LION Subject Matter

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

LION Subject Matter LION Subject matter : Lion Keywords: Lion; Physiologus ; Bestiary; king; Marcus Summary : the lion is a type of feline and it is one of most depicted animals in art throughout history. It is an icon present in all cultures, carrying values of power, strength, courage, dignity or royalty, and it was adopted either in secular as well as in religious contexts. In the medieval world, from a semantic point of view, the lion presents an ambivalent nature, because it can embody opposing positive and negative values. The roots of this double symbolism are present in the authors of Antiquity and the Bible, who claimed, on the one hand, that Christ was “the Lion of Judah” and then compared the lion, on the other hand, to the Antichrist. It has, therefore, a clear Christological dimension enhanced by the exegetes and Christian zoological literature. It is also the symbol of Saint Mark 1 and it accompanies the Maiestas Domini representations as part of the Tetramorphs. The lion is one of the guardian animals par excellence. The lion shape is also a constant resource in political symbolism and the emblems of war. It supplements the image of power and its presence extends to areas as diverse as astrology, embodying the constellation Leo. As in the West, the lion is a common motif in the iconography of power of the Islamic world, and symbolizes courage, strength and royal magnanimity 2. The lion ends up being an attribute of characters, institutions, lineages, territories, etc. Attributes and types of representation : the distinctive features of the lion are its size, its powerful claws, its long tail and especially its hair. However, these elements are not always reflected in the images, which sometimes show a lack of precision which ends up generating confusion 3. Often the animal is stylized by the artist, who alters its real appearance: its body is stretched and deformed, its hair is reduced and it becomes merely a decorative element or it is hypertrophied, as it occurs with its tail. Several factors take part in these changes: conventional designs associated to the absence of a real model, an interest for abstraction, the lack of skill of the artist, etc. From an iconographic perspective, the presence or absence of hair does not always mean sexual differentiation. Due to the influence of sumptuary or luxury goods, especially textiles, it is usual to find the image of the lion in duplicate, such as in pairs facing a tree or another item that functions as an axis of symmetry. This pattern of representation was transmitted to Romanesque sculpture, which adapted it to the surface of the capital in arrangements like that of the couple of felines who share the same head. The rampant position is characteristic of heraldry. In the late medieval period the lion may appear crowned, showing its sovereign status within the animal world. Following this idea, the lion can present other regalia such as the mantle or 1 Its lion-like appearance is inspired by the visions of Ezekiel and Daniel and by the Apocalypse: Ez. 1, 10; Dan. 7, 4; Rev. 4, 7. 2 CHEBEL, Malek (1995): “Lion”, Dictionnaire des symboles musulmans. Rites, mystique et civilisation , Paris, Albin Michel, p. 246. 3 The textual and iconic boundaries of its depiction have been pointed out by BRETÈQUE, François de la (1985): “Image d’un animal: le lion. Sa définition et ses ‘limites’, dans les textes et l’iconographie (XI e-XIV e siècle)”, Le monde animal et ses représentations au Moyen-Âge (XI e-XV e siècles) , Toulouse, Université de Toulouse-Le Mirail, pp. 143-154. the rod, as shown in the images of the Roman de Renart , where it also adopts the body language of royal authority. The image of the lion may appear isolated, as an independent motif, or in narrative contexts. In this sense, it appears in certain biblical episodes where it becomes the protagonist, and it is also present in numerous fables (like the Roman de Renart ), meetings with individuals (such as the lion whose wound was healed by Saint Jerome) and struggles that face the lion with the humans or with other beasts (like Hercules and the Nemean lion, the lions who eat men, lion hunters, etc..). Written sources : the Bible, which mentions the lion 157 times 4, presents an ambivalent image of the animal. In the Psalms (Ps. 7, 3; Ps. 9, 9; Ps. 22, 13. 21; Ps. 56, 5; Ps. 90, 13 5) or in other passages such as 2 Tim. 4, 17 the lion is a creature who is clearly hostile and dangerous. The feline is the protagonist in some famous passages from the Old Testament, such as the punishment of Daniel in the den (http://www.ucm.es/centros/cont/descargas/documento19546.pdf ) or the confrontations of David and Samson with lions (for more information see http://www.ucm.es/centros/cont/descargas/documento19207.pdf ). In these three cases the animal has a negative connotation, and this will be the dominant symbolism of the lion in the biblical texts and the exegesis of the Church Fathers: a fearing and violent being, who embodies the forces of evil and becomes the image of the devil, as recalled by Saint Peter in one of his letters: “Be alert and of sober mind. Your enemy the devil prowls around like a roaring lion looking for someone to devour” (1 Pet. 5, 8). Nevertheless, the Bible also provides a positive vision of the lion. Not in vain is Christ hailed as “Lion of Judah” in Revelation: “See, the Lion of the tribe of Judah, the Root of David, has triumphed” (Rev. 5, 5). The lion is recognized as the strong and courageous animal par excellence and the emblem of the lineage of Judah in the Old Testament (Gen. 49, 9; Nm. 24, 9, 2 Sam. 1, 23, 2 Mac 11, 11, Prov. 30, 30). That is why the Church Fathers such as Ambrose and Origen see the lion as prefiguring Christ. The image of the throne of Solomon guarded by lions as described in 1 Kings 10, 18-20, and 2 Chronicles. 9, 17-19 had a special prestige in medieval iconography, in which the lion was associated with the throne on many occasions 6. The animal literature is generous in references to the lion during the Middle Ages. Many of the statements referring to the feline repeated in the medieval period come from ancient authors like Aristotle, Aelian 7, Solinus 8, Pliny the Elder 9 or Horapollo 10 , subsequently taken 4 PASTOUREAU, Michel (1985): “Quel est le roi des animaux”, Le monde animal et ses représentations au Moyen-Âge (XI e-XV e siècles) , Toulouse, Université de Toulouse-Le Mirail, p. 135, n. 9. 5 The lion is considered an enemy of the spiritual man when, according to this psalm, the feline and the dragon are represented trampled by the Savior. The quotation is discussed among others by St. Augustine (PL , XXXVII, col. 1168), Cassiodorus (PL , LXX, col. 654), the Glossa Ordinaria ( PL , CXIII, col. 1000), Bruno of Asti (PL , CLXIV, col. 1055), Saint Bernard (PL , CLXXXIII, col. 242), and Peter Lombard (PL , CXCI, col. 853). These authors identify the lion of the psalm as the one who killed the martyrs, and even as the devil. Unless otherwise stated, quotations from the Patrologia Latina used in the text are taken from FAVREAU, Robert (1991): “Le thème iconographique du lion dans les inscriptions médiévales”, Comptes rendus des séances de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres , año 1991, fasc. III, pp. 613-636. 6 GARCÍA GARCÍA, Francisco de Asís (2008): “El león y el trono en la iconografía medieval: imagen de poder y exégesis teológica”, CEHA. XVII Congrés Nacional d’Història de l’Art. Art i Memòria. Pre-Actes , pp. 282-284 [Available online: http://www.ub.edu/ceha-2008/pdfs/09-m04-s02-com_13-fag.pdf ] 7 De animalium natura , book V, chap. 39. 8 Polyhistor , XXVIII. 9 Historia naturalis , book VIII, chap. 19. up by Saint Isidore and Hraban Maur, among others. All of them describe carefully the animal and its characteristics. Saint Isidore recognizes him as “rex, eo quod princeps (…) omnium bestiarium,” 11 and is followed by Hraban Maur, who assimilates the lion to Christ 12 , and the De Bestiis attributed to Hugo of St. Victor 13 . The Physiologus , a 2 nd -3rd century alexandrine text translated into Latin in the 4 th century, formed the basis for Medieval Latin Bestiaries . These describe the different parts of the body of the lion: the head, where its ferocity lies; the neck and the hair; the chest, strong and powerful as opposed to the hindquarters, thin and weak (an antithesis which involves moral values of virtue and vulnerability); the feet, the claws, and finally the tail. Besides the physical features there are some behaviour or “natures” of the animal also mentioned, some of them already described in the zoological literature of antiquity. The Physiologus and the Bestiaries that were derived from it, interpret these “natures” in a moral and religious perspective full of Christological overtones 14 . The main characteristics, and those which had the greatest impact in the iconography of the lion, are: - when the lion is going to be hunted down, it erases its tracks or paw prints with its tail to distract its pursuers: a simile of the Incarnation, through which Christ “hided” his divine nature under human aspect. - when the lion sleeps it does it with alert open eyes: an idea of perpetual surveillance applied to Christ, who looks after those who are with him 15 , and whose divinity was veiled in the grave while his human nature slept 16 .
Recommended publications
  • The Protrepticus of Clement of Alexandria: a Commentary
    Miguel Herrero de Jáuregui THE PROTREPTICUS OF CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA: A COMMENTARY to; ga;r yeu'do" ouj yilh'/ th'/ paraqevsei tajlhqou'" diaskedavnnutai, th'/ de; crhvsei th'" ajlhqeiva" ejkbiazovmenon fugadeuvetai. La falsedad no se dispersa por la simple comparación con la verdad, sino que la práctica de la verdad la fuerza a huir. Protréptico 8.77.3 PREFACIO Una tesis doctoral debe tratar de contribuir al avance del conocimiento humano en su disciplina, y la pretensión de que este comentario al Protréptico tenga la máxima utilidad posible me obliga a escribirla en inglés porque es la única lengua que hoy casi todos los interesados pueden leer. Pero no deja de ser extraño que en la casa de Nebrija se deje de lado la lengua castellana. La deuda que contraigo ahora con el español sólo se paliará si en el futuro puedo, en compensación, “dar a los hombres de mi lengua obras en que mejor puedan emplear su ocio”. Empiezo ahora a saldarla, empleándola para estos agradecimientos, breves en extensión pero no en sinceridad. Mi gratitud va, en primer lugar, al Cardenal Don Gil Álvarez de Albornoz, fundador del Real Colegio de España, a cuya generosidad y previsión debo dos años provechosos y felices en Bolonia. Al Rector, José Guillermo García-Valdecasas, que administra la herencia de Albornoz con ejemplar dedicación, eficacia y amor a la casa. A todas las personas que trabajan en el Colegio y hacen que cumpla con creces los objetivos para los que se fundó. Y a mis compañeros bolonios durante estos dos años. Ha sido un honor muy grato disfrutar con todos ellos de la herencia albornociana.
    [Show full text]
  • The Mediaeval Bestiary and Its Textual Tradition
    THE MEDIAEVAL BESTIARY AND ITS TEXTUAL TRADITION Volume 1: Text Patricia Stewart A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 2012 Full metadata for this item is available in St Andrews Research Repository at: http://research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk/ Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3628 This item is protected by original copyright The Mediaeval Bestiary and its Textual Tradition Patricia Stewart This thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment for the degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 17th August, 2012 1. Candidate’s declarations: I, Patricia Stewart, hereby certify that this thesis, which is approximately 88 000 words in length, has been written by me, that it is the record of work carried out by me and that it has not been submitted in any previous application for a higher degree. I was admitted as a research student in September, 2007 and as a candidate for the degree of PhD in May, 2008; the higher study for which this is a record was carried out in the University of St Andrews between 2007 and 2012. Date 17th August, 2012 signature of candidate ……… 2. Supervisor’s declaration: I hereby certify that the candidate has fulfilled the conditions of the Resolution and Regulations appropriate for the degree of PhD in the University of St Andrews and that the candidate is qualified to submit this thesis in application for that degree. Date 17th August, 2012 signature of supervisor ……… 3. Permission for electronic publication: (to be signed by both candidate and supervisor) In submitting this thesis to the University of St Andrews I understand that I am giving permission for it to be made available for use in accordance with the regulations of the University Library for the time being in force, subject to any copyright vested in the work not being affected thereby.
    [Show full text]
  • An Account of the Μυρµηκολέων Or Ant-Lion
    An account of the Μυρµηκολέων or Ant-lion By GEORGE C. DRUCE, F.S.A. Originally published in The Antiquaries Journal (Society of Antiquaries of London) Volume III, Number 4, October 1923 Pages 347-364 Version 2 August 2004 Introduction to the Digital Edition This text was prepared for digital publication by David Badke in October, 2003. It was scanned from the original text. Version 2, with corrected Druce biography, was produced in August, 2004. Author: George Claridge Druce was born in Surrey, England and lived there and at Wimbledon until 1923, when he retired from managing a distillery company and moved to Cranbrook, Kent. He was a member of the Kent Archaeological Society from 1909, as Secretary from 1925 to 1935 and then Vice-President until his death. He was a member of the Royal Archaeological Institute (1903-48, Council member 1921-28) and of the British Archaeological Association, joining in 1920, serving on its Council 1921-38 and then as Vice President (1938-48). He was elected a Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries (F.S.A.) of London in 1912 and served on its Council 1923-6. Druce travelled extensively (by bicycle) with his camera, and built up a unique collection of photographs and glass lantern slides, which in 1947 he presented to the Courtauld Institute in London. Although interested in almost all branches of antiquarian study, he specialized in the study of the bestiary genre, and was widely recognized as an authority on the influence of bestiaries on ecclesiastical sculpture and wood carving. He also studied manuscripts both in England and elsewhere.
    [Show full text]
  • Byzantium and France: the Twelfth Century Renaissance and the Birth of the Medieval Romance
    University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 12-1992 Byzantium and France: the Twelfth Century Renaissance and the Birth of the Medieval Romance Leon Stratikis University of Tennessee - Knoxville Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss Part of the Modern Languages Commons Recommended Citation Stratikis, Leon, "Byzantium and France: the Twelfth Century Renaissance and the Birth of the Medieval Romance. " PhD diss., University of Tennessee, 1992. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss/2521 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a dissertation written by Leon Stratikis entitled "Byzantium and France: the Twelfth Century Renaissance and the Birth of the Medieval Romance." I have examined the final electronic copy of this dissertation for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, with a major in Modern Foreign Languages. Paul Barrette, Major Professor We have read this dissertation and recommend its acceptance: James E. Shelton, Patrick Brady, Bryant Creel, Thomas Heffernan Accepted for the Council: Carolyn R. Hodges Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a dissertation by Leon Stratikis entitled Byzantium and France: the Twelfth Century Renaissance and the Birth of the Medieval Romance.
    [Show full text]
  • Spreading Bulgarian Medieval Manuscripts with Natural Science Content in Wallachia and Moldavia
    SPREADING BULGARIAN MEDIEVAL MANUSCRIPTS WITH NATURAL SCIENCE CONTENT IN WALLACHIA AND MOLDAVIA Tsvetana Cholova New Bulgarian University, Sofia [email protected] Rezumat: Filosofia medievală bulgară şi ştiinţele naturale au avut o importanţă majo- ră pentru dezvoltarea ştiinţelor naturale ale slavilor ortodocşi şi in ţările balcanice: Serbia, Rusia, Ţara Românească şi Moldova. După cucerirea otomană a Bulgariei, multe manuscrise bulgăreşti valoroase au fost scoase din ţară, iar mulţi savanţi, grămătici şi clerici bulgari au fost trimişi în exil. Acest articol prezintă răspândirea ştiinţelor naturale în principatele Ţara Românească şi Moldova prin intermediul manuscriselor şi lucrărilor traduse din limbile greacă şi bulgară, precum Physiologus", Hexaemeronul lui Severianus de Cabala, Miscelaneumul lui Simeon (Izbornik Svyatoslava, 1073), Erotapokriseis etc. Abstract: Bulgarian medieval Philosophy and Natural Sciences were of great signifi- cance for the development of the natural sciences of the Orthodox Slavs and in the Balkan countries: Serbia, Russia, Wallachia and Moldavia. After the Ottoman conquest of Bulgaria, many valuable Bulgarian manuscripts were taken out of the country and many Bulgarian scholars, grammarians and clergymen were sent into exile. This article presents the spread of the natural sciences in the Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia by the preserved manu- scripts and translations of Greek and Bulgarian works, such as “Physiologus”, “Hexaemer- on” by Severianus of Cabala, Symeon’s “Miscellany”, (“Izbornik Svyatoslava” 1073), Erotapokriseis, etc. Résumé: La philosophie médiévale bulgare et les sciences naturelles eurent une impor- tance majeure dans le développement des sciences naturelles des Slaves orthodoxes et dans les pays balkaniques: la Serbie, la Russie, la Valachie et la Moldavie. Après la conquête otto- mane de la Bulgarie, plusieurs manuscrits bulgares valeureux furent emmenés du pays, pen- dant que plusieurs savants, grammairiens et clercs bulgares furent envoyés à l’exil.
    [Show full text]
  • Crossing Paths in the Middle Ages: the Physiologus in Iceland
    VITTORIA DOLCETTI CORAZZA (Università degli Studi di Torino) Crossing paths in the Middle Ages: the Physiologus in Iceland Summary. The Physiologus, originally written down in Alexandria, Egypt, be- tween the end of the second and the beginning of the third century A.D., became one of the most popular handbooks of the Middle Ages since its material dealing with real and imaginary animals, plants and stones, could be constantly manipulated to suit audiences and employed in instructing Christian believers. The two Icelandic fragments, conventionally called Physiologus A and Physiologus B, are independent of each other and seem to have been written in about 1200. Scholars agree in thinking that their source is to be found in the Latin version con- ventionally called Versio B. Although this statement is true in a general sense, it acts as a screen which hides a much more complex reality: textual and iconographic fea- tures give evidence of their derivation from models whose origins lie in England. Moreover the analysis of the chapters dealing with onocentaurs highlights that the two Icelandic Physiologi, in which tradition and innovation mingle profoundly with each other, are original manipulations of the ancient matter. While preparing for this Conference, it gave me great pleasure to reflect once more on the Icelandic Physiologi in order to be able to follow the paths that lead to this garden more precisely. I like to preserve the pleasant image of the Conference’s title because it is in real accordance with the texts I shall examine here: the Physiologus too may be considered “un giardino (pieno di sterpi pungenti) dove si incrociano i sentieri del Testo e dell’Immaginario”, as Corrado Bologna1 writes referring to Liber monstrorum de diversis generibus.
    [Show full text]
  • Jared Beverly -- the Zoological Imagination of Early Christians
    H U M a N I M A L I A 11:2 Reviews Jared Beverly The Zoological Imagination of Early Christians Patricia Cox Miller. In the Eye of the Animal: Zoological Imagination in Ancient Christianity. DIVINATIONS: REREADING LATE ANCIENT RELIGION. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2018. 280 pp. $79.95. Patricia Cox Miller’s In the Eye of the Animal adds nuance to the common picture of ancient Christian rhetoric as wholly anthropocentric and hostile toward nonhuman animals. She engages a number of ancient Christian writers, including Augustine, Origen, Gregory of Nyssa, and Basil of Caesarea, as well as anonymous texts such as the Physiologus. She provides close readings of short passages from these sources, noting where and how they treat the topic of animals. Contemporary critical animal studies provides a helpful partner as she re-interprets her texts, drawing especially on Jean- Christophe Bailly, with other thinkers like Jacques Derrida, Alice Kuzniar, Maurice Merleau-Ponty, and Jane Bennett making appearances too. The book consists of an introduction, five body chapters, and an afterword. Eleven images of animals in 199 (mostly) ancient art appear throughout the text, though the table of contents regrettably lacks a list of these figures. The endmatter contains a helpful appendix with brief biographical information for the ancient Christian authors Miller discusses, in addition to endnotes, a bibliography (divided between ancient and modern works), and a detailed index. Miller lays out her main argument in the introduction. Ancient Christian writers undoubtedly spoke pejoratively about nonhuman animals; they often relied on and advanced a “rhetoric of domination and superiority [that] relies on an animal-human binary that privileges difference rather than similarity” (4).
    [Show full text]
  • The Unicorn Tapestries: Religion, Mythology, and Sexuality in Late Medieval Europe
    The Unicorn Tapestries: Religion, Mythology, and Sexuality in Late Medieval Europe The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Pansini, Stephanie Rianne. 2020. The Unicorn Tapestries: Religion, Mythology, and Sexuality in Late Medieval Europe. Master's thesis, Harvard University Division of Continuing Education. Citable link https://nrs.harvard.edu/URN-3:HUL.INSTREPOS:37367690 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA The Unicorn Tapestries: Religion, Mythology, and Sexuality in Late Medieval Europe Stephanie Rianne Pansini A Thesis in the Field of Anthropology & Archaeology for the Degree of Master of Liberal Arts in Extension Studies Harvard University March 2021 Copyright 2021 Stephanie Rianne Pansini Abstract The Unicorn Tapestries are a set of seven tapestries, located at the Metropolitan Museum of Art’s Cloisters in New York, of Parisian design and woven in the Southern Netherlands in the late Middle Ages. It has baffled scholars for decades. These tapestries are shrouded in mystery, especially considering their commissioner, narratives, and sequence of hanging. However, for whom and how they were made is of little importance for this study. The most crucial question to be asked is: why the unicorn? What was the significance of the unicorn during the late Middle Ages? The goal of this thesis is to explore the evolution of the unicorn throughout the Middle Ages as well as important monarchal figures and central themes of aristocratic society during the period in which the tapestries were woven.
    [Show full text]
  • The Physiologus and the Christian Fish Symbol. 407
    : THE PHYSIOLOGUS AND THE CHRISTIAN FISH SYMBOL/ BY RICHARD GARBE. UNDER the title $vo-toAoyos a small work on Christian zoology, or rather animal symbolism, was written in Alexandria in the first qnarter of the second century. In it are enumerated the prop- erties of a large number of real and fabulous animals and also of some trees and stones, and these are assigned either to Christ or to the devil and held up before the people as examples to be imitated or avoided. This curious little work which contains old nature lore and old nature fables in a Christian setting found a wide circulation in the Christian world. It was translated into Ethiopian, Armenian, Syriac and Arabic, and in Europe was worked over in the Middle Ages in a number of Latin versions which were carried over into the languages of most of the Germanic and Romance nations. The animal symbolism of medieval composition and graphic art which is so singularly delightful to us, had its origin in the Physiologus. In the Greek original of this book the following Indian ele- ments have been discovered, though to be sure the one to be treated first is not quite convincing. In the second chapter it is specified as the third characteristic of the lion that his young are born dead and are awakened to life on the third day by a roar from their father: thus did God also on the third day awaken his son Jesus Christ from the ^ Translated by Lydia G. Robinson from the author's Indien und das Christentum (Tubingen, J.
    [Show full text]
  • CMH #27 Saved
    Cyrillic Manuscript Heritage Volume 29 June 2011 The Ohio State THE HILANDAR RESEARCH LIBRARY Columbus University THE RESOURCE CENTER FOR MEDIEVAL SLAVIC STUDIES Ohio Historic Visit of Archimandrite Metodije – Father Abbot of Hilandar Monastery On 27 December 2010, Archimandrite manuscripts, and through this work, the Metodije, Father Abbot of Hilandar Mon- potential for preservation and the creation astery on the Holy Mount, Greece, made of wider access to their cultural heritage. a visit to the Hilandar Research Library, Ultimately, the elders’ letter and invitation that “idea and seed” fostered by the mon- led to the establishment of both the Hilan- astery that, in truth, found fruitful soil here dar Research Library and the Resource at The Ohio State University. Remarkably, Center for Medieval Slavic Studies at OSU. the Abbot’s visit came almost forty-one This could not have been accomplished Photo by Helene Senecal years to the day that my father, the V. Rev. without my father’s efforts, as well as the Dr. Mateja Matejic, first set out for Mount vision and support of Leon I. Twarog and Athos and Hilandar Monastery. William J. Studer, among others at Ohio State. It also needed the commitment of Distinguished guests Father Abbot, many Serbian-American and other donors, Fr. Loncˇar and Mr. Randji‹ view as well as the continuing support of the HRL materials University. Abbot Metodije was accompanied by Heirodeacon Arsenije, also of Hilandar INSIDE FEATURES Monastery and Mr. Milivoj Randji‹, CEO Photo by Helene Senecal of the “Foundation of The Holy Monas- tery Hilandar” in Belgrade, Serbia. They Director’s Desk – Page 2 were driven to Columbus through the kind- ness of V.
    [Show full text]
  • The Education of a Byzantine Bestiarist
    What did the Quadrupeds Know And When Did They Know It: The Education Of A Byzantine Bestiarist Nick Nicholas Linguistics & Applied Linguistics, University of Melbourne [email protected] 1. Entertaining Tale of Quadrupeds • Late mediaeval vernacular Greek work • Anonymous (like most works of its kind not written under Western dominion) Prologue contains acrostic ∆ΙΟΓΕΝΟΥΣ ‘Diogenes’—which may be spurious. • Internally dated to 15 September 1364 (not 1365!), though date could be conventional. Tˆ „jåkiq xiliostˆ πktakosiostˆ te kaÁ prØq tÅ „bdom¸konta kaÁ “llÛ trºtÛ ‘tei, mhnØq to† Septembrºoy te t∂q p™nte kaÁ dekåthq ∏mo† pånta syn¸xuhsan tÅ tetråpoda zˆa It was in 6873, and on the fifteenth of the month September, that all the animals did make assembly (Tale 11–14) • Five manuscripts: 1461–1625 • Three modern editions (Wagner 1874, Tsiouni 1972, Papathomopoulos 2002), translated into Russian (Šandrovskaja 1956), English (Nicholas & Baloglou 2003) Animal convention: King Lion convenes conference to have all animals trade witty words, and come to see the merit and the faults of each apart. (65–66) Animals enumerate their virtues and each other’s faults, escalating from rat to elephant. Elephant is derided by Monkey, whereupon Lion breaks truce, declares war between carnivores and herbivores. Seldom noted: the herbivores win. ( ) Tale directly related to Book of Birds ΠουλολOγος (Tsavare 1987): slightly earlier, wild vs. domestic birds. Different tenor: much more symmetrical and polished, but cryptic. Eagle has only to threaten force, and birds comply. (In one redaction, influenced by Tale, birds revolt.) Much speculation on whether hidden message concealed. Book of Birds encourages this: anthropomorphism, stories, allusions.
    [Show full text]
  • Medical Lore in the Bestiaries*
    MEDICAL LORE IN THE BESTIARIES* by THOMAS R. FORBES SoME time in the first part of the Christian era, perhaps as early as the second century, there emerged a curious collection of zoological fables and religious moralizations called Physiologus."5 It may have begun as a group of tales about animals and their attributes. The number of different creatures originally was about forty.'67 The Physiologus was copied repeatedly and, in time, was greatly expanded, clerical com- pilers adding to the moralizations, which became more and more elaborate-and lengthy. Because such a manuscript was a kind of 'book of beasts', it acquired the name bestiarium or bestiary. Physicians took a hand with it, which was not surprising, since in the Middle Ages educated medical men were also clerics.57 They were familiar with the ideas of Pliny, Solinus, Placitus Sextus, Isidore, and others about animals, their habits, and the supposed virtues of animal preparations in medicine. As a result, some of the special curative powers described by classical authors were gradually attributed to certain of the bestiary animals.** Finally the moralizations disappeared from the bestiaries and there was left a welter of fact and fiction, hearsay and imagination, about a whole zoological garden of real and supposed creatures ranging from ants to dragons to elephants, as well as about healing plants and stones. From all this eventually emerged, thanks to the labours of indefatigable if credulous encyclopedists, the first zoology books since the classical period. Such, for example, were the De animalibus of Albertus Magnus in the thirteenth century, the Buch der Natur of Conrad von Megenberg in the fourteenth century, and Conrad Gesner's Historiae animalium in the sixteenth century.1'25"49 Authorities agree that the bestiaries were widely read.
    [Show full text]