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Speech by Hugh Gaitskell Against UK Membership of the Common Market (3 October 1962)
Speech by Hugh Gaitskell against UK membership of the Common Market (3 October 1962) Caption: On 3 October 1962, Hugh Gaitskell, leader of the Labour Party, delivers a speech at the annual Labour Party Conference in which he lists the reasons for which opposes the United Kingdom's accession to the European Economic Community (EEC). Source: Britain and the Common Market, Texts of speeches made at the 1962 Labour Party Conference by the Rt. Hon Hugh Gaitskell M.P. and the Rt. Hon. George Brown M.P. together with the policy statement accepted by Conference. London: Labour Party, 1962. 40 p. p. 3-23. Copyright: (c) Labour Party URL: http://www.cvce.eu/obj/speech_by_hugh_gaitskell_against_uk_membership_of_the _common_market_3_october_1962-en-05f2996b-000b-4576-8b42- 8069033a16f9.html Last updated: 01/03/2017 1/15 Speech by Hugh Gaitskell (3 October 1962) I present to Conference the document Labour and the Common Market, and ask you to give it your whole- hearted support. I ask this not only because I believe that this document will commend itself to the large majority of delegates, but because its compelling logic makes it a fine statement of the Party’s point of view on this immense problem. We can all agree on the tremendous significance of this debate. We can also agree that it is already warm in this hall, and likely to become much hotter as the day goes on. Do not therefore, let us get over-heated. I plead at the start for tolerance, tolerance in particular between those who hold the more extreme views in this controversy – those who, on the one hand would like to see Britain enter Europe whatever the conditions, and those who, on the other hand, are opposed to Britain entering Europe on any conditions. -
The Attlee Governments
Vic07 10/15/03 2:11 PM Page 159 Chapter 7 The Attlee governments The election of a majority Labour government in 1945 generated great excitement on the left. Hugh Dalton described how ‘That first sensa- tion, tingling and triumphant, was of a new society to be built. There was exhilaration among us, joy and hope, determination and confi- dence. We felt exalted, dedication, walking on air, walking with destiny.’1 Dalton followed this by aiding Herbert Morrison in an attempt to replace Attlee as leader of the PLP.2 This was foiled by the bulky protection of Bevin, outraged at their plotting and disloyalty. Bevin apparently hated Morrison, and thought of him as ‘a scheming little bastard’.3 Certainly he thought Morrison’s conduct in the past had been ‘devious and unreliable’.4 It was to be particularly irksome for Bevin that it was Morrison who eventually replaced him as Foreign Secretary in 1951. The Attlee government not only generated great excitement on the left at the time, but since has also attracted more attention from academics than any other period of Labour history. Foreign policy is a case in point. The foreign policy of the Attlee government is attractive to study because it spans so many politically and historically significant issues. To start with, this period was unique in that it was the first time that there was a majority Labour government in British political history, with a clear mandate and programme of reform. Whereas the two minority Labour governments of the inter-war period had had to rely on support from the Liberals to pass legislation, this time Labour had power as well as office. -
93 Report Oliver Legacy of Roy Jenkins
Reports The legacy of Roy Jenkins Evening meeting, 27 June 2016, with John Campbell and David Steel. Chair: Dick Newby. Report by Douglas Oliver n Monday 27 June, the Liberal ushering in a self-proclaimed ‘permis- founder of the SDP and Liberal Demo- Democrat History Group met sive society’. Jenkins is often seen as one crats – as a giant of post-war politics. Oin Committee Room 4A of of the most important British politicians Campbell looked at the enduring resil- the House of Lords to discuss the legacy never to have become prime minister, ience of Jenkins’ three main themes. of Roy Jenkins. The timing was apt but and this was reflected, also, in the third Campbell shared the platform with for- deeply bittersweet, following as it did in central issue of enduring relevance: Jen- mer Liberal leader, David Steel. the wake of Britain’s decision to leave the kins’ efforts to realign the centre-left and Campbell began with an exploration European Union in its referendum, on centre of British politics. of Jenkins’ legacy as Home Secretary in the longest day of the year, the Thursday The event was chaired by Dick the 1960s, as well as his less celebrated before. The discussion, thirteen years Newby, who worked with the SDP in but fruitful time in the role between 1974 after the death of one of the most impor- the early days after its establishment, and and ’76. Jenkins was, Campbell felt, ‘the tant facilitators of Britain’s European knew Jenkins well, before being elevated right man, in the right job at the right engagement, reflected on how capricious to the House of Lords in September 1997. -
The Rise and Fall of the Labour League of Youth
University of Huddersfield Repository Webb, Michelle The rise and fall of the Labour league of youth Original Citation Webb, Michelle (2007) The rise and fall of the Labour league of youth. Doctoral thesis, University of Huddersfield. This version is available at http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/761/ The University Repository is a digital collection of the research output of the University, available on Open Access. Copyright and Moral Rights for the items on this site are retained by the individual author and/or other copyright owners. Users may access full items free of charge; copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided: • The authors, title and full bibliographic details is credited in any copy; • A hyperlink and/or URL is included for the original metadata page; and • The content is not changed in any way. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/ THE RISE AND FALL OF THE LABOUR LEAGUE OF YOUTH Michelle Webb A thesis submitted to the University of Huddersfield in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Huddersfield July 2007 The Rise and Fall of the Labour League of Youth Abstract This thesis charts the rise and fall of the Labour Party’s first and most enduring youth organisation, the Labour League of Youth. -
Survey Report
YouGov Survey Results Sample Size: 1096 Labour Party Members Fieldwork: 27th February - 3rd March 2017 EU Ref Vote 2015 Vote Age Gender Social Grade Region Membership Length 2016 Leadership Vote Not Rest of Midlands / Pre Corbyn After Corbyn Jeremy Owen Don't Know / Total Remain Leave Lab 18-39 40-59 60+ Male Female ABC1 C2DE London North Scotland Lab South Wales leader leader Corbyn Smith Did Not Vote Weighted Sample 1096 961 101 859 237 414 393 288 626 470 743 353 238 322 184 294 55 429 667 610 377 110 Unweighted Sample 1096 976 96 896 200 351 434 311 524 572 826 270 157 330 217 326 63 621 475 652 329 115 % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % Which of the following issues, if any, do you think Labour should prioritise in the future? Please tick up to three. Health 66 67 59 67 60 63 65 71 61 71 68 60 58 67 74 66 66 64 67 70 57 68 Housing 43 42 48 43 43 41 41 49 43 43 41 49 56 45 40 35 22 46 41 46 40 37 Britain leaving the EU 43 44 37 45 39 45 44 41 44 43 47 36 48 39 43 47 37 46 42 35 55 50 The economy 37 37 29 38 31 36 36 37 44 27 39 32 35 40 35 34 40 46 30 29 48 40 Education 25 26 15 26 23 28 26 22 25 26 26 24 22 25 29 23 35 26 25 26 23 28 Welfare benefits 20 19 28 19 25 15 23 23 14 28 16 28 16 21 17 21 31 16 23 23 14 20 The environment 16 17 4 15 21 20 14 13 14 19 15 18 16 21 14 13 18 8 21 20 10 19 Immigration & Asylum 10 8 32 11 10 12 10 9 12 8 10 11 12 6 9 15 6 10 10 8 12 16 Tax 10 10 11 10 8 8 12 8 11 8 8 13 9 11 10 9 8 8 11 13 6 2 Pensions 4 3 7 4 4 3 5 3 4 4 3 6 5 2 6 3 6 2 5 5 3 1 Family life & childcare 3 4 4 4 3 3 3 4 2 5 3 4 1 4 3 5 2 4 3 4 4 3 Transport 3 3 3 3 4 5 2 2 4 1 3 2 3 5 2 2 1 4 3 4 3 0 Crime 2 2 6 2 2 4 2 1 3 2 2 2 1 3 1 3 4 2 2 2 3 1 None of these 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 Don’t know 1 1 0 1 1 1 0 1 1 0 1 0 1 1 1 0 1 1 0 0 1 1 Now thinking about what Labour promise about Brexit going into the next general election, do you think Labour should.. -
1 Recapturing Labour's Traditions? History, Nostalgia and the Re-Writing
Recapturing Labour’s Traditions? History, nostalgia and the re-writing of Clause IV Dr Emily Robinson University of Nottingham The making of New Labour has received a great deal of critical attention, much of which has inevitably focused on the way in which it placed itself in relation to past and future, its inheritances and its iconoclasm.1 Nick Randall is right to note that students of New Labour have been particularly interested in ‘questions of temporality’ because ‘New Labour so boldly advanced a claim to disrupt historical continuity’.2 But it is not only academics who have contributed to this analysis. Many of the key figures associated with New Labour have also had their say. The New Labour project was not just about ‘making history’ in terms of its practical actions; the writing up of that history seems to have been just as important. As early as 1995 Peter Mandelson and Roger Liddle were preparing a key text designed ‘to enable everyone to understand better why Labour changed and what it has changed into’.3 This was followed in 1999 by Phillip Gould’s analysis of The Unfinished Revolution: How the Modernisers Saved the Labour Party, which motivated Dianne Hayter to begin a PhD in order to counteract the emerging consensus that the modernisation process began with the appointment of Gould and Mandelson in 1983. The result of this study was published in 2005 under the title Fightback! Labour’s Traditional Right in the 1970s and 1980s and made the case for a much longer process of modernisation, strongly tied to the trade unions. -
One Nation Conservatism and Social Policy, 1951-64 One Nation
One Nation Conservatism and social policy, 1951-64 One Nation Conservatism is sometimes portrayed as a key part of a perceived post-war „consensus‟ between the main political parties on economic and social policy issues, epitomised for many by the term „Buskellism‟, an amalgam of the names of R. A. Butler (Conservative Chancellor of the Exchequer, 1951-5) and Hugh Gaitskell (Labour Chancellor, 1950-1 and Shadow Chancellor, 1951-5), used to describe the general acceptance of Keynesian economics and demand management of the economy (for example, Howard, 1987). This branch of Conservatism has often sought to identify its ideas with those of Disraeli and his concern with the social divisions (or „two nations‟) associated with industrialisation identified in his novel Sybil, and has been linked with Baldwin in the 1920s, who drew on Disraeli‟s ideas but spoke of „One Nation‟ (Tyrie, 2006) as part of his arguments for a moderate and inclusive form of Conservatism (Walsha, 2003). However, it was arguably only in the post war period, with the emergence and activities of the One Nation Group of Conservative MPs, that One Nation Conservatism became of particular importance as a strand of Conservative thinking. This article considers the nature of One Nation Conservatism in the period from 1951 to 1964 through an examination of the One Nation Group, its key publications, and the policies pursued by the Conservative governments of the time. It suggests that the link between the One Nation Group and Conservative policies may not be as clear as is sometimes implied, and that it was the combination of a somewhat more positive and pragmatic approach to the welfare state, and the economic growth of the period, rather than any new and significant commitment to social justice and tackling poverty, that have helped shape perceptions of One Nation Conservatism over the past fifty years. -
The Fall of the Attlee Government, 1951
This is a repository copy of The fall of the Attlee Government, 1951. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/85710/ Version: Accepted Version Book Section: Crowcroft, R and Theakston, K (2013) The fall of the Attlee Government, 1951. In: Heppell, T and Theakston, K, (eds.) How Labour Governments Fall: From Ramsay Macdonald to Gordon Brown. Palgrave Macmillan , Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire , pp. 61-82. ISBN 978-0-230-36180-5 https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137314215_4 © 2013 Robert Crowcroft and Kevin Theakston. This extract is taken from the author's original manuscript and has not been edited. The definitive, published, version of record is available here: dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137314215_4. Reproduced with permission of Palgrave Macmillan. Reuse Unless indicated otherwise, fulltext items are protected by copyright with all rights reserved. The copyright exception in section 29 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 allows the making of a single copy solely for the purpose of non-commercial research or private study within the limits of fair dealing. The publisher or other rights-holder may allow further reproduction and re-use of this version - refer to the White Rose Research Online record for this item. Where records identify the publisher as the copyright holder, users can verify any specific terms of use on the publisher’s website. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. -
1 the Party Has a Life of Its Own: Labour's Ethos and Party
The party has a life of its own: Labour’s ethos and party modernisation, 1983- 1997 Karl Pike Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy January 2019 1 Appendix A: Required statement of originality for inclusion in research degree theses I, Karl Pike, confirm that the research included within this thesis is my own work or that where it has been carried out in collaboration with, or supported by others, that this is duly acknowledged below and my contribution indicated. Previously published material is also acknowledged below. I attest that I have exercised reasonable care to ensure that the work is original, and does not to the best of my knowledge break any UK law, infringe any third party’s copyright or other Intellectual Property Right, or contain any confidential material. I accept that the College has the right to use plagiarism detection software to check the electronic version of the thesis. I confirm that this thesis has not been previously submitted for the award of a degree by this or any other university. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without the prior written consent of the author. Signature: Karl Pike Date: 14th January 2019 Details of collaboration and publications: K. Pike, ‘The Party has a Life of its Own: Labour’s Doctrine and Ethos’, Renewal, Vol.25, No.2, (Summer 2017), pp.74-87. K. Pike, ‘Deep religion: policy as faith in Kinnock’s Labour Party’, British Politics, (February 2018), https://doi-org.ezproxy.library.qmul.ac.uk/10.1057/s41293-018- 0074-z 2 Abstract This thesis makes a theoretical contribution to interpreting the Labour Party and an empirical contribution to our understanding of Labour’s ‘modernisation’, from 1983- 1997. -
Britain's Labour Party and the EEC Decision
W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 1990 Britain's Labour Party and the EEC Decision Marcia Marie Lewandowski College of William & Mary - Arts & Sciences Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd Part of the Eastern European Studies Commons, International Relations Commons, and the Public Administration Commons Recommended Citation Lewandowski, Marcia Marie, "Britain's Labour Party and the EEC Decision" (1990). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1539625615. https://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21220/s2-4w70-3c60 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BRITAIN'S LABOUR PARTY AND THE EEC DECISION A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Department of Government The College of William and Mary in Virginia In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts by Marcia Lewandowski 1990 APPROVAL SHEET This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Marcia Marie Lewandowski Approved, May 1990 Alan J. Ward Donald J. B Clayton M. Clemens TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................................................................. .............. iv ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................................. -
Britain in the 20Th Century: the Attempt to Construct a Socialist Commonwealth, 1945-1951 Transcript
Britain in the 20th Century: The Attempt to Construct a Socialist Commonwealth, 1945-1951 Transcript Date: Tuesday, 15 November 2011 - 6:00PM Location: Museum of London 15 November 2011 Britain in The 20th Century: The Attempt to Construct a Socialist Common Wealth, 1945 - 1951 Professor Vernon Bogdanor This lecture considers the post-war settlement put forward by the Attlee Government, which I began talking about in my last lecture. I discussed, in particular, the Welfare State, which was instituted by the Attlee Government, completing reforms of earlier governments: the Liberals, before the First World War, and then the wartime Coalition. I now want to discuss the other elements of the settlement. The second element was a belief in planning, which was a great contrast to the end of the First World War, when planning and nationalisation had rapidly been succeeded by de-control. The Labour Party, in its 1945 Manifesto, called “Let us Face the Future”, said that it would plan “from the ground up”. Herbert Morrison, Leader of the House of Commons, said in 1946 that, “planning, as it is now taking shape in this country under our eyes, is something new and constructively revolutionary, which will be regarded in times to come as a contribution to civilisation as vital and distinctively British as parliamentary democracy and the rule of law.” But what did planning mean? During the War, of course, goods had been allocated by a policy of rationing, which is what some members of the Labour Party believed in by “planning”. One economic advisor wrote in his diary: “I fear that Cripps [Sir Stafford Cripps, President of the Board of Trade and then Chancellor in the Labour Government] wants a detailed economic plan in the sense of a statement of exactly how many shirts, how many pairs of boots and shoes, etc., we should produce over each of the next five years. -
Roy Jenkins, Europe and the Civilised Society Transcript
Roy Jenkins, Europe and the Civilised Society Transcript Date: Tuesday, 15 January 2013 - 6:00PM Location: Museum of London 15 January 2013 Roy Jenkins, Europe and the Civilised society Professor Vernon Bogdanor Ladies and gentlemen, this is the third lecture in the series “Making the Weather”, on post-War politicians who did not become Prime Minister, but had as much impact (and maybe more) than those who did become Prime Minister. The first lecture was on Aneurin Bevan, responsible for the National Health Service and a great spokesman for democratic socialism. The second was Iain Macleod, responsible for the rapid pace of decolonisation and a great spokesman for progressive Conservatism. This lecture is on Roy Jenkins, who has three very great achievements to his credit: his liberal legislation as Home Secretary in the 1960s; his strong support for European unity; and his support for the idea of realignment on the left. But first, we shall listen to his voice. This is a recording of him speaking in 1975 at a rather rough meeting in East London where he was being attacked by militants from the left-wing of the Labour Party. As you will see, they threw flour bombs, but he handled it with great aplomb. [Recording plays] I think that conveys something of the flavour of Labour Party disputes in the 1970s! I wonder how many listening to Roy Jenkins would have been able to guess that he was of Welsh origin. Someone once said to Aneurin Bevan that they did not think Roy Jenkins was ambitious. “Not ambitious?!” Bevan replied.