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Parties, Institutions, and the Under-Representation of Women in Brazil’S State Legislatures

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Parties, Institutions, and the Under-Representation of Women in Brazil’S State Legislatures GENDERING REPRESENTATION: PARTIES, INSTITUTIONS, AND THE UNDER-REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN IN BRAZIL’S STATE LEGISLATURES BY ©2012 Pedro de Abreu Gomes dos Santos Submitted to the graduate degree program in Political Science and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. ________________________________ Dr. Gary Reich ________________________________ Dr. Christina Bejarano ________________________________ Dr. Hannah Britton ________________________________ Dr. Erik Herron ________________________________ Dr. Elizabeth Kuznesof Date Defended: July 25, 2012 The Dissertation Committee for Pedro de Abreu Gomes dos Santos certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: GENDERING REPRESENTATION: PARTIES, INSTITUTIONS, AND THE UNDER-REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN IN BRAZIL’S STATE LEGISLATURES ____________________________ Chairperson Dr. Gary Reich Date Approved: August 29, 2012 ii Abstract This dissertation provides insights on what influences women’s descriptive representation in state legislatures in Brazil. The study of female representation in Brazil provides for a good case study as the country uses a gender quota system for legislative positions since 1995 and yet has not seen a significant improvement in the number of women elected to such institutions. In order to understand the roots of female under-representation, this dissertation combines Feminist Historical Institutionalism—a complementary approach to Historical Institutionalism that focuses on the role of gender in the development of institutions—and empirical approaches to determine why so few women are elected to Brazil’s state legislatures. This dissertation relies on historical narratives, interviews and participant observation, and statistical analysis to uncover the ways in which the Brazilian political system influences the low number of female candidates elected to state legislatures. The focus on state legislatures is warranted as most research on female representation in Brazil has focused on the federal level. I argue that in federal systems like Brazil, where politicians normally rise through local and state politics before becoming federal legislators, scholars must pay closer attention to the electoral dynamics in these lower level elections to fully capture the essence of female representation at the national level. The historical analysis shows that the combination of an electoral system that is mostly unchanged for over 60 years, a legacy of formal and informal discrimination of women in formal politics, and the constant suppression of women’s movements throughout the 20th century led to the development of a system that marginalizes women in the present political system. Even as the Brazilian government attempts to address the issue of gender inequality by establishing a gender quota in 1995, women continue to be marginalized from electoral politics. The quota law fails to increase the presence of women in legislatures because the language of the law combined with Brazil well-established electoral rules provides parties with loopholes that allow them to field female candidates but not provide them with the support needed to win the election. The empirical analysis show that political capital—the skills acquired or learned by candidates that make them “electable” in the eyes of political elites, campaign donors, and voters—is key in increasing female representation. The analysis shows, however, that political capital in Brazil is gendered in the sense that the professions that are more likely to raise more campaign funds and more likely to win an elected seat are dominated by male candidates, reinforcing the idea that women are marginalized from electoral politics in Brazil. iii Acknowledgments This dissertation is the culmination of a graduate career that was made possible through the support of many people and organizations. I would like to thank the Political Science Department, the Latin American Studies Department, the Department of Spanish and Portuguese, and the Office of Graduate Studies at the University of Kansas, as well as Baker University for financial support during my graduate career. I would also like to thank the Tinker Foundation and KU’s Center for International Business Education and Research (CIBER) for providing funding for a pilot project that helped me develop the initial ideas that would eventually become this dissertation. I also want to thank Dr. Lúcio Rennó and the whole staff at University of Brasília’s Center for Graduate Research about the Americas (CEPPAC) for the support during my stay in Brasília between 2010 and 2011. I must also thank my friends who helped me through the dissertation process. Thank you Dr. Whitney Court, Dr. Amber Koblitz, and Dr. Andrea Vieux for helping me sort out my statistical analysis. Thank you Dr. Linsey Moddelmog and Ryan Gibb for sharing this painful process, sometimes sharing more “pain” than any of us would like to share. I want to express my gratitude to the professors who helped me throughout this academic process. Thank you to all professors who I had the pleasure to learn from, including Dr. Ronald Francisco, Dr. Brent Steele, Dr. John Kennedy, Dr. Fiona Yap, and Dr. Catherine Weaver. Thank you Dr. Michael Lynch for helping me with my statistical (R) problems. Thanks to Dr. Ryan Beasley and Dr. Juliet Kaarbo for being the best (undergraduate and graduate) mentor-couple ever. Thank you Dr. Hannah Britton and Dr. Elizabeth Kuznesof for providing the support I needed on the initial stages of my research on gender and politics in Brazil. Thank you Dr. Erik Herron and Dr. Christina Bejarano for their time, service, and constructive criticism throughout this dissertation process. A special thanks to Dr. Gary Reich for being my advisor throughout my graduate career, pushing me to do the best work possible, and being able to sometimes tell me exactly what I want to say. I also want to thank my family for all the support. To my mother Oraida Maria Machado, for being supportive of everything I did in my life (even when she disagreed with it); and for being the first woman politician I came in contact with, and arguably the reason why this subject interests me so much. To my brother Julio dos Santos, my sister-in-law Rebecca dos Santos, my nephew J.J., and my niece Bella; for being great excuses to “not do work” when I needed the most. To my in-laws Claudia Mayberry and Dr. William Johnson for being supportive when I needed and nice enough to not ask too many times “how is the dissertation going?” or “did you get a job yet?” Lastly, none of this would be possible without the support of one very special person: my wife Cara Langston. Very few people would sacrifice this much to support their loved one. Words would never be enough to express my gratitude to you and to all you have done for me these past six (or ten!) years. iv Table of Contents Abstract ……………………………………………… iii Acknowledgments ……………………………………………… iv Abbreviations ……………………………………………… vi Tables and Figures ……………………………………………… vii Chapter 1 Introduction………………………………… 1 Chapter 2 Feminist Historical Institutionalism and Women’s Descriptive Representation: Engendering the Study of Representation….. 23 Chapter 3 One Step Forward, Two Steps Back: The Origins of Brazil’s Gendered Political Institutions…………………………………… 41 Chapter 4 The More it Changes, the More it Stays the Same: Gender Quota, Electoral Rules, and Women in Contemporary Brazilian State Assemblies……………………………… 74 Chapter 5 Political Capital, Gendered Institutions, and the Differences between Winning and Losing Candidates……………… 102 Chapter 6 Conclusion…………………………………….. 135 Works Cited ………………………………………………… 144 Appendix ………………………………………………… 158 v Abbreviations ARENA Aliança Renovadora Nacional (Renewing National Alliance, the party of the military regime) CFEMEA Centro Feminino de Estudos e Assessoria (Feminist Center of Studies and Advisory) DEM Democrátas (Democrats—Political Party) FHI Feminist Historical Institutionalism FI Feminist Institutionalism HI Historical Institutionalism MDB Movimento Democrático Brasileiro (Brazilian Democratic Movement, opposition party during military regime) NI New Institutionalism PCB Partido Comunista Brasileiro (Brazilian Communist Party) PDT Partido Democrático Trabalhista (Worker’s Democratic Party) PC do B Partido Comunista do Brasil (Communist Party of Brazil) PMDB Partido do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro (Party of the Brazilian Democratic Movement) PPS Partido Popular Socialista (Popular Socialist Party) PR Proportional Representation PSD Partido Social Democrático (Social Democratic Party) PSDB Partido Social Democrático Brasileiro (Brazilian Social Democratic Party) PT Partido dos Trabalhadores (Worker’s Party) SPM Secretaria de Políticas para as Mulheres (Secretary for Women’s Policies) TRE Tribunal Regional Eleitoral (Regional Electoral Tribunal) TSE Tribunal Superior Eleitoral (Superior Electoral Tribunal) vi Tables and Figures Tables 1.1 Percentage of Women in Parliaments in the World…………………………….. 8 3.1 Number of Women in the Chamber of Deputies and Senate…………………… 50 3.2 Open List PR, Quotas, and Women’s Representation………………………….. 54 3.3 Percentage of Women in Parliaments: 1945-1965……..………………………… 62 3.4 Percentage of Women in Parliaments: 1970s and 1980s……………………….. 65 3.5 Percentage of Women in Parliaments: 1980s and 1990s……………………….. 69 3.6 Party Leadership through the Years…………………………………………….. 71 4.1 Percentage of Women in National
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