 1999 . Global Public Goods: In- rate is to maintain high levels of employment, that country will ternational Cooperation in the 21st Century . Oxford University not be willing to make concession along that policy instrument . Press, New York . She may be willing to increase social protection, however, which, North, Douglass C ,. 1990 . Institutions, Institutional Change and Eco- as mentioned by Derviş and Kharas in the introduction to this nomic Performance, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge . volume, may eventually increase domestic demand and reduce Sachs, Jeffrey, 2011 . “To end the food crisis, the G-20 must keep a policymakers’ incentives to undervalue exchange rates . Ultimately, promise,” Financial Times, February 17 . (http://www .ft com/. this would help reduce current account surpluses, which may be cms/s/0/e5e854fe-3ad0-11e0-9c1a-00144feabdc0,s01=1 . the main objective of negotiations . This example is admittedly html#axzz1HSPBLtpJ) oversimplified, but the main point is that better understanding of objective functions of the different parties, their perceived Suominen, Kati, 2010 . “Did global imbalances cause the crisis?” VoxEU . constraints and their and subjective models of the world may org, June 14 . (http://www .voxeu .org/index .php?q=node/5175) . enhance the negotiation space . 6 Kaul, Grunberg and Stern (1999, p . 11) 7 Ataman and Hoekman (2010) 8 Sachs (2011)

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 67 The Global Rebalancing and Growth Strategy Debate

Colin Bradford Nonresident Senior Fellow, Global Economy and Development, Brookings Institution; Senior Fellow, Centre for International Governance Innovation

Introduction: Major Issues several phases since the triggering of the great recession in 2008 . So now, we might ask The run-up to the Seoul G-20 Summit in Novem- several questions: is a G-20 strategy for global ber last year brought into full light the challenges growth desirable or even necessary? And is it of forging a global strategy for economic recov- feasible? Is global rebalancing crucial to global ery and growth . In Korea, the effort to advance growth? Is the lens of external deficit and exter- a G-20 framework for “strong, sustainable, and nal surplus countries useful in generating a G-20 balanced growth” through efforts to engage in global growth strategy? And finally, what are the global economic adjustment of major imbalanc- implications for the G-20 economic agenda if the es between external surplus and external deficit answers to these questions are negative? Does the countries also encountered more frictions than G-20 need to either change the subject or shift its convergence with the specter of U .S -China. cur- focus, as some have argued? rency wars gaining attention . Currency disputes were further fueled by the untimely decision by A G-20 Coalition for Global Growth: Facts the U .S . Federal Reserve to engage in quantitative and Feasibility easing to spur U .S . credit expansion and domestic growth which looked to China as being currency First, it seems useful to examine the structure of manipulation . the world economy and the weight of G-20 econ- omies in it in order to determine whether there There is a mind-set among summit observers, are indeed clusters of G-20 countries which have which used to include myself, that anticipates vis- enough weight to constitute a feasible coalition for ible “grand bargain” outcomes from leaders’ level global growth—what Gordon Brown called devel- summits . Born in the G-8 era, this is a kind of oping a “plan for global growth” . This gives us an maximalist international cooperation outlook that understanding of the skeleton of the world econo- overemphasizes memories of the Plaza Accord and my, if not its muscle and direction . the Louvre agreement, which were really the ex- ceptions rather than the rule . In the G-20 era, we Broadly speaking, we can divide the G-20 into four need a new mindset that accepts policy conflicts groupings: and more modest progress in resolving them be- cause the G-20 embodies global diversity rather 1 . Three advanced G-20 countries with sig- than the “like mindedness” of the G-8 . nificant current account deficits (exclud- ing the United States), who therefore feel a The intensity of the G-20 debate on strate- need to adjust; gies for global growth and rebalancing led to a pledge in Seoul to come up with a set of indi- 2 . Four advanced G-20 economies, who could cators and try again for agreement at the next potentially be more aggressive with expan- G-20 summit in France in November this year . sionary macroeconomic policies; The world economy has moved on through

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 68 3 . Ten emerging market economies (including all countries in this group to be at a similar busi- Russia but excluding China) that are expe- ness cycle stage . Several of these emerging market riencing rapid growth and receiving con- economies are running significantly large current siderable capital inflows from abroad; and account deficits . Brazil and India are looking at current account deficits as a percentage of GDP 4 . The U .S . and China, who essentially feel of 3 percent and Turkey and South Africa in the they are in a position to take whatever ac- range of 5-6 percent, making it difficult for them tion they deem necessary for their own to be more expansionary . In fact, their fears are of growth . The U .S . has the special “privilege” overheating, not of deficient demand . of being the issuer of the global reserve cur- rency, while China has the advantage of $3 This implies that the pace of the global recovery trillion in foreign exchange reserves . will still depend heavily on the United States and China, who together make up 31 percent of global The three advanced current account deficit coun- GDP . The U .S . will have to try to combine fiscal tries are the United Kingdom, Australia and Italy . consolidation with monetary easing to boost em- Together they account for 8 9. percent of the world ployment growth through credit expansion fu- economy . eled by quantitative easing while shrinking budget deficits and public debt . China is trying to slow The four non-deficit advanced economies that growth to avoid budding inflationary pressures . In might provide more global stimulus are Japan both cases, the balance will be hard to strike, but and Germany, two surplus countries, and France together it suggests neither will be able to sustain and Canada, two countries in a relatively strong very rapid growth at the rate of the pre-crisis boom position . Together they account for 20 .7 percent years . of world GDP . But Japan with 8 percent of glob- al GDP is likely to slow in the short term due to The conclusion has to be that the feasibility of a the recent earthquake, tsunami and nuclear crisis . G-20 coalition to actually accelerate global growth Continental Europe, including the European Cen- that combines economic weight with national pol- tral Bank, seems filled more with caution than am- icy thrusts is not there . That is not necessarily a bition . Germany has resisted pressure to engage in major problem given that global GDP growth for expansionary policies and France is now moving 2011 is expected to surpass 4 percent . This dimin- toward fiscal consolidation despite possible social ishes the urgency for the type of expansionary ac- unrest . So, the core group of four non-deficit ad- tion that G-20 leaders felt necessary in London in vanced economies of the G-20 coalition for growth 2009 and Toronto in 2010 . Therefore, we have to is not really in a potentially expansionary stance . probe more deeply into the current context and what it really means for macroeconomic policy The 10 emerging market economy members of the coordination . G-20, other than China, have a weight of 15 per- cent of global GDP . But this group is quite diverse The Current Context and Debate and fragmented so building a lasting coalition is hard . The top five members—Brazil, Russia, India, The current context is one where the real engines of Mexico and Korea—are together 11 2. percent of global growth now are the United States and the big global GDP . They are too small to play a pivotal emerging market economies . The dynamics of cur- role alone even if their efforts are amplified by the rent patterns of growth follow from the quantita- other five emerging market economies, who ac- tive easing policy of the U .S . Federal Reserve in the count for 3 .6 percent of GDP; this larger emerg- fall of 2010, which not only has lifted U .S . growth ing markets group would only account for 15 per- but also has encouraged massive capital flows to cent of global GDP . It is also unrealistic to expect the larger emerging market economies, increasing

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 69 their growth but also posing some risks of volatil- crisis in 1997 . In the 2000s, the booming Chinese ity . If anything, this creates some pressure in the economy ran huge savings, trade and capital sur- big emerging market economies toward more pluses which financed the continuing U .S . deficits, contractionary policies to cool down overheating, allowing the U .S . to postpone necessary internal dampen inflationary expectations and control cap- adjustments . While these imbalances did not di- ital flows . The problems in Greece, Ireland, Italy rectly trigger the 2008 global financial crisis, they and Portugal have increased sensitivity in interna- revealed some underlying weaknesses in the global tional financial markets . financial system .

All of this brings the focus back to the U .S . and The concentration of massive global imbalances in China as the main sources of growth . But part of a very few countries for three decades is clearly not the value of the G-20 for these countries has been conducive to global stability . When capital is at- the opportunity to try to pluralize and multilater- tracted by big power deficits and surpluses, it may alize the global growth strategy to spread the heavy not be spread around the world to finance invest- lifting around rather than relying on the two gi- ment in an efficient manner that would diversify ants . A renewed focus on the G-2 tends to conflate risk, reap higher and more stable returns, and be again the challenges of global growth and global more conducive to financial stability . Hence, even rebalancing in a single conundrum, reducing the though domestic imbalances are central, one can- possibility of separating them . not conclude that external imbalances are irrel- evant for global policymaking . For both G-2 countries, the central issue is not ex- ternal imbalances but domestic economic policy Conclusions and Implications adjustments to correct internal imbalances . Cor- rection of the U .S . fiscal deficit and low domestic The conclusion for the G-20 in 2011 is that, al- savings and stimulating greater domestic con- though domestic and external balances need to be sumption in China should be the central focus . focused on and dealt with, there may not be any These internal adjustments would automatically “grand bargains” to be negotiated which could ef- help correct the external imbalances even without fectively deal with the diverging economic con- global coordination . So perhaps U .S . and Chinese texts of each G-20 country . We have to put aside policymakers should shift their focus from global the old G-8 mindset and accept a more complex, external imbalances in trade and capital accounts conflicted and diverse world in which G-20 policy to internal shifts which will in turn rebalance the differences and tensions are part of the game and world economy . not just obstacles to it . As much as the G-20 could be a possible vehicle for pluralizing and multilater- Looking back over recent decades, it certainly alizing global growth and rebalancing, the current seems as if the concentration of huge external defi- context does not yield a clear cut scenario for ad- cits and surpluses in a very select few of the world’s dressing these two problems . largest economies has contributed to patterns of global instability . In the 1980s, massive U .S . fiscal, Therefore, the pathway forward would be to put trade and capital account deficits were mirrored some distance between the technical track of what by Japanese internal savings, trade and capital ac- needs to be done to improve the economic func- count surpluses . In the 1990s, as the Clinton ad- tioning of the global economy from the political ministration gradually restored fiscal and trade track of forming bargains or coalitions to imple- balance to the U .S ,. a select few then-creditworthy ment policy . The technical work needs to proceed Asian developing countries (Thailand, Indonesia, through the G-20 finance ministers’ and central Korea and Malaysia) attracted capital from the bank presidents’ process to address global growth Japanese surpluses, triggering the Asian financial and rebalancing in workmanlike fashion during

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 70 2011, delving deeper into sources of disequilibria There seems to be no point in repeating that sce- and disturbance in macroeconomic policy con- nario again . The situation is still more complex duct . This should remain a technical and policy today and margins for incremental expansionary discussion among senior economic policy officials policies are thin . As a result, there is every reason from G-20 countries with technical support from to lower expectations on macroeconomic policy the International Monetary Fund through the Mu- coordination for now and to perhaps bring other tual Assessment Process (MAP) . issues, including development, to the forefront of the leaders’ summit in November . Finance min- But it would seem to make sense not to put this isters and central bank governors, with support policy work center stage into the French G-20 from the IMF, may need another year or more summit this fall unless there appears to be new before the MAP really yields results . Recognizing convergent views on a feasible concerted political this reality should not imply abandoning the ef- deal among G-20 countries . In 2010, the G-20 fi- fort . In the longer run, macroeconomic policy co- nance ministers’ meeting in Gyeongju in late Oc- ordination can indeed be a key benefit of the G-20 tober spilled over into continuing discord in the process but it is not the whole show, especially not G-20 leaders’ summit in Seoul in mid-November, continuously at the leaders’ level . making G-20 leaders look as if they were not able to resolve matters and achieve consensus even though some technical progress was indeed made .

Think Tank 20: Macroeconomic Policy Interdependence and the G-20 71 The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors and should not be attributed to their affiliated organizations.

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