The Official Call for the March Was Issued on July 12 by The

-3- Who is sponsoring the March to Washington for Jobs and Freedom? II The Job demands include:

The official call for the March was issued on A massive Federal Public Works Program to July 12 by the following national leaders: provide jobs for all the unemployed, and Federal legislation to promote an expanding James Farmer, National Director of the Congress economy. of Racial Equality A Federal Fair Employment Practices Act to Rev. Martin Luther King, President of the South- ern Christian Leadership bar job discrimination by Federal, State, and Conference Municipal governments, and by private em- John Lewis, Chairman of the Student Non-violent ployers, contractors, employment agencies Coordinating Committee and trade unions. A. Philip Randolph, President of the Negro Broadening of the Federal Fair American Labor Labor Stand- Council ards Act to include the uncovered areas of Roy Wilkins, Executive Secretary of the National employment where Negroes and other minor- Association for the Advancement of Colored People ities work at slave wages; and the establishment of a national minimum wage of not less Whitney Young, Executive Director of the Urban than $2. 00 per hour. League Who is invited to participate in the March? Labor and religious organizations are being asked to join with the above in sponsoring the March. A full Politically the March is non-partisan; list will be issued in that is, due course. neither funds nor organized participation will be accepted from What is the purpose political parties. We expressly reject of the March? the aid or participation of totalitarian or subversive groups of all persuasions. Organizational The purpose of the March is, by a massive, participation is invited from only the established civil rights peaceful, and democratic demonstration in the nation's organizations, capital, to provide from major religious and fraternal evidence of the need for the Federal groups, and from labor unions. Such groups are in- Government to take effective and immediate action to vited to form committees, deal with the national to sponsor the March, and crisis of civil rights and jobs to send delegations to Washington in their own that all of us, Negro and white, are facing. names. Other groups are invited to publicize the March, What are the demands of the March? to raise funds for it and to send groups to Washington under the banner of the March on Washington itself. I The Civil Rights demands include: These would include, for example, student and youth organizations, settlement houses, committees and Passage by the Congress of effective and other organizations of the unemployed, professional meaningful civil rights legislation in the organizations (doctors, teachers, etc.), and Greek present session, without filibuster. Letter organizations.

Immediate desegregation of the nation's ". What literature is available for publicizing the March? schools. The National An end to police brutality directed against Office of the March will provide you, citizens using their constitutional right of free of charge, with as many copies as you need of peaceful demonstration. the following; -4- -5- THE MARCH CALL The National Office will not make transportation arrangements for local groups. This folder, entitled "The Time is Now, " Notify the National Office by mail of the gives detailed information on the aims and progress of your work in organizing your sponsorship of the March. March groups. LEAFLET 3. ORGANIZE THE UNEMPLOYED FOR THE MARCH One-page flyer entitled "To All Americans: It will serve no purpose to hold a March Join the March for Jobs and Freedom," for Jobs and Freedom if unemployed people designed for mass distribution. are not able to come and add their voices and presence to the demonstration. Organ- Additional copies of this organizing manual are izations must make it a mainjask to get also available. Other material will be put out by the the news of the March to the unemployed March Office and sent to you as it appears. and to encourage the unemployed, where possible, to establish their own March What are the immediate tasks of participating Committees. organizations and groups ? Organizations may further guarantee the 1. PUBLICIZE THE MARCH presence in Washington of the unemployed Our time is short! Our first and most by (a) assigning a given number of seats urgent task is to make the March known. in buses and trains to the unemployed, and Get to the press, to church services, tQ (b) raising funds to pay for these assigned union meetings; take our literature into seats. Make it your goal to send one un- the streets, distribute 'it outside movie employed person to Washington for every houses, at the ball game. Make the three who can pay their way. We hope that March known. not a bus will go, nor train start, that does not have its quota of the unemployed. 2. ORGANIZE TRANSPORTATION If there are no unemployed in your area, Our time is short! We have to get thou- raise funds for the transportation of un- sands of people to Washington on short employed persons elsewhere, and transmit notice. Set up your transportation com- the money to the National Office (see under mittee at once and have a hardworking National Office below). and reliable person head it up. Investi- gate carefully the possibility of bringing your group by train - it is a little more 4. HAVE THE COMMUNITY RECOGNIZE AND SET expensive, but special rates are avail- ASIDE THE DAY the able, and the more who come by rail, Ask the Governor of your State, and the less congestion there will be on the roads. City Fathers, to proclaim August 28 as If you come by bus make sure that you FREEDOM DAY. Ask ministers and rabbis have a written contract issued in advance to offer special prayers August 24-25 for and that the bus company has a group in- the success of the March. Approach em- surance policy in effect that covers all ployers with the request that they close members of the group. their plants on August 28 and grant workers paid vacation on that day in honor of Coordinate your activities with other the Centennial of the Emancipation Procla- groups in your area. It will, in some mation and the Civil Rights movement. cases, save time if several groups can make joint transportation arrangements.

... , r ;, .. , _ .. ,, -6- -7- Further information about these assembly points will How should funds be sent to the National Office of the be provided in due course. All persons are expected March? to report at the assembly points not later than 10:00 A. M. on August 28th. While your fundamental task is mobilizing people to Washington, bear in mind that the National Office Meetings will be held at the Assembly points - in has to meet heavy expenses in preparation for the most cases they will be churches - for two purposes: March. Any funds that may be sent by local organi- 1) To meet with Congressmen and Senators, who will be zations for this purpose will be welcome. In addition invited to meet with the delegations at the Assembly you are asked to solicit, where possible, special points and to report their positions on pending legis- contributions to defray the expenses of unemployed lation and to answer questions from their constituents. persons, which funds we will administer at our dis- 2) To select representatives who will proceed to cretion in accordance with need. Make your checks Capitol Hill seeing those legislators who did not re- payable to MARCH ON WASHINGTON. spond to our invitation to meet with their constituents. These representatives will be accompanied by repre- We ask you also to sell a March Button that will sentatives of the six civil rights organizations spon- help publicize the March, and to transmit the pro- soring the March. ceeds to us. The button is 2 1/2" in diameter, em- blem is a black and white handclasp, and the title, A massive demonstration will be held at the White March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom. August House. A statement will be issued making clear to 28. Price of each button is 25 cents. Order from the President, the Congress, and the Nation our view the National Office. Send checks, not cash. Shipping that the job problem for Negro citizens cannot be costs will be borne by the Office. solved unless the problems of all the unemployed are tackled. The delegation will call for the immediate How will the March be organized in Washington? inauguration of a Federal Public Works Program adequate to cope with the deepening economic crisis. persons coming to Washington, whether by- All parade bus, train or plane, who are being sent by organiza- Later the Marchers will assemble for a under the leadership of captains ap- down Pennsylvania Avenue. The parade will drama- tions, must be will pointed locally before departure. (Private cars tize our demands for Jobs and Civil Rights and confusion and traffic problems, their use is commemorate Medgar Evers of the NAACP, William create the thou- discouraged.) Captains will be responsible for the Moore of CORE, Herbert Lee of SNCC, and group en route and in moving around Washington. sands of nameless heroes of the freedom movement struggle for full Further details on the role and function of the who have given their lives in the at this level will be forthcoming equality. The procession shall sing "We Shall Over- March leadership of bands and choirs for in the next manual. come" to the accompaniment the entire line of march. police to maintain The March wifl provide its own placards to be used on the March will be pro- among the marchers in All order and internal security vided by the National Office. Washington. These marshals are specially trained with captains and and will be in constant contact No other slogans will be permitted. marchers. The Washington police and the U.S. Gov- ernment have promised full cooperation in controlling there will be a mass meeting at and In the afternoon traffic, maintaining order, providing comfort the Lincoln Memorial to commemorate the 100th anni- first-aid stations for the marchers. versary of the Emancipation Proclamation and to voice our needs and demands. Marchers from the 50 States and the District of Columbia will be assigned specific assembly points where they are to gather on arrival in Washington. REPRODICED F101 THE COLLECTICWS OF TIME MANUSCRIPT DIVISION, LIBRARY OF CMGRESS

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-8- ( rj What arrangements are there for staying in Washington and for re reshments ? i:y:" THIS IS A ONE-DAY DEMONSTRATION. The size and scope of this March make it impera- tive that all participants come in and go out on the same day - August 28th. All organizations are urged to see to it that participants come provided with box lunches and suppers, and especially that groups fur- nish themselves with ample water. You are strongly advised not to bring children under 14; children over 14 should be accompanied by a parent or guardian. In the event of a filibuster before August 28th, March machinery will be used to send daily waves of approximately 1000 people to Washington for the duration of the filibuster. If the filibuster has not begun by August 28th, March participants will be asked to return to Washington at the time of the filibuster in waves of 2000. enclosures: 1 Call 1 Leaflet

ORDER-BLANK , PLEASE SEND Calls "The Time is Now" No. Leaflets "To all Americans.... " No. Buttons at 25 cents (CHECK No. FOR FULL PURCHASE PRICE MUST BE INCLUDED)

NAME ADDRESS ORGANIZATION TELEPHONE National Office March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom 170 West 130th Street New York 27, New York FIlmore 8-1900

., _ REP SUOED FIit THE COLLCTICS OF THE MANUSCRIPT DIVISIc, LIBRARY OF CXGRESS

Te Wht ouseNews Photographers' Association, representing rel, PooMda, and all TV Networks, News- Magazines, would like to make the following prpoa for media coverage of the August 28th CIvil Rights march: n rps the

-. Washington Monument Grounds: A. The following positions will be required - Seven platforms. (SEE ATTACHED "A") B. AC power will be required for the reels at the center platform facing the stage. C. A position at the top of the Monument Is desirable. agreed The networks hove to a one camera pool.- Reels and Stills will get their rotation basis, It is pictures on a recommended that the Monument be closed for the duration of the march program. 2. Constitution Avenue- Recommendations have been made to the Rev. Fauntro'that up until the start of the parade, a barricade be erected on the east side of 17th Street across Constitution Avenue. The following positions are requested for the Constution Avenue coverage: A. 5 moving units behind the barricade (Still trucks and mobile units); B. Stand at northwest corner of 17th and Constitution for all media; C. Platform in front of Federal Reserve Building; D. Micro Wave tower on Constitution at Bacon Drive - behind flat bed trucks andshu heect to Gere, (SEE GaiadATTACHEDUnie "B") PresIterntona es iores7t 1113hStreet, N.osW.,oshiuingtvonue.C 3. Lincoln Memorial -- A. Four double platforms as shown in attached Item "C". B. It is recommended the proposed stage be abandoned necessity of increasing since it would create the th height of the center platform to compensate stage height. Also, pictorially for the and aesthetically It will be distracting to the overall impact of the Memorial scene. Constan3 recommendations als ae rquestertas qic as poible,

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Building Guide for NAACP Convention Delegates Visiting \lashington to Support Civil Rights Legislation, July 12, 1961 r Old New I House house Office Office Building Building

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U. >° -,:-, Constitution Avenue, N.W. New I IOld Senate ! Senate I o i Office Office Building Building {; .-... "C" Street - ; ,

Union Station

The above map is a guide to the buildings where your Congressman and Senators have their offices. Please be careful to note whether your Congressman is in the old or the new building. Also, be sure to note whether your Senator is in the old or new building. Both of these buildings are in easy walking distance from Union Station. Senator Joseph Clark, Senator Jacob Javits and Congressman Emanuel Celler are to speak on the status of civil rights legislation in the auditoriuml of the New Senate Office Building at 11:00 a.m. Senator Paul Douglas will address the group at noon. The majority and minority leaders of the House and Senate and the majority and minority whips in the Senate will also meet with group at a time to be announced. of There are two cafeterias in the New Senate Office building. One these is for Senate employees, the other is for the public. The public cafeteria is nearest the "C" and First Street entrance of the New building. Lunch is served from noon&u"tiJl-2.-00 p.m." A group of volunteer hosts and hostess' will aid in directing state delegations to the offices of senators and congressmen. There will be a host .or hostess for your state. For information about meals, use of public transportation or other Washington mattore at intereat, ohi-onk with your host or hostess. REPRODUCED F1OM THE OLLF'TIC4S OF THE MANUSCRIPT DIVISIOt, LIBRARY OF CWGRESS

This is What the NaACP Wants Congress to Do

N a CP delegates who ride to lashingtou on the Freedom train have their big opportunity to help get action on the civil rights resolution that we passed at our convention in 1960. These are the things you are urged to ask your senators and congressman to support. Senate Rules Change We want to end filibusters by changing Senate Rule Twenty- two so that a majority of senators may invoke cloture. At present there is a considerable amount of talk in Washington about changing the rule in a manner that will require sixty per cent of the entire Senate to invoke cloture. The office of Senator Joseph Clark (D.-Pa. has prepared a statement which shows that there were twenty-three attempts to halt filibusters by cloture between 1917 and 1960. Four were successful. On civil rights matters, there have been nine attempts to stop filibusters by cloture. Not one of these was successful. If the rules had required that sixty per cent of the entire Senate approve cloture, the result would have been the same. If a simple majority had been required to invoke cloture, four major anti-civil rights filibusters would have been broken. There is also some consideration of a rules change that would permit sitty per cent of the senators resent and votin to invoke cloture. If this had been the rule be ween an 0, only two anti-civil rights filibusters would have been broken. Therefore, it is obvious that the best rules change would be one that would permit a majority to invoke cloture. Urge your senators to work for majority rule. Part III of the 1957 Civil Rights Dill In 1961, colored people have been arrested for trying to read books in the public library. They have been jailed for sitting on benches in public parks, fined for walking into the so-called white waiting rooms of bus stations and there is continued wholesale defiance of the U.S. Sups'eme Court decision in the school desegregation cases. The Federal Government would have clear authority to correct these evils by injunction if Part III of the 1957 Civil Rights Bill had not been killed. Urge your senators and congressman to support Part III. FEPC Legislation Although the Federal Government is making some attack on discrimination in employment under executive order, we still need a Federal fair employment practice law with enforcement powers. Urge your senators and congressman to pledge their support for FEPC with enforcement powers. Education Urge your senators and congressman to support legislation that will grant technical and financial assistance to speed up school desegregation. More than two billion dollars a year of Federal funds go for educationalpurposes and to educational institutions. Yet, the Senate passed the Federal Aid to Education Bill this year without any safeguards against racial discrimination. Urge your congressman to support an anti-segregation amendment to the Federal Aid to Education Bill when it comes to the floor for a vote.

%:, REP1DUCED F11 THE OLLECTIQS OF THE MANUSCRIPT DIVISIWd, LIBRAF OF OC2GRESS

Anti-Lynching Legislation Congress .ust pass legislation outlawing the crime of lynching and guaranteeing Federal protection for all citizens, particularly, in those areas of the Nation where each policeman and each sheriff is a potential mob leader or a potential collaborator with hoodlums. The brutality and violence which the state of Alabama tolerated during the mob assaults on Freedom riders points up the need for strong Federal laws against mob violence. Anti-Segregation Amendments Congress must include anti-segregation safeguards in all laws providiing Federal aid for schools, housing, hospitals, recreation or for any purpose. One of the most flagrant examples of state abuse of Federal grants is found in airport construction. Millions of dollars have been taken out of the U.S. Treasury and handed to state officials who, in turn, have used it to build airports with segregated restaurants, segregated rest rooms and segregated drinking fountains. -In short, by a clever system of manipulation, the money collected from taxpayer in New York, Ohio and Pennsylvania has helped to make jim crow facilities possible in Alabama and Mississippi. Anti-Poll Tax Legislation fle must have Federal legislation outlawing the poll tax. Home Rule for the District of Columbia At this time the Live top men on the House Committee in the District of Columbia are John L. McMillan of South Carolina, Thomas G. Abernathy of Mississippi, Howard W. Smith of Virginia, James C. Davis of Georgia and James H. Morrison of Louisiana. These men play a large part in stifling civil rights progress in Washington. They also use the race issue to kill important and vital legislation affecting the general welfare of Washington. The Capital needs effective home rule legislation that will give the residents of Washington a chance to vote for those who control the local government. Urge your senators and congressmen to support home rule for the District of Columbia. Civil Rights Commission President Kennedy has asked that the Civil Rights Commission be made a permanent agency. Congress has taken no action on this request. Unless Congress acts, the Commission will expire this year. The work of the Civil Rights Commission is being hampered because the Senate has not confirmed two new appointees, Dean Spottswood iobinson of the Howard University Law School, and Dean Erwin N. Griswold of the Harvard Law School. These nominations must be approved by Senator Eastland's udiciary Committee. Urge your senators and congressmen to take action on the bill to make the Civil Rights Commission permanent. Ask your senators to help get the Civil Rights Commission nominations out of the Judiciary Committee.

Washington Bureau, NAACP 100 Massachusetts Avenue, K.W. Washington 1, D.C. NAtional 8-5794 July 12, 1961

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Thisis hattheNaACP Wants Congress to Do

have hc delega t Whnide to iashington haeuto ther big on the Freedom train opassedit ato hep get action tesoltin that are pased t on the civil rights tuppothig, our convention in 1960. These o reugdt ask your are senators and congressman to Senate Rules Change we wanta toajn filibuster by changing Senate Rule Twenty- th rle in anvok e r e a w l e quie sixy per cent of the entire has prepared a statement which show attempts to halt filibusters tehot tetr we twlark(Dt-Pa by clowstahre were 1917nty-6hreeu ee scessfuO attesfulto st ivil e rights maters, f us by cloture. tere have bee96 neou Not one of these wa enieSeateaapprovehadlture, treuresulth yol averbeent these major ani-civ morigt had beenrquired mahore to invoke cloture, fourme atiivlo right filibsters would Theret is also have been broken. Ai-o--c sen consideration of a rules t o i l h n change that would i c m s t he f o r cl o r . I his h ad b fo_ o e nte ru leat be an o o nly tw pit is obviositha the bestk rloes change would be pri matyrule. tinoecture. one that would Urge your senators to work Part II of the 1957 Civil Rights l

In 961 c l re Peope have b en arreste dll forint read benhesin romsufblic prsfioned fnor walking into the So-called dance of white the U.S. Suprem Cout eceisonined tin cases. The Federal Governen scholesege . woul have l a athority toa- Rigspport adt benkle. Urge your senators and congressman FEPC Legislation

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5'.t Anti-Lynching Legislation Congress.cust pass legislation outlawing the crime of lynching and guaranteeing Federal protection for all citizens, particularly, in those areas of the Nation where each policeman and each sheriff is a potential mob leader or a potential collaborator with hoodlums. The brutality and violence which the state of Alabama tolerated during the mob assaults on Freedom riders points up the need for 941 strong Federal laws against mob violence. Anti-Segregation Amendments Congress must include anti-segregation safeguards in all laws providing Federal aid for schools, housing, hospitals, recreation or for any purpose. One of the most flagrant examples of state abuse of Federal grants is found in airport construction. Millions of dollars have been taken out of the U.S. Treasury and handed to state officials who, in turn, have used it to build airports with segregated restaurants, segregated rest rooms and segregated drinking fountains. In short, by a clever system of manipulation, the money collected from taxpayers in New York, Ohio and Pennsylvania has helped to make jim crow facilities possible in Alabama and Mississippi. Anti-Poll Tax Legislation #Ve must have Federal legislation outlawing the poll tax. Home Rule for the District of Columbia At this time the five top men on the House Committee in the District of Columbia are John L. McMillan of South Carolina, Thomas G. Abernathy of Mississippi, Howard W. Smith of Virginia, James C. Davis of Georgia and James H. Morrison of Louisiana. These men play a large part in stifling civil rights progress in Washington. They also use the race issue to kill important and vital legislation affecting the general welfare of Washington. The Capital needs effective home rule legislation that will give the residents of Washington a chance to vote for those who control the local government. Urge your senators and congressmen to support home rule for the District of Columbia. Civil Rights Commission President Kennedy has asked that the Civil Rights Commission be made a permanent agency. Congress has taken no action on this request. Unless Congress acts, the Commission will expire this year. The work of the Civil Rights Commission is being hampered because the Senate has not confirmed two new appointees, Dean Spottswood gobinson of the Howard University Law School, and. Dean Erwin N. Griswold of the Harvard Law School. These nominations must be approved by Senator Eastland's judiciary Committee. Urge your senators and congressmen to take action on the bill to make the Civil Rights Commission permanent. Ask your senators to help get the Civil Rights Commission nominations out of the Judiciary Committee.

Washington Bureau, NAACP 100 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. Washington 1, D.C. NAtional 8-5794 July 12, 1961

, REPRODUED F1N THE OLLECTIWS OF TIE NUSCRIPT DIVISION, LIBRARY OF COtGRESS

SEATE VOTES ON INVOKING CLOTURE RUE&* -- +'lti

f,'.. Congress Senator C oture Session, Subject Offering Yeas Nays Vol., -:t and Date Motion Page ;"

1. 11-15-19 Treaty of Versailles Loge 16 8- Yes (6:1) 5.6 2. 2-2-g1 Emergency tariff Penrose 35 - No (66:3) (50.7%) 2432 3. 7-7-22 Fordney-McCumber McCumber 45 35 62- No (67:2) tariff (56:290 10040 4. 1-25-26 World Court Lenroot 68 26 -8. ~ 5. Migratory-bird Norbeck 46 33 - ' No 6-1(69:1) -26 refuges (58.2%) 10392 Yes 6. (9:1) Branch banking Pepper 6 18 68- 7. 2-26-27 Disabled WWI Tyson 5 36 - N o officers retirement (58.6%) 4901 8. 2-26-27 Colorado River Johnson 32 59 68- No development (35.1%) 4900 9. 2-28-27 Public buildings in Lenroot 52 31 68- No District of Columbia (62.6%) 4985 10. 2-28.-27 Customs and Prohibi- Jones a2] 68- Yes tion Bureau's Creation .) 11. 1-19-33 Banking Act 5 30 (72:2) (65.9% 2077 12. ?.1-2938* Anti.-ynching (CR #1) Neely 37 51 83- No (75:3) (42%) 1166 13. 2-.16-38 Anti-lynching (CR #2) Wagner 42 46 83- No (47.796) 2007 14. 11-23-42 Anti-poll tax (CR #3) Barkley 37 41 88- No (77:2 (47.4%) 9065 15. 5-15-44 Anti-poll tax (.CR #4) Barkley 36 44 90- No (78:2) (45%) 2550,1 16. 2-9-46 F.E.P.C. (C.R. #5) Barkley 48 36 92- No (79:2) (57.1%) 1219 17. 5-7-46 British loan Ball 41 41 92- No (50%) 4539 18. 5-25-46 Labor disputes Knowland 3 77 92- No (3.7%) 5714 19. 7-31-46 Anti-poll tax (CR #6) Barkley 39 33 92- No (54.1%) 10512 20. 5-19-50 F.E.P.C. (C.R. #7) Lucas 52 32 96- No (81:2) 1.9i6) 7300 21. 7-'12-50 F.E.P.C. (CR #8) Lucas 33 96- No 9982 22. 7-26-54 Atomic Energy Act Knowland 4 42 100- No (83:2) (51.2%) 11942 23. 3-10-60 Civil rights (CR #9) Douglas 42 53 106- No (86:2) (44.2%) 4763(daily) * Many cloture petitions have also been withdrawn or held out of order since 1917.

COMMENTS: Number of cloture votes 1917-1960: 2 Number of successful cloture efforts: 4 (last time: 2/28/27) If the cloture rule had permitted debate limitation by simple majority action instead of two-thirds, cloture would have been invoked 15 times;if the rule had required a constitutional majority - imes;if the rule had re uired 6 of those present and votin - 8 times; o a ena ors - imes; of those present and vtg - 12 me. Number of civil rights cloture efforts: Q; Successful: zero. If the rule had required a simple majority, 4 civTTrights cloture efforts would have been successful; if a constitutional majority had been required - 2; if 60% of those present and voting,- 2L if 60% of all Senators - zero.

(Above material furnished courtesy office of Senator Joseph S. Clark, Pennsylvania) REPlIODUCED F10 TE COLLECTIWtS OF THE MANUSCRIPT DIVISIZW, LIBRARY OF CMGRESS

Special Suggestions to NAACP Delegates Visiting Washington for Civil Rights Legislation July 12, 1961

1. You have a diagram showing the location of the Senate and House Office Buildings. These are a very short walk from the Union Station. It is hoped that all delegates will walk to the buildings from the station. For those unable to walk for any reason, we have two buses at the station. The buses will carry delegates to the office buildings. 2. The NAACP Washington Bureau is located on the second floor of the Humphries Building at 100 Massachusetts Avenue, N.d. which is on the corner of Massachusetts and New Jersey Avenues. The telephone numbers are NAtional 8-5794 and NAtional 8-2508. 3. Hte have obtained the services of a number of volunteers who will help you find the offices of your senators and congressmen. They will be wearing badges marked Host or iostess with the name of your state. They will be happy to give you information about public transportation or other matters. 4. The best results in conferences with senators and congressman are obtained when you have designated a spokesman for the group. Here are some things to remembers a. Most of the meetings with congressmen and senators will be held in their offices. For best results and for your own comfort it is suggested that you try to limit the number in each group to not more than ten. If you wish to keep the entire state delegation together instead of breaking up into small groups, ask your senator or congressman to hold the meeting in a room large enough to accommo- date the entire group. b. If the House and Senate are in session on July 12, be sure to get gallery passes from the office of your congressman (for the House) and your Senator (for the Senate). It is necessary to have these for admission. c. We have attempted to arrange as many appointments as possible. The Host or Hostess for your state will have these. If you lose the information, call the Washington Bureau. We have a copy there. If no appointment is made, we suggest that you go directly to the office of your senator or congressman. Staff people in these offices are usually very happy to see constituents from the home .state or district. They will be glad to arrange an appointment during the day. 5. By law restaurants, hotels, places of amusement and other public facilities are open to all persons without regard to race.

-"-. j' - . REPRODUICE FROM TIE COLLL'IWS OF THE MANUSCRIPT DIVISIZ4, LIBRARY OF CMIGRESS

NOW - after The March:

WRITE £ LEHTTERU to YOUR 00NGREBMAN

Please tell your Congressman how you feel about civil rights and racial discrimination.

Ask him to vote for a strong civil rights bill including a fair employment section and one giving the Justice Department the authority to protect demonstrators from police brutality.

If your Congressman is a member of the House Judioiary Cosi- mittee (see names below) which will report a bill to the full House, ask him to vote in Committee for the strongest possible

-bill. If you live in your Congressman's home city. askc for an appointment the next time he is in town. Tell him your story.

The Masrohers have marched.

The demonstrators are demonstrating in their home towns.

What happens to a civil rights bill in Oongress depends upon what you do about getting through to your Congressman.

Stop wishing.

Start writing.

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National Association for the Advancement or Colored People 20 West 40th Street New York 18, New York

House Judiciary Committee Emanuel Cller(D.,N.Y. ), Chairman

Donald Edwards (D.,Calif.) James C. Corman (D., Calif.) Michael A. Feighan (D.., Ohio) William L. St. Onge (D., Conn.) Frank Chelf (D., Ky.) George P. Benner, Jr. (D., Aris.) Edwin E. Willis,(D., La.) William M. McCulloch (A., Ohio) Peter W. Rodino, Jr. (D. N. J.) William E. Miller (R., N. Y.) E. L. Forrester (D., Ga. Richard H. Porf (R., Va.) Byron G0 Rogers (D., Colo.) William C. Cramer (R., Fla.) Harold D. Donohue (D., Mass.) Arch A. Moore, Jr. (R., W. Va.) Jack Brooks (D., Texas) George Meader (R., Mich.) William M. Tuck (D., Va.) John V. Lindsay (R., N. Y.) Robert T. Ashmore (D. S. C.) William T.Cahill. (R., N. J.) John Dowdy (D., Texas Garner E.Shriver (R., Kansas) Basil L. Whitener (D., N. C.) Clark MacGregor (R., Mirn.) Roland V. Libonati (D., Ill.) Charles MoC. Mathias, Jr. (R., Md.) Herman Toll ( D., Penna.) James E. Bromwell (R., Iowa) Robert W. Kastenmeier (D., Wiso.) Carleton J. King (R., N. Y.) Jacob H. Gilbert ( D., N.Y1) Pat Minor Martin (R., Calif.)

The address of all Congressmen ist

House Office Building Washington 25, D. C.

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OfGlESS TKrilng

King OfSic test b caledThe Mrtiwoud bth

Thereeare Negro leaders, clinging to crime, LuheandKing. immorality. And while the the mentality of slaves, who are con- grocer may have beenFromthistimeon, he cruellysed o.pro indif- sciously or unconsciously destroying ferent to the welfaretestwas of youngheareflly gandMike, urtued. freedom for all, in seeking entrance to he was certainly not indifferent to the a socie ty where entrance is not freely welfare of his young son. While it has given. A man cannot know that in been seen that King is not overly care- which he has never participated. As the ful of his own associates, apparently Vandals destroyed the arts of Rome, he the grocer was not of the same men- destroy sa complex structure he does tality. not understand. He becomes the natural Michael Sr. emphasized to Young ally of those who would eliminate di- Mike, and quite rightly, that all God's versity, set up a crushing central power, chill'un were equal in His eyes, and and plan people. He joins a united that Mike Jr. should never consider front. himself inferior. He then talked about th ror refuinsedn t antohs sonetinyntinifrntthhis unbounded admiration for Martin Before Political PubertyLuhrthsyblopoet.Ade Mart in Luther King was never born tl on ietahneotbt of wo nan. There was a child born in o hmwudhv iso fpo 1929 who was called Michael Luther King Jr. One day in 1935 the Rev. Frmtitmeohesdofp- Michael1 Sr. had a man-to-man talk ofhthemowouldefaveea missionhof pro with his son. For several years, young tetwscrfiyntud.Tega- Mike had been playing with the white soofahreoprwoadadt grocer's son across the street; and sud- denly come out any more. Young Mike was just as surprised as many Northern "liberals" would be who hold it as a matter of dogmatic litany that Southern whites hate the less-developed race, who would be amazed that Negroes sometimes live across the road from Whites without burning crosses, and who would be stunned to find children of both races playing together at all. Six-year.old Mike was told (as no doubt the grocer's boy had been told the day before) that there comes a time, about the advent of the age of reason, when the social ways of the races - .separate. The grocer no doubt emphasized what his eyes and ears told him: That the ways of the Negroes he knew, whatever the reason, indicated a lesser accomplishment in the social graces and in intellectual attainment, and a higher Kingwas a featured speakerat Highlander. accomplishment in welfare dependency, The "deel" inuded many top Communts.

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4; King Of Slick r, of an economic Martin was the sole basis scramble for a mouthful, . = he was "given." system ... annoyed with the lot In short, I read Marx as I read all i'i' He could never adjust to segregation, of the influential historical think- he says, "partly because the separate ers- from a dialectical point of was always unequal, and partly because view, combining a partial yea and idea of separation did some- apartial no .... My readings of Marx the very truth is found thing to my sense of dignity and self- convinced me that 1954 Supreme Court neither in Marxism nor in traditional respect." Or as the represents a partial put it so uncharitably in the capitalism. Each decision truth. Historically capitalism failed school question, even when facilities enterprise of to see truth in collective were equal, the cultural motivation failed to see the truth segregated and Marxism the Negro was so low that in individual enterprise . . The education was "inherently unequal." Kingdom of God is neither the thesis of individual enterprise nor the anti- Morehouse And Beyond thesis of collective enterprise, but a To The the truths When Martin grew up he was ready synthesis which reconciles for Morehouse College, one of the in- of both. Negro colleges of the herently unequal obviously reads philosophers which is short on intellectual King South with the absent-minded swipe of a man achievement and long on social studies. cocktail was at the hors d'oevres tray of a One of the old NAACP radicals with homo- of strange re- party, sloshing everything President of that house dip. The Socialist theory Dr. Benjamin E. genized cheese pute. His name was robbery and redistribution contends that Mays was of organized Mays. King was never swallowed so readily. The "one of the great influences of my life." a commitment on to Crozer everlasting yea demands Dr. Mays sent Martin conscience, and the King- Seminary, where he was to a Christian Theological dom of God is not of this world! filled full of Walter Rauschenbusch, his Ph.D. who Later on, before getting the old "social gospel" preacher Dr. King got Luke, and at Boston University, read out of Matthew, Marx, the burning-ghat of that he found consumed in John. Dr. King writes lit by Gandhi's friend, Dr. materialistic, and "chal- Gandhism, Marx rather Mordecai Johnson of Federally-sup- lenging": ported Howard University. soon learned to simper in of the shortcomings Dr. King But in spite the best cliches of the Socialist guru: of his analysis, Marx had raised deeply some basic questions. I was Gandhi was probably the first per- concerned from my early teen days to live the love ethic superfluous son in history about the gulf between of Jesus above mere interaction wealth and abject poverty, and my to a powerful me even more between individuals reading of Marx made and elective social force on a large conscious of this gulf. Although Gandhi was a potent has scale. Love for modern American capitalism instrument for social and collective greatly reduced the gap through transformation. social reforms, there was still need of the for a better distribution love, for Dr. King, became a Marx had revealed But wealth. Moreover, fanatic sadism, deliberately provoking the danger of the proft motive as AaBRICAN OPINION

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King Of Slick

In th foregroundis AbnerSorry of the ContraI Committeeof the CommunistParty. Eight to left: King, AubreyWilliam, and MylesHorton. violence for the shock-propaganda value charter of NCLC, thus giving you of suffering. It was a word hardly men- control over all Christian leadership tioned at the 1963 convention of SCLC, conferences. where speakers demanded that their fol- They also express the hope that lowers be ready to die for non-violence you will, along with them, re-enter when they marched by the hundreds the pulpit and teach more of Christ into fear-ridden cities. It was a strange and lessof Gandhi, being concerned love that, in the name of civil disobe- with the religious responsibilities that dience, hoped to paralyze whole cities, will provide the superstructure for then states, and the nation in order to future direct action movements. impose the will of a minority upon a majority. Stride Toward Accomplishment Perhaps this is. why, in the wake of Wherever Dr. King brought his riot Dr. King's non-violent riots, the Nor- squads, the opposition hardened. Mont- thern Christian Leadership Conference gomery, for instance, had already been in Chicago disbanded, along with simi- improved once; but when Dr. King lar affiliates in the East and West. The brought in the Freedom Riders, in 1961, President of NCLC, the Rev. Dr. C. the first of the nasty bottle-throwing William Billingslea, sent Dr. King a riots developed among the whites, who telegram this summer: couldn't see the non-violence for the National Guardsmen. Montgomery The board members (of the Nor- hardened. In Albany Dr. King had a thern Conference] ofer you the terrible time staying in jail. But there

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King Of Slick were two full-scale riots, this time among Alabama pointed out that Dr. King the Negroes. Albany hardened. In Bir- listed his 1956 income as $9,150, mingham, when SCLC was in dire need whereas, by prudent economy, he had of funds, Dr. King hastened to get riots managed to make bank deposits in his going before a more moderate regime name that year of $16,182.42. When took over. And, with King's help, even confronted with the evidence, Dr. King the more moderate regime hardened like cheerfully paid the additional $318.81 the permafrost. in assessed taxes. A perjury charge for It was Dr. King's personal style that false declaration was later rejected by nettled the opposition as much as any- an all-white jury, mainly on the ground thing. In Montgomery there was a that Alabamans thought it a dangerous whole platoon of bodyguard govern- precedent to convict a man for tax per- ment rifles to demonstrate the power jury, a thing that had never happened of non-violence. When he finally got in before. Tax dodgers, like rapists, should jail in Albany it was the night before get equal treatment. his national TV slot on Meet The Press. Another legal problem arose in At- Of course he refused bail, because he lanta in 1960 when police stopped a car needed the suffering; but a local leader, which carried expired license plates, also in jail, seemed not to require as then discovered that the driver, who much suffering. He was bailed out for claimed to live in Georgia, could pro- TV. And when Dr. King was offered duce only an out-of-state license. Dr. the role of the Senator from Georgia King, for lo it was he, was given a for the film Advise and Consent, there minor fine of $25 by a sympathetic was the scandal of his taking a whole court, and placed on a year's probation. day and a half to say no. A few months later, King was busy ap- All this time, as Dr. King became plying his human rights: The right to the most famous of American law- break laws that strike him as humiliat- breakers, he developed a curious atti- ing or inconvenient. He was thrown tude toward the law. "An unjust law into jail in Atlanta, as he had sought. is no law at all," he repeated over and But, when his case came up in court, over again, parodying St. Augustine. the judge held that Dr. King had vi- Unlike St. Augustine, he also claimed olated a law; and that breaking a law the privilege of being a judge in his is, willy nilly, a violation of probation. own cause. He developed such special Four months at Georgia State Prison. refinements that, when his views were Next case. upheld by the declining American The judge, however, made the mis- courts system, then, it was the duty of take of reading the law instead of the all Americans to obey them. But when tea leaves. In those days, the country judges showed themselves to be preju- was in the ferment of a national political diced by archaic concepts of law it be- campaign. One fine campaign day Sen- came the duty of all Americans to ator Kennedy and Bobby put through a exercise mass disobedience. In a more long distance call to Mrs. King to in- subtle moment, he even argued that quire about her husband's health, and more convicted Negro rapists should did he want some soup? On the next go free, because many alleged white day Dr. King was free on bond. And a rapists were acquitted. week later the humanitarian Senator It was 1961 when the tax auditor of Kennedy was elected President of the

AMERICAN OPINION REPROIDUCED FIU4 THE COLLTIZS OF THE MANUSCRIPT DIVISION, LIBRAl OF CQGRESS

King Of Slick

United States. on grounds etc. On November third, a group of Ne- O'Dell did a lot of work for the gro professional men thought the fer- SCLC's Dorchester Center near Savan- ment had gone sour. They said that Dr. nah, Georgia. Here the old Myles Hor- King was engaged in a "clear-cut, un- ton crowd was busy spending a $250,000 holy, diabolic conspiracy to help the grant from the Marshall Field Founda- Democratic party." But if the truth tion [Yes, that Marshall Field-Ed.] were known, Dr. King did not even and the United Church of Christ, Dr. vote for his benefactor. He was so busy King's denomination. The same people conducting voter registration drives under slightly different hats ran several that he forgot to exercise an important SCLC fronts out of an office in Savan- civil right. He forgot to pay his poll tax. nah: the office of the International Union of Mine, Mill, and Smelter The Red Blush Workers. Even the Subversive Activi- When Bayard Rustin nominally left ties Control Board, after a five-year SCLC in 1960, Dr. King did not lose study, had declared the Mine, Mill and his contacts with the progressive Left. Smelter Workers union "Communist Later in the year he hired a so-called infiltrated." The Board said nothing "technician," presumably not of the about it being infiltrated by the SCLC. Cuban variety,by the name (most of the Dr. King has admitted that O'Dell time) of Hunter Pitts O'Dell. O'Dell, "may have had some connections in the who had the best references, had been past, but we were convinced that he had working for the Bronx Citizens Com- renounced them and had become committee for Kennedy. He brought in hand a letter of recommendation from Robert Morgenthau, U.S. District At- torney for New York, and a part of the underground Kennedy Network. Mr. Morgenthau is the distinguished son of the distinguished Secretary of the Treas- ury who took as his personal secretary the distinguished Communist, Harry Dexter White. O'Dell worked on voter registration for SCLC, and, according to reliable reports that were denied, as a District Director. Until June of 1963, he was Administrator of the New York office. O'Dell got fired several times, when- ever newspapers pointed out that he had been cited as a Communist as late as 1958. At one time, State anti-subversive agents in New Orleans found his rooms full of the plans, maps, and specifications to Communize the whole South. In Dr. King'sassodat., Aubrey Williams, is shown 1958, when O'Dell was living as he makesan importantpoint. The audience in Montgomery, he declined to answer, indudesmany Commnuistin addition to King.

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King Of Slick minted to the Christian philosophy of his wife Anne were indicted in an in- non-violence in dealing with America's terestingly seditious plot in Louisville, social injustices." He even had O'Dell Kentucky. They bought a new house investigated. in a white neighborhood and conveyed Now it is well known that Dr. King it to some Negro friends of theirs. And and his close associates, Messrs. Fred immediately things began to happen, Shuttlesworth and Wyatt Tee Talker, even before the neighborhood met the have been very active in the Com- new owners: The Negro couple built munist-ordered campaign to abolish the up an arsenal of eighteen firearms to House Committee on Un-American- defend themselves. A cross was burned, Activities. And it may just be that in although no one saw who did it. A their irrational prejudice against that couple of rocks were tossed, although Committee they overlooked its excel- no one saw who did it. A few shots lent two-volume study published last went through the door, although no year, Structure and Organization of the one saw who did it. Communist Party of the United States. A committee of the usual Com- For there, on Page 576, was the in- munist-fronters turned up to defend formation that Dr. King sought without the rights of the Negroes, including a success. In the list of those elected to well-experienced thug by the name of the National Committee of the Com- Vernon Baun. Mr. Baun had learned munist'Party of the U.S.A., as known his trade on the Communist side of the to HCUA in November 1961, was none civil war in Spain and, as chance would other than Hunter Pitts O'Dell. have it, he was a demolition expert. Fortunately, when the explosion went Initial Idiocy off, the children had been sent to grand- The Chairman of the cited Com- ma's, and the occupants had stepped munist front, The National Committee out to the back porch for a little air. to Abolish HUAC (whatever HUAC The fact that Carl and Anne Braden is), is Dr. King's squirming friend were identified Communists might have from Highlander days, Aubrey Wil- escaped the average reader as he perused liams. Mr. Williams has bin so busy the account of Carl's conviction which this year that he stepped down from the the New York Times ran on Page 26. Presidency of a group called the South- Anne never came to trial, of course, ern Conference Education Fund, SCEF, because the Supreme Court obligingly not to be confused with SCLC. And ruled in another famous 1954 case that it's easy for SCEF to be confused with Federal laws pre-empted States sedition SCLC, because Williams' successor to laws. Carl lost his job on the copy desk the Presidency was the Rev. Fred of the Courier-Journal, which freed him Shuttlesworth, Secretary of SCLC. It for other activities. But when he and might also be borne in mind that SCEF Anne and Dr. King arrived in Dan- is a hybrid that blossomed at the same ville, Virginia, this spring, they got address and the same telephone number there too late. The demonstrators' ar- as the old Southern Conference on Hu- senal had been confiscated the month man Welfare, a cited Communist front. before. Now Fred Shuttlesworth's Field Director is a man with wide experience Peanut Butter in race protest. For Carl Braden and The Negro revolution spreads across

AMERICAN OPINION Page missing in original REPRODUCED F1OM THE OLL'TIa4S OF THE MANUSCRIPT DIVISION, LIBRARY OF C[GRESS

BIORAPHICAL SKETCHES OF LEADERS OF THE "MARCH ON WASHINGTON FOR JOBS AND FREEDOM"

AMERICAN JEWISH CONGRESS: RABBI JOACHIM PRINZ

Rabbi Joachim Prinz of Newark, New Jersey; 61, President of the

American Jewish Congress, is a veteran fighter against racism.

As a rabbi in Berlin, Germany, he preached against Hitlerism and was expelled from Germany in 1937 for his anti-Nazi activities. As head of the American Jewish Congress, he

lasteorganization's programs utilizing law and social atotoachieve "full equality in a free society for all

Americans

CONGRESS OF RACIAL EQUALITY: JAIJES FARMER

James Farmer, National Director, Congress of Racial Equality, is a pioneer in the development of non-violent, direct-action methods. He was one of the founders of CORE in 191j2 and served as the organization's first national chairman. He led the original 1961 Freedom Ride and spent forty days in various Mississippi prisons. REPRODUCED F10M THE COTLLTICS OF THE MANUSCRIPT DIVISION, LIRARY OF CONGRESS

INDUSTRIAL UNION DEPAllTMENIT, AFL-CIO: WALTER P. REUHER

Whlter P. Reuther, 56, has been an eminent leader of *0

American labor since 1935. He attended the founding session

of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions

in London (1949) as chairman of the CIO delegation. He

serves as co-director of the Fair Practices and Anti- Discrimination Department of the United Automobile

Workers which he has headed since 1936. Frequently an

advisor to the federal government, and having served on

numerous commissions, Mr. Reuther has helped develop some

of the most progressive labor-management concepts.

NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF COLORED PEOPLE: ROY WILKINS

Roy Wilkins, 62, Executive Secretary, National Association

for the Advancement of Colored People, and Chairman,

Leadership Conference on Civil Rights. Joined NAACP in

1931. University of Minnesota graduate and former managing

editor, Kansas City (Mo.) Call. Elected Executive Secretary

in 1955, after having been assistant secretary, administra-

tor and editor of The Crisis.

NATIONAL CATHOLIC CONFERENCE FOR INTERRACIAL JUSTICE: NATHEW AHMANN

Nathew Ahmann, 31, of Chicago, Executive Director of the National

Cathacl±c. Conference for Interracial Justice, served as

organizer and Executive Secretary of the National Conference

on Religion and Race in Chicago last summer. A graduate of

St. John's University of Minnesota, he is the author of "The

New Negro" and "Race: Challenge to Religion." He is married

and the father of four children.

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NATIONAL URBAN LEAGUE: WHITNEY M. YOUNG, JR.

Whitney M. Young, Jr., has been the Executive Director of

the National Urban League since October 1, 1961. He serves on many committees, including the President's

Committee on Youth Employment and the President's Com-

mittee on Equal Opportunity in the Armed Forces. In

recognition of his work in the civil rights field and

similar activities, he received the 1959 Florina Lasker Award (y1,000) for outstanding achievement in the field

of social work; the 1960 Outstanding Alumni Award from the University of Minnesota, and an honorary Doctorate

(L.L.D.) from North Carolina A & T College in June, 1961.

Articles and addresses by Whitney Young have appeared

in professional journals and periodicals. A World War II veteran, he is married and the father of two daughters.

NATIONAL COUNCIL OF CHURCHES OF CHRIST IN AERICA: DR. EUGENE CARSON BLAKE

Dr. Eugene Carson Blake, of Philadelphia, Pa., Vice Chair-

man, Commission on Religion and Race of the National Council

of Churches, and Stated Clerk (executive head), United

Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A., is one of the nation's

outstanding Churchmen and a ranking spokesman of the

ecumenical (interchurch) movement. A former president of

the 31-denomination National Council of Churches, he has

held key posts in the World Council of Churches as well. REPRODUCED F104 THE COLLDTIWNS QP TIE MAN[USCRIPT DIVISIW, LIBRARY OF C~tGRESS

NEGRO AMlER-ICAN LABOR COUNC]1: A.* PHILIP RANDOLPH

A. Philip Randolph, President, Negro American Labor Council, is the single Negro member of the Executive Council of the

AFL-CIO. He is International President of the Brotherhood of'Sleeping Car Porters. He proposed the first civil rights

'lMarch on Washington" in 19L40-h1. He was co-chairman of the 1957 "Prayer Pilgrimage" in Washington and in 1958 and

195~9 led "Youth Marches for Integrated Schools."

SOUTHERN (CHR'ISTTAN T,RAflER':iP CUNEiGJHNflE: MAlTIN Liff1ilER KING, JR. ;

Martin Luther King Jr., 3h, Pres-ident or LIho DJun&.horni Christian Leadership Conference, is a foremost advocate of the non-violent, passive resistance philosophy. Born in

Atlanta, Georgia, where he is co-pastor with his father of the Ebene,'er Baptist Church, Dr. King has become world renowned for his civil rights leadership. He was the leader of the 1955-56 Montgomery bus boycott and leader of the Mont- gomery I2i~rovement Association. He holds the Ph.D. in

Systematic Theology (Boston University 1955) and has written extensively. Dr. King is married and the father of four children.

STUDElNMON-VIOLENT COORDINATING COMMITTEE: JOHN LEWIS

John Lewis, 25, is Chairman of the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee. A graduate of American Baptist

Seminary, he is now pursuing a degree in Philosophy at

Fiske University. Often arrested in non-violent demonstra-

tions, Lewia ha led u-i--inr and other activities throughout

1ho heard.-Yoot slates of the Dep Snout h.

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BIOOGRAPHICAL SKETCHB~S OF #0OMENBEING- HONORED FOR THEIR LEADERSHIP for their The fol.Jcaring six: women are being honored

leadership in the civil rights struggle:

was formerly MRS. DAISY BATES of Little Rock, Arkansas, and counselor of NAACP president in her state. Inspirer Central High the "Little Rock Nine" who desegregated

School in her city in 1957.

Secretary of the MRS. DIAE NASE BEVEL, Mi ssissippi Field

was a leader Student !!onviolecnt Coordinating Committee, demonstrations in and participant in the~ student sit-in Nashville, 1.960, and the Freedom Rides, 1961.

is the widow MRS. MYfLIE EVES cf Jackson, Mississippi, Mississippi who of Medgar Evera, NAACP field secretary for

was aosassinated on June 12, 1963..

Nonviolent Coordinating MRS. HRBERTLEE, widow of Student while conducting Committee Field Secretary who was slain in 1961. voter registration drive in Mississippi

Secretary of MRS. ROSA PARKS,Detroit, Michigan, a former whose refusal to the NAACP, Montgomery, Alabama, branch,

vi' 'nwn set off the year-long yieC.c slor ' coatc0 0 4 "m. Montgomery bus protest movement, 1955.

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G 14 Maryland, organi~zr and MRS. GLORIA RICHARDSON, Cambridge, in her home city, leader of desegregation demonstrations Committee of the Student 1963; and member of the Executive

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MARCH ON WASHINGTON FOR JOBS AND FREEDOM AUGUST 28, 1963 LINCOLN MEMORIAL PROGRAM 1. The National Anthem Led byMarian Anderson. 2. Invocation The Very Rev. Patrick O'Boyle, Archbishop of Washington. 3. Opening Remarks A. Philip Randolph, Director March on Was/ington for Jobs and Freedom, ! 4. Remarks Dr. Eugene Carson Blake, StatedClerk, United Prbyterian Churchof' theU.SA.; ViceChairman, CommissiononRace Rlations of theNational Council of Churchesof Christ in America. 5. 'IIibute to Negro Women Fighters for Freedom Mrs. Medgar Ever Daisy Bates J Diane Nash Bevel Mrs. Medgar Evers Mrs. Herbert Lee Rea Parks M Gloria Richardson 6. Remarks John Lewis, National Chairman, StudentNonviolent Coordinating Committee. 7. Remarks Walter Reuther, President,United Automobile, Aero- spaceand Agricultural Implement Wokersof America, AFL-CIO; Chairman, Industrial Union Department, AFL-CIO. U. Remarks James Farmer, National Director, Congressof Racial Equality. 9. Selection Eva Jessye Choir 10. Prayer Rabbi Uri Miller, PresidentSynagogue America. Council of 11. Remarks Whitney M. Young,Jr., Executie Director, National Urban League. 12. Remarks Mathew Ahmann, ExecutiveDirector, National Cath- olic Conferencefor Interracial Justice. 13. Remarks Roy Wilkins, ExecutiveSecretay, National Association for theAdvancement of Colored People. 14. Selection Miss Mahalia Jackson IS. Remarks Rabbi Joachim Prinz, Pesident American Jewish Congress. 16. Remarks The Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., President, SouthernChristian LeadershipConference. 17. The Pledge A Philip Randolph 1. Benediction Dr. Benjamin E. Mays, President,Morehouse College. "WE SHALL OVERCOME"

. . " - Statement by the heads of the ten organizations calling for discipline in Rabbi Joachim connection Prinz, President of Industrial Union Department, AFL- with the Washington March of August 28, 1963: the American Jewish Congress. CIO. A. Philip Randolph, Presidert of Roy Wilkins, Executive Secretary of "The Washington March of August 28th is more than just a demon- the Negro American Labor Council. stration. the National Associationfor the Ad- Walter Reuther, President of the vancement of Colored People. "It was conceived as an outpouring of the deep feeling of millions of United Automobile, Aerospace and white and colored American citizens that the time has come for Whitney M. Young, Jr., Executive the Agricultural Implement Workers of Director of the National Urban government of the United States of America, and particularly for the America, AFL-CIO, and Congress of that government, to grant and guarantee complete equality Chairman, League. in citizenship to the Negro minority of our population. In addition, the March has beenendorsed by major religious,fraternal, labor and "As such, the Washington March is a living petition-in the flesh-of civil rights organizations. A full list, too long to include here, will bepublished. the scores of thousands of citizens of both races who will be present from all parts of our country. "It will be orderly, but not subservient. It will be proud, but not arrogant. It will be non-violent, but not timid. It will be unified in purposes and behavior, not splintered into groups and individual competitors. It will be outspoken, but not raucous. WHAT WE DEMAND* "It will have the dignity befitting a demonstration in behalf of the human rights of twenty millions of people, with the eye and the judgment 1. Comprehensive and effective civil rights legislation from the of the world focused upon Washington, D.C., on August 28, 1963. present Congress-without compromise or filibuster-to guarantee all "In a neighborhood dispute there may be stunts, rough words and even Americans hot insults; but when a whole people speaks to its government, the dia- access to all public accommodations logue and the action must be on a level reflecting the worth of that peo- decent housing ple and the responsibility of that government. adequate and integrated education "We, the undersigned, who see the Washington March as wrapping up the right to vote the dreams, hopes, ambitions, tears, and prayers of millions who have 2. Withholding of Federal funds from all programs in which dis- lived for this day, call upon the members, followers and wellwishers of our crimination exists. several organizations to make the March a disciplined and purposeful demonstration. 3. Desegregation of all school districts in 1963. "We call upon them all, black and white, to resist provocations to dis- 4. Enforcement of the Fourteenth Amendment-reducing Congres- order and to violence. sional representation of states where citizens are disfranchised. "We ask them to remember that evil persons are determined to smear 5. A new Executive this March and to discredit the cause of equality by deliberate efforts to Order banning discrimination in all housing sup. stir disorder. ported by federal funds. "We call for self-discipline, so that no one in our own ranks, however 6. Authority for the Attorney General to institute injunctive suits enthusiastic, shall be the spark for disorder. when any constitutional right isviolated. "We call for resistance to the efforts of those who, while not enemies of 7. A massive federal program the March as such, to train and place all unemployed might seek to use it to advance causes not dedicated workers-Negro and white-on meaningful and dignified lobs at decent primarily to civil rights or to the welfare of our country. wages. "We ask each and every one in attendance in Washington or in spiritual attendance back home to place the Cause above all else. 8. A national minimum wage act that will give all Americans a de- "Do not permit a few irresponsible people to hang a new problem cent standard of living. (Government surveys show that anything less around our necks as we return home. Let's do what we came to do- than $2.00 an hour fails to do this.) place the national human rights problem squarely on the doorstep of the 9. A broadened Fair Labor Standards Act to include all areas of national Congress and of the Federal Government. employment which are presently excluded. "Let's win at Washington." 10. A federal Fair Employment SIGNED: Practices Act barring discrimination by federal, state, and municipal governments, and by employers, contractors, employment agencies, and trade unions. Mathew Ahmann, Executive Di- James Farmer, National Director of rector of the National Catholic Con- the Congress of Racial Equality. ference for InterracialJustice. Reverend 'Supportof the Marchdoes not necessarily indicate endorsement of every demand listed. Martin Luther King, Someorganizations have not had an opportunity to takean officialposition on otl of the Reverend Eugene Carson Blake, Jr., President of the Southern Chris- demandsadvocated here. Vice-Chairman of the Commission on tian Leadership Conference. Race Relations of the National Coun- John Lewis, Chairman of the Student cil of Churches of Christ in America. Nonviolent Coordinating Committee.

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the time is NOW for ALL Americans to join the .. . MARCH ON WASHINGTON * FOR JOBS and FREEDOM * . WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 28th, 1963 America faces a crisis .. . . Millions of Negroes are denied freedom ... . and white, are unemployed ... . i Millions of citizens, black %,p the Nation and rob all The twin evils of discrimination and economic deprivation plague White, 'of dignity and self-respect. As long as black workers are vote- w people, Negro and of the white workers less, exploited, ill-housed, denied education and underpaid the fight for decent wages and working conditions will fail. ;w We Are Marching ... for freedom " To demand the passage of effective civil rights legislation in the present to all: session which will guarantee ,_t - decent housing - access to all accommodations immediate desegregation of the Nation's schools the right to vote °.f using constitutional " An end to police brutality directed against citizens : right of peaceful demonstration. " To prevent compromise or filibuster against such legislation.- for jobs i that puts all " To demand a Federal massive works and training program unemployed workers, black and white, back to work i Federal, state and * To demand an FEP Act which bare discrimination by municipal governments, by private employers, by contractors, employment agencies and trade unions i $2.00 per hour " To demand a national minimum wage of not less than which covers all workers

Ride the Chicago FREEDOM TRAIN Special rate $27.00 per passenger - round trip in Chicago Leaves Chicago late afternoon Tuesday, August 27th / Arrives back afternoon Thursday, August 29th

For Further Information: CHICAGO COMMITTEE MARCH ON WASHINGTON FOR JOBS AND FREEDOM " Phone 624.1810 4859 S th.s Wabh " Chicago 15, Illinois .h Avenue form) ase . .. other side for reervation

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Chicago Committee ~ MARCH ON WASHINGTON FOR JOBS andi FREEDOM 4859 South Wabash Avenue Chicago 15, Illinois " Phone: 624.1810

Ticket ReservatIon Form for CHICAGO FREEDOM TRAIN L..av.. Chicagolate afternoon TUESDAY, AUGUST 27th/arrives back chicago afternoon THURSDAY, AUGUST 29th

.SPECIAL RATE: $27.00 per passenger round trip

NOTE: A separate, complete form MUST he filled out for each passenger. Additional copies of tCis form may he requested fro-n above committee.

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PHONF Passengers Intending to travel as part of a specific group should indicate its name so that they will he

in the same car. Group Passengers under 18 years of age must he accompanied by parent or guardian.

Name of parent or guardian- In case of emergency please notify: (someone who will he at home August 27th-29th).

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EACH RESERVATION MUST BE ACCOMPANIED BY $27.00. ENCLOSED IS AN ADDITIONAL $3.50 FOR 2 HOT DINNERS (AUGUST 27th & AUGUST 28th). (All dinners must he ordered in advance). Make checks payable to: CHICAGO MARCH ON WASHINGTON. All reservations and payments MUST he received by August 18th. Your tickets and further instructions will he mailed to you after August 20th.

FORM B

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j SPEECHES BY THE LEADERS A.PHILIP RANDOLPH u ROY WILKINS = JAMES FARMER Rev.EUGENE CARSON BLAKE a RABBI JOACHIM PRIN2Z WHITNEY M. YOUNO - Rev. MARTIN LUTHER KING Jr. MATHEW AHMANN " JOHN LEWIS = WALTER REUTHER

The MARCH on WASHINGTON for Jobs and Freedom AUGUST 28, 1963

PRINTED AS A PUBLIC SERVICE BY The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People 20 West 40th Street New York 18, N. Y.

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- t Statement by the heads of the ten organizations calling for discipline in con- ' ' nection .'Y with the Washington March of August 28, 1963: ; ; "The Washington March of August 28th is more than just a demonstration. ,c

' ; "It was conceived as an outpouring of the deep feeling of millions of white and colored American citizens that the time has come for the government of the United i States of America, and particularly for the Congress that of government, to grant and guarantee i complete equality in citizenship to "'', the Negro minority of our population.

"As such, the Washington March is a living petition--in the flesh--of the scores of thousands of citizens of both races who will be present from all ra, parts of our country. ,,

"It will be orderly, but not subservient. It will be proud, but not arrogant. It will be non-violent, but not timid. It will be unified in purposes and behavior, not splintered into groups and individual competitors. It will be outspoken, but not raucous.

"It will have the dignity befitting a demonstration in behalf of the human rights of twenty millions of people, with the eye and the judgment of the world focused upon Washington, D. C. , on August 28, 1963.

"In '; a neighborhood dispute there may be stunts, rough words and even hot insults; but when a whole people speaks to its government, the dialogue and the action must be on a level reflecting the worth of that people and the responsibility of that government.

"We, '. the undersigned, who see the Washington March as wrapping up the dreams, 7 hopes, ambitions, tears, and prayers of millions who have lived for this day, call upon the members, followers and wellwishers of our several organizations to make the March a disciplined and purposeful demon- s tration. .

"We call upon them all, black and white, to resist provocations to disorder and to violence.

"We ask them to remember that evil persons are determined to smear this March and to discredit the cause of equality by deliberate efforts to stir disorder.

"We call for self-discipline, so that no one in our own ranks, however enthusiastic, shall be the spark for disorder.

"We call for resistance to the efforts of those who, while not enemies of the March as such, might seek to use it to advance causes not dedicated primarily to civil rights or to the welfare of our country.

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"We ask each and every one in attendance in Washington or in spiritual attendance back home to place the Cause above all else.

"Do not permit a few irresponsible people to hang a new problem around our necks as we return home. Let's do what we came to do- -place the national human rights problem squarely on the doorstep of the national Congress and of the Federal Government.

"Let's win at Washington. "

SIGNED:

Mathew Ahmann, Executive Director of the National Catholic Conference for Interracial Justice.

Reverend Eugene Carson Blake, Vice-Chairman of the Commission on Race Relations of the National Council of Churches of Christ in America.

James Farmer, National Director of the Congress of Racial Equality.

Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr. , President of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference.

John Lewis, Chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee.

Rabbi Joachim Prinz, President of the American Jewish Congress.

A. Philip Randolph, President of the Negro American Labor Council.

Walter Reuther, President of the United Automobile, Aerospace and Agricultural Implement Workers of America, AFL-CIO, and Chair- man, Industrial Union Department, AFL- CIO.

Roy Wilkins, Executive Secretary of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People.

Whitney M. Young, Jr. , Executive Director of the National Urban League.

In addition, the March has been endorsed by major religious, fraternal, labor and civil rights organizations.

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.3.

Fellow Americans, we are gathered here in the largest demonstration in the history of this nation. Let the nation and the world know the meaning of our numbers. We are not a pressure group.*I We are not an organization or a group of organizations. We are not a mob. We are the advance guard of a massive moral revolution for jobs and freedom. This revolution reverberates throughout the land touching every city, every town, every village where black men are segregated, oppressed and exploited. But this civil rights revolution is not confined to the Negro nor is it confined to civil rights, for our white allies know that they cannot be free while we are not and we know that we have no future in a society in which six million black and white people are unemployed and millions more live in poverty. Nor is the goal of our civil rights revolution merely the passage of civil rights legislation. Yes, we want all public accommodations open to all citizens but those accommodations will mean little to those who cannot afford to use them. Yes, we want a fair employment practices act but what good will it do if profit-geared automation destroys the jobs of millions of workers, black and white. We want integrated public schools but that means we also want federal aid to education -- all forms of education. We want a free democratic society dedicated to the political, economic and social advancement of man along moral lines. Now, we know that real freedom will require many changes in the nation's political and social philosophies and institutions. For one thing we must destroy the notion that Mrs. Murphy's property rights include the right to humiliate me because of the color of my skin. The sanctity of private property takes second place to the sanctity of the human personality. It falls to the Negro to reassert this profit priority of values because our ancestors were transformed from human personalities into private property. It falls to us to demand new forms of social planning, to create full employment and to put automation at the service of human needs, not at the service of profits -- for we are the worse victims of unemployment. Negroes are in the forefront of today's movement for social and racial justice because we know we cannot expect the realization of our aspirations through the same old anti-democratic social institutions and philosophies that have all along frus- trated our aspirations. And so we have taken our struggle into the streets as the labor movement took its struggle into the streets, as Jesus Christ led the multitudes through the streets of Judea. The plain and simple fact is that until we went into the streets the Federal government was indifferent to our demands.* It was not until the streets and jails of Birmingham were filled that Congress began to think about civil rights legislation. It was not until thousands demonstrated in the South that lunch counters and other public accommodations were integrated. It was not until the Freedom Riders were brutalized in Alabama that the 1946 Supreme Court decision banning discrimination in interstate travel was enforced and it was not until construction sites were picketed in the North that Negro workers were hired. Those who deplore our militancy, who exhort patience in the name of a false peace are in fact supporting segregation and exploitation. They would have social peace at the expense of social and racial justice. They are more concerned with easing racial tensions than enforcing racial democracy. The months and years ahead will bring new evidence of masses in motion for freedom. The March on - Washington is not the climax of our struggle but a new beginning not only for the Negro but for all Americans who thirst for freedom and a better life. Look for the enemies of Medicare, of higher minimum wages, of social security, of federal aid to education and there you will find the enemy of the Negro - the coalition of Dixiecrats and reaction- ary Republicans that seeks to dominate the Congress. We must develop strength in order that we may be able to back and support the civil rights program of President Kennedy. In the struggle against these forces all of us should be prepared to take to the streets. The spirit and technique that built the labor movement, founded churches and now guide the civil rights revolution must be a massive crusade, must be launched against the unholy coalition of Dixiecrats and the racists that seek to strangle Congress.

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We here today are only the first wave. When we leave it will be to carry the civil rights revolution home with us into every nook and cranny of the land and we shall return again and again to Washington in ever growing numbers until total freedom is ours.* We shall settle for nothing less and may God grant that we may have the courage, the strength and faith in this hour of trial by fire never to falter.

I wish, indeed, that I were able to speak for all Protestant, Anglican and Orthodox Chris- tians as I speak here today in behalf of full justice and freedom for all who are born or living under the American flag. But that is precisely the point. If all the members and all the ministers of the con- stituency I represent here today were ready to stand and march with you for jobs and freedom for the Negro community together with those of the Roman Catholic Church and of the synagogues In America, then the battle for full civil rights and dignity would be already won. I do, however, in fact represent officially the Commission on Religion and Race of the National Council of Churches. And I am honored to be here in the highest tradition of that council and of the churches that constitute it, thus to represent one of the sponsoring bodies of this march for jobs and freedom. For many years now the National Council of Churches and most of its constituent communions have said all the right things about civil rights. Our official pronouncements for years have called for a non-segregated church in a non-segregated society but as of August 28, 1963, we have achieved neither a non-segregated church nor a non-segregated society and it is partly because the churches of America have failed to put their own houses in order, that 100 years after the Emancipation Proclama- tion, 175 years after the adoption of the Constitution, 173 years after the adoption of the Bill of Rights, the United States of America still faces a racial crisis. We do not, therefore, come to this Lincoln Memorial in any arrogant spirit of moral or spiritual superiority to set the Congress or the nation straight or to judge or to denounce the American people in whole or in part. Rather we come--late, late we come--in the reconciling and repentent spirit in which Abraham Lincoln of lilinois once replied to a delegation of morally arrogant churchmen who came to see him.* He said: "Never say God is on our side, rather pray that we may be found on God's side." We come in the fear of God that moved Thomas Jefferson of Virginia, whose memorial stands across the lagoon, once to say: "Indeed I tremble for my country, when I reflect that God, is just." Yes, we come to march behind and with these amazingly able leaders of the Negro American who, to the shame of almostevery white American, have alone and without us mirrored the suffering of the cross of Jesus Christ. They have offered their bodies to arrest and violence, to the hurt and in- dignity of firehoses and dogs, of derisions and of poverty and some death for this just cause. We come and late we come, but we come to present ourselves this day, our souls and bodies, to be a living sacrifice holy and acceptable to God which is our reasonable service in a kind of tangible, visible sacrament which alone in times like these can manifest to a troubled world the grace that is available at communion table or high altar. We come in prayer that we in our time may be more worthy to bear the name our tongues so fluently profess. We come in faith that the God who made us and gave His Son for us and for our salvation will overrule the fears and hatred that so far have prevented the establishment of full racial justice in our beloved country. We come in hope that those who have marched today are but a token of a new and massive, high determination of all men of religion and of patriotism to win in this nation under God liberty and justice for all.* And we come--late we come--we come in that love revealed in Jesus Christ which reconciles into true community all men of every color, race and nation who respond in faith and obedience to Him.

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JOHN LEWIBS

We march today for jobs and freedom but we have nothing to be proud of, for hundreds and thousands of our brothers are not here -- for they're receiving starvation wages or no wages at all. While we stand here there are sharecroppers inthe Delta of Mississippi who are inthe fields working for less than $3.00 a day, 12 hours a day.

While we stand here there are students injails on trumped-up charges. Our brother, James Farmer, along with many others, is also injail. We come here today with a great sense of misgiving. It is true that we support the Administration's civil rights bill. We support it with great reservations, however. Unless Title IlIl is put in this bill, there's nothing to protect the young children and old women who must face police dogs and fire hoses inthe South while they engage in peaceful demonstrations.

In its present form, this bill will not protect the citizens of Danville, Virginia, who must live inconstant fear of a police state. It will not protect the hundreds and thousands of people that have been arrested upon trumped-up charges. What about the three young men, SNCC field secretaries in Americus, Georgia, who face a death penalty for engaging inpeaceful protest? As it stands now, the voting section of the bill will not help the thousands of black people who want to vote. It will not help the citizens of Mississippi, of Alabama and Georgia who are qualified to vote but lack a sixth grade education. "One man, one vote", is the African cry. It is ours too. It must be ours. We must have legislation that will protect the Mississippi sharecropper who has been put off his farm because he dared to register to vote. We need a bill that will provide for the homeless and starving people of this nation. We need a bill that will insure the equality of a maid who earns $5 a week inthe home of a family whose whole income is $100,000 a year. We must have a good FEPC bill. My friends, let us not forget that we are involved ina serious social revolution. By and large, American politics is dominated by political leaders who build their careers on immoral compromises and ally themselves with open forms of political, economic and social exploitation. There are exceptions, of course. We salute those. But what political leader can stand up and say, "my party is a party of principles." For the party of Kennedy is also the party of Eastland. The party of Javits is also the party of Goldwater. Where is our party? Where is the political party that will make it unnecessary to march on Washington? Whereis the political party that will make it unnecessary to march inthe streets of Birmingham? Where Js the political party that will protect the citizen of Albany, Georgia?

Do you know that inAlbany, Georgia, nine of our leaders have been indicted not by the Dixiecrats but by the Federal Government for peaceful protest? But what did the Federal Government do when Albany's deputy sheriff beat Attorney C.B. King and left him half dead? What did the Federal Government do when local police officials kicked and assaulted the pregnant wife of Slater King and she lost her baby? To those who say "be patient and wait," we must say that we cannot be patient. We do not want our freedom gradually, but we want to be free now. We are tired. We are tired of being beaten by policemen. We are tired of seeing our people locked up injail over and over again, and then you holler be patient. How long can we be patient? We want our freedom and we want it now. We do not want to go to jail but we will go to jail if this is the price we must pay for love, brotherhood and true peace. I appeal to all of you to get into this great revolution that is sweeping this nation. Get in and stay in the streets of every city, every village and hamlet of this nation until true freedom comes, until the revolution of 1776 is complete. We must get inthis revolution and complete the revolution, for inthe Delta of Mississippi, inSouthwest Georgia, inthe black belt of Alabama, in Harlem, in Chicago, Detroit, Philadelphia, and all over this nation the black masses are on the march for jobs and for freedom. Talking about slow down and stop! We will not stop! All of the forces of Eastland, Barnett, Wallace and Thurmond will not stop this revolution.

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If we do not get meaningful legislation out of this Congress, the time will come when we will not confine our marching to Washington. We will march through the South, through the streets of Jackson, through the streets of Danville, through the streets of Cambridge, through the streets of Birmingham. But we will march with the spirit of love and with the spirit of dignity that we have shown here today. By the force of our demands, our determination and our numbers, we shall splinter the segregated South into a thousand pieces and put them together inan image of God and democracy. We must say wake up America, wake up, for we cannot stop and we will not and cannot be patient.

WALTER REUUTHER

Brother Randolph, fellow Americans and friends. I am here today with you because with you I share the view that the struggle for civil rights and the struggle for equal opportunity is not the struggle of Negro Americans but the struggle for every American to join in. For 100 years the Negro people have searched for first-class citizenship and I believe that they cannot and should not wait until some distant tomorrow. They should demand freedom now. Here and now. It is the responsibility of every American to share the impatience of the Negro American. And we need to join together, to march together and to work together until we have bridged the moral gap between American democracy's noble promises and its ugly practices inthe field of civil rights. American democracy has been too long on pious platitudes and too short on practical performance in this important area. Now one of the problems is that there is too much high octane hypocrisy inAmerica. There is a lot of noble talk about brotherhood and some Americans drop the brother and keep the hood. To me the civil rights question is a moral question. It transcends partisan politics. And this rally today is the first step ina total effort to mobilize the moral conscience of America and to ask the people in Congress of both parties to rise above their partisan differences and enact civil rights legislation now. Now the President, President Kennedy, has offered a comprehensive but moderate bill. That bill is the first meaningful step. It needs to be strengthened. It needs FEPC and other strong provisions and the job question is crucial because we will not solve education or housing or public accommodations as long as millions of Americans, Negroes, are treated as second-class economic citizens and denied jobs. And as one American I take the position, if we can have full employment and full production for the negative end of war then why can't we have a job for every American in the pursuit of peace. And so our slogan has got to be fair employment but fair employment within the framework of full employment so that every American can have a job. I am for civil rights as a matter of human decency, as a matter of common morality but I am also for civil rights because I believe that freedom is an indivisible value, that no one can be free unto himself. And when Bull Connor, with his police dogs and fire hoses, destroys freedom inBirmingham, he destroys my freedom in Detroit. And let us keep inmind, since we are the strongest of the free nations of the world, since you cannot make your'freedom secure except as we make freedom universal so that all may enjoy its blessings, let us understand that we cannot defend freedom in Berlin as long as we deny freedom inBirmingham. This rally is not the end, it is the beginning. It is the beginning of a great moral crusade to arouse Americans to the unfinished work of American democracy. The Congress has to act and after they act we have much work to do inthe vineyards of American democracy in every community. Men of good will must join together, men of all races and creeds and colors and political persuasion and

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motivated by the spirit of human brotherhood. We must search for the answer in the light of reason through rational and responsible action because if we fail, the vacuum of our failure will be filled by the apostles of hatred who will search in the darkened night and reason will yield to riot and brotherhood will yield to bitterness and bloodshed and we will tear asunder the fabric of American democracy. So, let this be the beginning of that great crusade to mobilize the moral conscience of America so that we can win freedom and justice and equality and first-class citizenship for every American not just for certain Americans, not only in certain parts of America but in every part of America, from Boston to Birmingham, from New York to New Orleans and from Michigan to Mississippi. Thank you.-

JAMme FARME*

The message that I shall give to you today was written by Jim Farmer from a Plaquemine jail and I shall quote his message now. "From a South Louisiana parish jail, I salute the March on Washington for jobs and Free- dom. Two hundred thirty-two freedom fighters jailed with me in Plaquemine, Louisiana, also send their greetings. I wanted to be with you with all my heart on this great day. My imprisoned brothers and sisters wanted to be there too. I cannot come out of jail while they are still in, for their crime was the same as mine, demanding freedom now, and most of them will not come out of jail until the charges are dropped or their sentences served. I cannot let the heroic Negro citizens of Plaquemine down by leaving them now when they are behind bars. I know that you will understand my absence.* So we cannot be with you today in body but we are with you in spirit. "By marching on Washington, your tramping feet have spoken the message--the message of our struggle in Louisiana. You have given notice of the struggles of our people in Mississippi and Alabama, too, and in California and in New York and Chicago and in Brooklyn. You have come from, all the nation and in one mighty voice you have spoken to the nation. You have also spoken to the world. You have said to the world by your presence here, as our successful direct action in numberless cities have said, that in the age of thermonuclear bombs violence is outmoded as the solution to the problems of men, It is a truth that needs to be shouted loudly and no one else anywhere in the world is say- ing it as well as the American Negroes through their non-violent direct action. "The teargas and the electric cattle prods of Plaquemine, Louisiana, like the fire hoses and dogs of Birmingham are giving to the world a card in ugly message of terror and brutality and hate. Theirs is a message of pitiful hopelessness from little and unimaginative men to a world that fears for its life, It is not they to whom the world is listening today, it is to American Negroes. "Our direct action method is breaking down barriers all over the country in jobs, in housing, in schools, in public places is giving hope to the world to peoples who are weary of warfare and who see extinction hovering over the future like an omnibus mushroom cloud. If we can solve our problem and remove the heavy heel of oppression from our necks with our methods, then man has no problems anywhere in the world which cannot be solved without 4leath. "So we are fighting not only for our rights and our freedom, we are fighting not only to make our nation safe for the democracy it preaches, we are fighting also to give our whole world a fighting chance for survival. We are fighting to give millions of babies yet unborn, black, white, yellow and

* delivered by Floyd McKissick, chairman, Congress of Racial Equality

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brown, a chance to see day and to carry on the battle to remove the night of hate, hunger and disease from the world. "You, thus, are at the center of the world's stage. Play well your roles In your struggle for freedom. In the thousands of communities from which you have come throughout the land act with valor and dignity and act without fear. Some of us may die, like William L. Moore or Medgar Evers, but our war is for life not for death and we will not stop our demands for freedom now. We will not slow down. We will not stop our militant peaceful demonstrations. "We will not come off of the streets until we can work at a job befitting of our skills in any place in the land. We will not stop our marching feet until our kids have enough to eat and their minds can study a wide range without being cramped in Jim Crow schools. Until we live wherever we choose and can eat and play with no closed doors blocking our way, we will not stop the dogs that are biting us in the South and the rats that are biting in the North. We will not stop until the heavy weight of cen- turies of oppression is removed from our backs and like proud men everywhere we can stand tall together again. That is Jim Farmer's message. May I add that may this day be a day of beginning for us and may we rededicate ourselves to the most effective weapon that we have and that we have achieved success by--that is the weapon of direct non-violent action. Go back to your homes, do not be misled and carry on the fight to free all Americans, black and white.

W-IIT.EY M. YrOUN

Brother Randolph, fellow Americans. The National Urban League is honored to be a participant in this historic occasion. Our presence here not only reflects the civil rights community's in- creased respect for and awareness of the Urban League's role but, most important, it says, and I hope loud and clear, that while intelligence, maturity and strategy dictate that as civil rights agencies we use different methods we are all united as never before on the goal of first-class citizenship for all Americans now. That we meet here today in common cause, not as white people nor as black people nor as members of any particular group, is a tribute to those Americans who dare to live up to and practice our democratic ideals and our religious heritage. That we meet here today is a tribute also to ail back Americans who for 100 years have continued in peaceful and orderly protest to bear witness to our deep faith in America and in this method of protest to effect change. That we meet here at all, however, is to the shame of some who have always blocked the progress of the brown American, and to the shame of - those who would make deals with watered-down civil rights legislation or take cowardly refuge in technical details around elementary human rights and who would even now delay until after Christmas the consideration of these bills before Congress. One should not seek here to atone for his past failures as a responsible citizen of the majority group. The evils of the past and the guilts about it cannot be erased by a one-day pilgrimage, however magnificent. Nor can this pilgrimage substitute for an obligation to tomorrow by these same citizens. And so this march must go beyond this historic moment, for the true test of the rededication and the commitment which should flow from this meeting wili be in recognition that however impressed or however incensed our congressional representatives are by this demonstration they will not act because of it alone. We must support the strong, we must give courage to the timid, we must remind the indifferent and we must warn the opposed. Civil rights which are God-given and constitutionally guaranteed are not negotiable in 1963. Furthermore, we must work together even more closely back home where the job must be done to see that Negro Americans are accepted as first-class citizens and that they are enabled to do some more marching. They must march from the rat-infested, overcrowded ghettos to decent, wholesome, un- restricted, residential areas dispersed throughout our cities. They must march from the relief rolls to the REPRODUCED FR10 THE COLLBCTIC1S OF THE MANUSCRIPT DIVISIQ, LIBRARY QF CCNGR>r'SS -

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Yt established re-training centers, from under-employment as unskilled workers to higher occupations com- mensurate with our skills. They must march from the cemeteries where our young, our newborn, die three times sooner and our parents die seven years earlier. They must march from there to establish health and welfare centers. They must march from the congested, ill-equipped schools which breed ;ti drop-outs and which smother motivation, to the well-equipped, integrated facilities throughout the city. t- They must march from the play areas incrowded and unsafe streets to the newly opened areas inthe parks and recreational centers.And, finally, they must march from a present feeling of despair and hopelessness, despair and frustration, to a renewed faith and confidence due to intangible programs and visible changes made possible only by walking together to the PTA meetings, to the libraries, to the decision-making bodies, to the schools and the colleges, to the adult education centers for all age groups, to the voter registration booths. fir: The hour is late, the gap is widening. The rumble of the drums of discontent resounding throughout this land are heard in all parts of the world. The missions which we sent there to keep the world safe for democracy are shallow symbols unless with them goes the living testament that this country practices at home the doctrine which it seeks to promote abroad. How serious our national leaders are will be measured not by words but by the speed and sincerity with which they pass necessary legislation, with which they admit to the tragic injustice that has been done our country and its Negro citizens by historic discrimination and rejection and until they have taken intensive remedial steps to correct the damage inorder to give true meaning to the words "equal opportunity." This is the real significance of our march today, August 28, 1963. Our march is a march for America. It is a march just begun.

MAT HEW AH MANN

Who can call himself a man, say he is created by God and at the same time take part ina system of segregation which destroys the livelihood, the citizenship, the family life and the very heart of the Negro citizens of the United States? Who'can call himself a man and take part in a system of segregation which frightens the white man into denying what he knows to be right, into denying the law of his God? The wind of the racial revolution has finally bent the reeds of the conscience of our people. Never before has the direction we must take been so clear, yet many bend before the winds of injustice and confusion. The balance yet lies with the silent and fearful American. it is he who sees the direction of the future dimly before his conscience who must .act if a wholesome and integrated community of Negro and white Americans is to be built without violence and without rending this country's spirit. We are gathered a long 100 years after Lincoln declared slavery at an end inthe United States. Yet, slavery is all too close to us as we demonstrate for equality and freedom today. We live together ina country which has shown remarkable capacity for social change, an ability to absorb people from all over the world and produce out of their unified efforts a strong economic order, glisten- ing ideals, an ability to operate its spirit, its resources, its sons, for the freedom of all mankind. Yet we have tolerated a great blindspot, we have permitted racial discrimination to remain with us too long. The United States of America is a country which produced the Marshall Plan, helped resurrect the spirit and economy of Europe with great dedication and billions of dollars. We have come to the aid of the refugees of the world. What man can say that this great country with its democratic ideals, its vital and resilient spirit, its sophisticated resources, cannot bring an end to racial discrimination at home now and within a decade or two and the other disabilities under which for so long so many Negro citizens have labored? We dedicate ourselves today to secure federal civil rights legislation which will guarantee every man a job based on his talents and training, legislation which will do away with the myth that the ownership of a public place of business carries the moral or legal right to reject a customer because of the color of his hair or of his skin. We dedicate ourselves to guarantee by legislation that all American citizens have integrated education and the right to vote on reaching legal age. We dedicate ourselves today to secure a minimum wage which will guarantee a man or a woman the resources for a vital and healthy family life, unencumbered by uncertainty and by racial discrim- REPRODUCED F1014 THE COLTL7ICilS OF TH"E MANUSCRIPT DIVISIQt, LIBRARY OF CtGRESS

ination. A good job for every man is a just demand and it becomes our motto. But we are gathered, too, to dedicate ourselves to building a people, a nation, a world, which is free of the sin of discrimination based on race, creed, color or national origin, a world of the sons of God, equal inall important respects, a world dedicated to justice and to fraternal bonds between men. These are goals the Catholic community shares with all other Americans. Those of us who are gathered here before the Lincoln Memorial and those of us gathered inwitness around the nation pledge ourselves that now is the time to respond to the demands of our conscience, pledge ourselves that now is the time we grasp the ideals our faith and our Constitution hold before us. There is no turning back. Ina decade or less we will have done our utmost to have secured a community of justice and fraternity and love among us or we will have laid the seeds of our own destruction.

R~OY WI LKIIP

Thank you, thank you, Mr. Randolph. First of all, I want to thank all of you for coming here today because you saved me from being a liar. I told them you would be here. They didn't believe me because you always make up your mind at the last minute, and you had me scared. But isn't it a great day? I want some of you to help me win a bet. I want everybody out here inthe open to keep quiet and I want to hear a yell and a thunder from all those people out there under the trees. Let's hear you. There is one of them in the tree! I just want to let you know those of you who are sitting down front here that there are a whole lot of people out there under the trees. My friends, we are here today because we want the Congress of the United States to hear from us in person what many of us have been telling our public officials back home and, that is, WE WANT FREEDOM NOW! We came here to petition our lawmakers to be as brave as our sit-ins and our marchers, to be as daring as James Meredith, to be as unafraid as the nine children of Little Rock, and to be as forthright as the Governor of North Carolina, and to be as dedicated as the Archbishop of St. Louis. We came to speak to our Congress, to those men and women who speak here for us inthat marble forum over yonder on the Hill. They know from their vantage point here of the greatness of this whole nation,of its reservoirs of strength and of the sicknesses which threaten always to sap the strength and to erode inone or another selfish and stealthy and specious fashion the precious liberty of the individual which is the hallmark of our country among the nations of the earth. We have come asking the enactment of legislation that will affirm the rights- of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness and that will place the resources and the honor of the government of all the people behind the pledge of equality in the Declaration of independence. We want employment and with it we want the pride and responsibility and self-respect that goes with equal access to jobs--therefore, we want an FEPC bill as a part of the legislative package. Now for nine years our parents and their children have been met with either a flat refusal or a token action in school desegregation. Every added year of such treatment is a leg iron upon our men and women of 1980. The civil rights bill now under consideration in the Congress must give new powers to the Justice Department to enable it to speed the end of Jim Crow schools, South and North. We are sick of those jokes about public accommodations. We think, for example, that if Mrs. Murphy, rugged individualist as she must be, has taken her chances with the public thus far, she can get along without the solicitious protection of the august Senate of the United States. It is true, of course, that Mrs. Murphy might get a Negro traveler here and there inher boarding house, or inher tourist home, but then we must remember this, she might get a white procurer, or a white embezzeler too. So the Congress must require non-discriminatory accommodations. Now, my friends, all over this land and especially inparts of the Deep South, we are beaten and kicked and maltreated and shot and killed by local and state law enforcement officers, It is simply incomprehensible to us here today and to millions of others far from this spot that the U.S. government

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which can regulate the contents of a pill apparently is powerless within its own borders. The to prevent the physical abuse of citizen Attorney General must be empowered to act on his own initiative in the denial of any civil rights, not just one or two, but any civil rights in order to wipe out this shameful

elmntdtNow the President's elmntdte remainder will proposal represents so moderate an approach that if it is weakened or be little more than sugar water, Indeed, as it stands today the pakag needs strengthening and the President should join us in fighting to be sure that we get something more

b And finally, we hear talk of protocol and procedures and rules, including the Senate fill-4 touste e Well we have a hought on that. We declare that rules are made to enable the Congress to lgsaeadnttkeep it from legislating and we are tired of hearing rules cited as a reason why Rhey ucan't act. Now we expect the passage of an effective civil rights bill. We commend those arepublicans in both Houses who are working for it. We salute those Democrats in both Houses who ar wrig fr it. in fact, we even salute those from the South who want to vote for it doso and we say to those but don't dare people, just give us a little time and one of these days we will emancipate yoi will gt rto the place whereskhe fcan come to a civil rights rally too, If those who support the bil ours. fih o ta adadaklfly as the southern opposition fights against it, victory will

WhJust Wen we return home,by your presence here today we have spoken loudly and eloquently to our legislature. keep up the speaking by letters and telegrams and telephone and, wherever possible, by personal visit. Remember that this has been a long fight. news of the death yesterday We were reminded of it by the in Africa of Dr. W.E.B. DuBois. Now, regardless of the fact that in his later years Dr. DuBois chose another path, it is incontrovertible his was the voice that at the dawn of the 20th Century that was calling to you to gather here today in this cause, If you want to thing that applies to read some-4 1963 go back and get a volume of "The Souls of Black Folk" by DuBois published

Well, my friends, you got religion here today. Don't backslide account of the warning that tomorrow. Remember Luke's was given to us all: "No man", he wrote, "having put his hand to the plow and looking back is fit for the Kingdom of God." Thank you.

R.ABBI JOACHIML PR.INE

I speak to you as an American Jew. As Americans we share the rmii can deleaout the shame profound concern of and disgraceof inequality and injustice which make a mockery of the

As Jews we bring to this great demonstration, in which thousands of us proudly participate a twofold experience -- one of the spirit and one of our history. in the realm of the created spirit, our fathers taught us thousands of years ago that when God man, he created him as everybody's neighbor. Neighbor is not concept, it means our collective a geographic term, It is a moral responsibility for the preservation of man's dignity 'and integrity. From our Jewish historic experience of three and a half thousand years we say: Our ancient history began with slavery and the yearning my people lived for a thousand for freedom. During the Middle Ages years inthe ghettos of Europe. Our modern history begins with a proca- mation of emancipation. REPRO]UCED F1O THE COLLECTIS OF THE MANUSCRIPT DIVISIt4, LIBRARY OF OC[JGRESS , : .. , ,.,

It is for these reasons that it is not merely sympathy and compassion of America that motivates us. It is for the black people above all and beyond all such sympathies and emotions a sense of complete identification and solidarity born of our own painful historic experience. i When I was the rabbi of the Jewish community in Berlin under the Hitler regime, I learned many things. The most important thing that I learned and under those tragic circumstances was that bigotry hatred are not the most urgent problem. The most urgent, the disgraceful, the most tragic problem is silence. the most shameful and

": lok A great people which had created a great civilization had become a nation of silent on- " -; lookers. They remained silent ,,. inthe face of hate, inthe face of brutality and inthe face of mass murder. <.

;; America must not become a nation of onlookers. America must merely black America, but all of not remain silent. Not °. America. It must speak up and act, from the President down to the humblest of us, and not for the sake of the Negro, not for the sake sake of the image, of the black community but for the the dream, the idea and the aspiration of America itself. ;, , Our children, yours and mine, inevery school across the land, every morning pledge allegiance to the flag of the United States and to the republic for which << children, speak fervently it stands and then, they, the and innocently of this land as the land of "liberty and justice for all." The time, I believe, has come to work together -- for it is not enough to hope together, and it is not enough to pray together -- to work together that from this children's oath, pronounced every morning Maine to California, from North to South, that this oath will become a reality ina morally renewed glorious, unshakeable and united America. ':r !4 :. : .;

Rev MARTIN LUTHE R KING Jr.

I am happy to join with you today inwhat will go down stration for inhistory as the greatest demon- freedom in the history of our nation. ; = . iF1 Five score years ago, J. a great American, inwhose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed f the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as the great ; millions of Negro slaves beacon light of hope for who had been seared inthe flames of withering injustice. It came as the joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But 100 years later the Negro still is not free. One hundred years Negro is still badly later, the life of the crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the material prosperity. midst of a vast ocean of One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished inthe corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here shameful condition. today to dramatize the

In a sense we've come to our Nation's Capital to cash a check. When our republic wrote the magnificent the architects of words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to all men, yes, fall heir. This note was a promise that black men as well as white men, should be guaranteed the unalienable rights liberty and the pursuit of happiness. of life,

It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note of color are concerned. Instead insofar as her citizens of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people

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banbabad checkiof tisa ccbnkrup. which has come back mrkedt We efuse tome tat sufficienttthere are insufficientFunds." But funds we refusein the togreat believe vaults the of ) the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also ceko tshawilo Ame rice of fedmadthefs eciy e s po emnd ow.of ce Whave also America of the fierce urgency of now. come to this hallowed spot to-remind This is no gradualism. time to engage inthe luxury of cooling Now is the time to make real off or to take the tranquilizing drug dark and desolate the promises of democracy. NwI of valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justiNow is theh timeiet to riseiefo from theh nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. justice a reality for all of God's children. Now is the timetoumake It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent of the moment. This sweltering and equality. Nineteen will not pass until there is an sixty-three is not an end but a beginning. invigorating autumn of freedom needed to blow off steam and will Those who hoped that the Negro business not be content will have a rude awakening as usual. There will be neither rest nor if the nation returns to his citizenship rights. tranquility inAmerica until the Negro is guaranteed The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake until the bright day of justice emerges. the foundations of our nation

them to the p there usti wrongfuo theesplet oustice.et hng I mst say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads wrongful deeds. Let Inethocesf ganing our rightful place we must not be and us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom guilty of hatred. We must forever conduct our by drinking from the cup of bitterness not struggle on the high plane of dignity allow our creative protest to degenerate into and discipline. We must majestic physical violence. Again and again we must heights of meeting physical force with soul force. rise to the The marvelous new distrust militancy which has engulfed the Negro of all white people, for many of our community must not lead us to a have come to realize that white brothers, as evidenced by their their destiny is tied up with our destiny. presence here today freedom is inextricably bound They have come to realize that to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. their And as we walk we must make back. There are the pledge that we shall always march those who are asking the devotees of civil ahead. We cannot turn can never be satisfied as long rights: "When will you be satisfied?" We can as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable We never be satisfied as long as our bodies, horrors of police brutality. inthe motels of the highways heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot and the hotels of the cities. W cate ofied annot gain lodging Negro's basic mobility is from as the a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We an neverbe our children are stripped of their selfhood and satisfied as long as Only." We robbed of their dignity by signs stating: "For cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro in Whites York believes he has Mississippi cannot vote and the Negro inNew nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are fled until justice rolls down like waters not satisfied and we will not be satis- and righteousness like a mighty stream. w I am not unmindful that some of you have come here of you have come fresh from narrow out of greatstrials and tribulations, some freedom jail cells, some of you have come left you battered by the storms of from areas where your quest for You have been persecution and staggered by the winds the veterans of creative suffering. Continue of police brutality. ing is redemptive. to work with the faith that unearned suffer-

Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to South Carolina, go back go back to the slums and ghettos of our to somehow this situation can and will be changed. northern cities knowing that Let us not wallow in the valley of despair. I say to you today, my friends, I still have a dream. even though we face the difficulties It is a dream deeply rooted inthe American of today and tomorrow, this nation will rise up and dream.Ihaeadamttondy live out the true meaning of its creed: "We evident that all men are created equal." hold hese truths to be selfay

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I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. I I have a dream that one day even the State of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day down inAlabama with its vicious racists, with its Governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification -- one day right there in Alabama, little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together. This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to trans- form the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning: "My country 'tis of thee, Sweet land of liberty, Of thee I sing: Land where my fathers died, Land of the pilgrims' pride, From every mountain-side Let Freedom ring." And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. So, let freedom ring from the prodigious hill tops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California. But not only that, let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring. And when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village, from every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing inthe words of the old Negro spiritual: "Free at last! free at last! thank God almighty, we are free at last!"

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WHAT WE DEMAND

1. Comprehensive and effective civil rights legislation from the present Congress--without compromise or filibuster--to guarantee all Americans: access to all public accommodations decent housing adequate and integrated education the right to vote 2. Withholding of Federal funds from all programs inwhich discrimination exists. 3. Desegregation of all school districts in1963. 4. Enforcement of the Fourteenth Amendment--reducing Congressional representation where citizens are disfranchised. of states 5. A new Executive Order banning discrimination in all housing supported by Federal funds. 6. Authority for the Attorney General to institute injunctive suits when any constitutional right is violated. 7. A massive Federal program to train and place all unemployed workers--Negro and white--on meaningful and dignified jobs at decent wages. 8. A national minimum wage act that will give all Americans a decent standard of living. (Govern- ment surveys show that anything less than $2.00 an hour fails to do this.) 9. A broadened Fair Labor Standard Act to include all areas of employment which are presently excluded. 10. A Federal Fair Employment Practices Act barring discrimination by federal, state, and municipal governments, and by employers, contractors, employment agencies, and trade unions.

PLEDGE Standing before the Lincoln Memorial on the 28th of August, in the Centennial Year of Emancipation, I affirm my complete personal commitment to the struggle Freedom for all Americans. for Jobs and :; To fulfill that commitment, I pledge that I will not relax until victory is won. I pledge that I will join and support all actions undertaken ingood honored democratic faith in accord with the time- tradition of non-violent protest, of peaceful assembly and petition, and of redress through the courts and the legislative process. pledge I to carry the message of the March to my friends and neighbors back home and to arouse them to an equal commitment and an equal effort. I will march and I will write and I will vote. letters. I will demonstrate I will work to make sure that my voice and those of my brothers ring clear and determined from every corner of our land. .I pledge my heart and my mind and my body, unequivocally and without regard to personal sacrifice, to the achievement of social peace through social justice. Name Address (Street and number or R.D. box number.) Date 1963 (City or town) (zone) (State)

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